Episode 143 Burgoyne’s Northern Army

Back in Episode 132, General Johnny Burgoyne got London’s approval to lead an Army south from Quebec to capture the Hudson Valley, Albany, and link up with the larger army in New York City. General Burgoyne arrived in Quebec May 6, 1777.  From there, he traveled upriver to Montreal where he met with the Commanding General in Canada, Sir Guy Carleton.

Burgoyne had quite a few general officers serving under him for this mission.  Today I want to introduce a few of those who became key members of what would become known as the Saratoga Campaign.

Simon Fraser

The first is Simon Fraser.  General Fraser came from a Scottish clan with a long military history.  Most of the clan was either executed or had its land seized for participation in the Jacobite Uprising and fighting the English at the Battle of Culloden in 1746.  It is not clear if Fraser fought at Culloden.  If he did, it is not something he would want people to know about.

Simon Fraser
(from Outlander Fandom)

He obtained a commission in the Dutch Army a short time later as part of the Scots Brigade.  This is just my speculation, but he may have been able to escape the battle and, along with many of his fellow Scots, and joined a foreign army as a means of starting a new life. That same year, he was wounded in battle at Bergen-op-Zoom against the French during the War of Austrian Succession.

Like many other Scots on the losing side of the Jacobite Uprising, Fraser returned to Britain after some time abroad and joined the British Army, probably in part to help rebuild the Fraser name.  He received a lieutenant’s commission in 1755 and soon left from America.  There, he served under his uncle Colonel Simon Fraser.  He distinguished himself at the Siege of Louisbourg in 1757 and was promoted to captain.  He fought with General Wolfe at the Siege of Quebec (see Episode 13).

After the British secured Canada, Fraser continued his service in the Seven Years War by serving under Ferdinand of Brunswick, in what is today Germany.  His service allowed him to advance to major and then lieutenant colonel by the end of the war.  After that, he served at Gibraltar for a time, then moved to Ireland.  In 1770 he served as Quartermaster General of Ireland, and there developed a friendship with General Johnny Burgoyne.

When Burgoyne prepared his 1776 invasion of New York, he requested that Irish regiments under Colonel Fraser be a part of his army.  As you may recall from back in Episode 95, Fraser played an active role in expelling the Continentals from Canada at the Battle of Three Rivers.  Carleton granted Fraser a field promotion to brigadier general so that he could command the multiple regiments involved in the fighting.  Following Three Rivers, Fraser continued his service as a brigadier general in America.

Fraser also led his forces down Lake Champlain later that year.  Following the battle of Valcour Island, his army moved within sight of Fort Ticonderoga, only for General Carleton to declare it was too late in the season and that the army would pull back to Canada. Fraser shared the frustration of many officers that they did not take Ticonderoga then.

As the 1777 campaign began, Burgoyne returned from London to Canada with clear authority to assume command of the New York invasion and to leave Carleton in Canada.  Burgoyne tapped Fraser to be one of his top field commanders.

Baron von Riedesel

Burgoyne’s other key general was Friedrich Adolf von Riedesel.  He commanded the regiments of Brunswickers who the British had hired to supplement the regulars in Canada.  Again, although they are from Brunswick, I’m going to refer to them as use the generic term German for the sake of simplicity.  I may also slip up and occasionally call them Hessians.  But most of the German-speaking soldiers in the northern army were from Brunswick.

Riedesel was the second son of a Baron.  In the German tradition, he would use the title of Baron like his father, but would not inherit any estates.  His father wanted him to study law.  He began legal studies, but grew bored and instead took a commission in the army at age 17.  His father was outraged at this decision and cut him off from all financial assistance.  Over time though, father and son would reconcile.  Riedesel soon began to receive his allowance again, which allowed him to live in proper the proper style of a gentleman.

Friedrich Riedesel (1796)
(from Wikimedia)

Ensign Riedesel’s first appointment in 1755 was to London, where he began to learn English and French . The following year though, the Seven Years War required his return to the continent.  Riedesel served as an aide to Ferdinand of Brunswick.  For his conspicuous service at the Battle of Minden, Riedesel received a promotion to captain of cavalry.  Riedesel continued to serve under Ferdinand of Brunswick when Simon Fraser joined the staff in 1760 or 61.  The two young men were certainly aware of each other, although it is not clear if they got to know each other very well at that time.

In 1762, Riedesel suffered a battle injury which required temporary leave so that he could recover.  While he was not well enough to fight, he was well enough to woo and marry Frederica Von Massow, the daughter of the Brunswick Commissary General.  Riedesel returned to duty.  But by the time he did, the war had ended.

In 1767, his regiment disbanded.  Riedesel became Adjutant General of the Brunswick Army.  In 1772, he was promoted to colonel.  When Britain came looking to rent an army in 1776, the Duke of Brunswick made a deal to send about 4300 men to America.  He promoted Riedesel to major general and gave him command of the army.

Riedesel’s  Brunswickers arrived in Quebec in June 1776, only a few days before the Battle at Three Rivers.  The arrival of these German reinforcements is what convinced the Continentals to abandon Sorel and retreat back into New York.  Riedesel’s men later worked with the British in the advance that resulted in the Battle of Valcour Island.

As General Burgoyne prepared his New York campaign, he would rely on General Riedesel to command the Germans that made up nearly half of Burgoyne’s army.

William Phillips

Major General William Phillips had a rather unusual background for a general.  He was not of noble birth.  In fact, we don’t even know the month or day he was born.  Records just show that he was born probably in 1731.  His grandfather, Thomas Phillips was an army captain.  His father, known only at T.C. Phillips was thought to be an officer as well, but we really don’t know.  His mother, Catherine Brudenell was the daughter and sister of two British generals both named Thomas Brudenell.  It is likely from them that young William got his start in life.  As a commoner with no real money behind him, his chances of going far as an army officer were slim.

Instead, at around age 15, he enrolled in the new Woolwich Military Academy, which had only been in existence for a few years.  The Board of Ordnance had created it in 1741 to help train artillery officers.  Training in artillery and engineering were probably the best bet for an aspiring officer who did not have money or family name behind him.

William Phillips
(from Wikimedia)

During the Seven Years War, Phillips served with distinction, noted for his ingenuity and bravery at several battles, including Minden and Warburg.  He rose to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery.  After the war, he became Inspector General of the Artillery, then as Commander of Artillery at the artillery school at Woolwich.  In 1772, received promotion to Colonel and became Lieutenant Governor of Windsor Castle.

In 1774, he was elected as a Member of Parliament.  Phillips had made some important friends via the army, including General Henry Clinton, who helped Phillips to win a seat in the House of Commons. In the spring of 1776, Colonel Phillips sailed with General Burgoyne for America.  These were the first British reinforcements that pushed the Americans out of Canada.

During this time period, and until 1855, artillery was not actually run by the British War Office.  Artillery officers did not buy their ranks like those in the infantry and cavalry.  They received promotion, ostensibly on merit and seniority, but connections didn’t hurt.  The Board of Ordnance ran the artillery and was responsible for promotions.  So, artillery officers almost never had any noble pedigree and were looked down upon by the infantry and cavalry as essentially support staff.

The Board of Ordnance worked closely with the army, being responsible for things like the production of arms and powder and the maintenance of forts and military barracks.  But as I said, the Board and the War Department were separate political entities within the British government. So, here is where I start to get confused.  Several sources I’ve read that artillery officers had no authority to give commands to infantry or cavalry officers in the field, or at least that they were not to be given general commands over armies in the field.

General Guy Carleton, with the agreement of General Burgoyne, issued several commands to various officers in preparations for the New York campaign.  The term we usually find is “general in America.”  These were temporary ranks to make a colonel a temporary general for purposes of commanding several regiments, or for other junior officers to step up in rank temporarily for some limited period to meet the needs of the army.

General Carleton named Phillips to be a “major general in America” second in command of the expedition, below only General Burgoyne in rank.  Apparently this commission caused great concern back in London.  Lord Germain wrote to Carleton in late 1776 that the use of an artillery officer was not customary and that, although he was willing to let Phillips continue in this role for the time, that it should not be considered precedential.

I guess it says something about the respect that top generals had for Phillips that they were willing to break with custom and precedent to give him a top command in the expedition.  Burgoyne, however, had to make clear in his standing orders that infantry and cavalry officers were to obey the orders of General Phillips as a superior officer, something that was apparently at least in question without such orders.

Barry St. Leger

Barry St. Leger
(from Wikimedia)

Another commander that was a part of this campaign was Barrimore Matthew St. Leger, known as Barry at lieutenant colonel who received a temporary bump to “brigadier general in America” for the campaign.  St. Leger was born in Ireland to a noble Protestant family.  As a younger son, he would not inherit land or title and took up a career in the army.  He attended Eton and Cambridge, before joining the army as an ensign at the beginning of the Seven Years War.

St. Leger served well during the war, participating in most of the important battles in Canada, the Siege of Louisburg, the Capture of Quebec, and the campaign to capture Montreal.  He rose to the rank of major by the end of the war.  His experience fighting in the area and his expertise in fighting what the British called “Indian style” warfare made him an ideal candidate for a command position.  St. Leger had become a lieutenant colonel by the beginning of the Revolution and Carleton granted him a temporary command of brigadier general in America.

On top of that, Burgoyne granted St. Leger and independent command as part of the campaign.  While Burgoyne would lead the main army straight down Lake Champlain headed directly south toward Albany, St. Leger would take another force of about 2000 men up the St. Lawrence river to Lake Ontario.  He would then proceed east following the Mohawk River toward Albany.  This would force the American defenders to divide their forces and defend against two armies coming at them from different directions.

Burgoyne’s Army

British regulars and the Hessians made up the bulk of Burgoyne’s invasion force.  Burgoyne also had two regiments of British militia, the King’s Royal Regiment and the Queen’s Rangers.  These were primarily English speaking Canadians or Loyalists from New York.  Although London expected Burgoyne to supplement his army with local loyalists, it appears only about 250 joined his expedition.

In addition, about 400 native american warriors joined Burgoyne's expedition.  The local Iroquois tribes had determined that they would remain neutral in this conflict.  The British recruited tribes that lived further north and west in Canada. British records do not make clear exactly which tribes participated.  British Indian agents spread the word that the army was looking for support, and that warriors from various tribes turned out to fight.  Supporting the British army meant a chance for plunder.  It also meant improved relations with the king, which could lead to better protection of their lands or more gifts from the government in the future.  Among the warriors were some Iroquois who ignored the confederation’s official neutrality.  The majority came from the Algonquin, Abanaki, and Ottawa tribes.  Some warriors had come from hundreds of miles away to join the expedition.

The native auxiliaries were considered an important part of the mission, despite relatively small numbers. They served as scouts and typically controlled the woods around the main column.  This prevented spies or skirmishers from the enemy getting too close to the main column of soldiers.  Native warriors with a reputation for savagery often struck fear into the enemy.

Burgoyne felt it necessary to hold a meeting with the warriors to make clear that they would have to follow rules about not scalping living prisoners or wounded enemy on the field, and not looting the homes of loyalists in the region.  His speech later became the butt of jokes in London as a member of Parliament suggested that maybe they should release lions from the London zoo and ask them not to attack any people while they roamed the streets.

In total, Burgoyne’s command was a substantial one.  I’ve seen contradictory evidence of the exact size, but it appears to have included over 4000 regulars, over 3000 German mercenaries, about 250 local loyalist militia, 400-500 Indians, a few hundred French speaking draftees who primarily assisted with moving equipment and other basic labor functions.  There were also nearly 1000 camp followers, that is women and children related to the officers and men.  Typically these women performed nursing and laundress duties for the army.  Burgoyne also took a pretty substantial artillery complement of at least 32 cannon, morters, and howitzers.  Two of them were 24 pounders, which are much larger than guns that are usually taken into the field.

In addition to the force led by Burgoyne, St. Leger’s independent command consisted of about 2000 men.  About half of these were Indians, who it was thought would be more effective in the lengthy wilderness march.  There were only about 200 regulars and another 100 Hessian jaegers.  The remaining six or seven hundred were local Tories and Canadian militia.  St. Leger also took about forty artilleryman with four small field cannon and a couple of mortars.

The Mission

General Burgoyne moved his force to St. Jean, also called St. John’s, at the northern tip of Lake Champlain, where General Carleton had launched his fleet the year before.  The force would move down Lake Champlain to Fort Crown and Fort Ticonderoga where they would defeat the American defenders.  Unlike the previous year, there would be no American fleet on Lake Champlain to slow up the advance. From there, the army would move down the Hudson River toward Albany.

Planned invations routes (From Revolutionary War)

There, the main army would link up with General St. Leger’s secondary force which would have taken Fort Stanwix and then traveled across the Mohawk Valley to reach Albany from the west.  At the same time, these two armies would meet up with General Howe’s Army which would move from New York City, up the Hudson Valley to Albany from the south.  Once that was complete, Burgoyne would come under the command of General Howe and would take orders from him.

Years later, a famous Prussian Field Marshal would note that no battle plan ever survives first contact with the enemy.  And as we will see in coming episodes, that is certainly true with these plans.  However, as I mentioned a few weeks ago when the British were coordinating plans for the 1777 campaign, it did not appear that all the military leaders even agreed on plans ahead of time.

General Carleton had been ticked off to learn that he would not be permitted to command the campaign himself.  He seems, though, to have done everything in his power to provide Burgoyne with everything he needed for the offensive.

General Howe in New York had absolutely zero interest in marching up the Hudson Valley to meet Burgoyne’s army in Albany.  Instead, he planned to leave New York City and head south to capture Philadelphia.

General Henry Clinton, who was left to babysit New York City with a few Hessians and local Tories was upset that he was not given the command that Burgoyne held, even though he was more senior.  He showed no interest in moving up the Hudson River either.  He was complaining that he barely had enough men to defend New York City if attacked.

The man who should have been coordinating all of this was Secretary of State Lord George Germain.  Historians criticize Germain for leaving his orders vague and for failing to order General Howe to support Burgoyne’s offensive from the south.  Germain signed off on Howe’s plans to attack Philadelphia, but simply noted that Howe should be sure to have that done early in the fighting season so that he could support Burgoyne near Albany later in the year.

Germain seemed to have no appreciation of the difficulties of marching armies through the wilderness of upstate New York, and the fact that these armies would not have large numbers of farms or towns to provide food and other necessities.  An army pushed hard in good weather might be able to march fifty miles on an open road in one day.  Marching through a forest, an army might be lucky if it could march five miles, and that was without even encountering the enemy.

Instead, Germain seemed inclined to believe the complaints of lower officers like Burgoyne that the lack of success up until this point had simply been the incompetence or caution of more senior officers like Carleton, Howe, and Clinton, and that more daring leadership would succeed where others had failed.  Of course Burgoyne put it in terms that were a little more respectful to his superiors, but that was the general impression that he gave Germain and others in London.  It was a common ploy for more junior officers who wanted to be given command opportunities over more senior ones.

Burgoyne started his campaign with fewer men than he had planned.  He also had fewer supplies and great difficulties trying to maintain supply lines between Canada and his army as it advanced south into New York.  This required large baggage trains for which the army had inadequate horses, wagons, and drivers to carry them.  It did not help that Burgoyne was bringing a large artillery train that included two twelve pounders and two twenty-four pounders.  These large guns were far heavier than most field guns which rarely rated higher than six pounders.

If Burgoyne had concerns about these limitations, he did not let it show to others.  He had a can do attitude and was going forward aggressively as he had promised officials in London.  By June 20, 1777 his army was ready to begin its move from St. Jean toward their first target: Fort Ticonderoga.

Next Week, the Americans at Fort Ticonderoga prepare to defend against the British offensive.

- - -

Next Episode 144 Defending Fort Ticonderoga

Previous Episode 142 Disease in the Revolution

Click here to donate

American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.

You may also donate via Venmo, Zelle, or popmoney (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)

Click here to see my Patreon Page

You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project. 

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Click here to go to my SubscribeStar Page






Further Reading

Websites

John Burgoyne: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/john-burgoyne

John Burgoyne Campaign to Saratoga: https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2015/12/18/john-burgoyne-campaign-to-saratoga

Hargreaves, Reginald “Burgoyne and America's Destiny” American Heritage Magazine, June 1956 Volume 7 Issue 4: https://www.americanheritage.com/burgoyne-and-americas-destiny

“Baroness On The Battlefield” American Heritage Magazine, Dec. 1964 Vol. 16 Issue 1: https://www.americanheritage.com/baroness-battlefield

Schenawolf, Harry “General Simon Fraser: England Lost an Army & Their Best Wilderness Warrior at Saratoga” Revolutionary War Journal, Oct 5, 2018:
http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/brigadier-general-simon-fraser-england-lost-an-army-their-best-wilderness-warrior-at-saratoga-includes-battles-of-three-rivers-hubbardton-freeman-farm-bemis-heights

General Friedrich Adolph Riedesel: https://www.riedesel.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/general1.pdf

William Phillips: https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/phillips-william

Barry St. Leger http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/st_leger_barrimore_matthew_4E.html

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Anbury, Thomas Travel through Various Parts of North America, Vol. 1, William Lane, 1789.

Bird, Harrison March To Saratoga General Burgoyne And The American Campaign 1777,
Oxford Univ. Press, 1963

Brandow, John H. The story of old Saratoga; the Burgoyne campaign, to which is added New York's share in the revolution, Brandow Printing, 1919.

Burgoyne, John Orderly book of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne : from his entry into the state of New York until his surrender at Saratoga, 16th Oct., 1777: from the original manuscript deposited at Washington's headquarters, Newburgh, N.Y., J. Munsell, 1860.


Burgoyne, John A Brief examination of the plan and conduct of the northern expedition in America, in 1777, T. Hookham, 1779.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website):.

Digby, William The British Invasion from the North: The Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1887.

Duncan, Francis History of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, Vol 1, J. Murray 1879.

Eelking, Max von, (translated by Stone, William L.) Memoirs of Major General Riedesel, Vol. 1, J. Munsell, 1868.

Hadden, James Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1884.

Hudleston, Francis J. Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne : misadventures of an English general in the Revolution, Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1927.

Luzader, John Decision on the Hudson, National Park Service, 1975.

Nickerson, Hoffman The Turning Point of the Revolution; or, Burgoyne in America, (Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1928 (Hathitrust.org).


Riedesel, Friederike Charlotte Luise, Freifrau von Letters and journals relating to the war of the American Revolution, and the capture of the German troops at Saratoga, Joel Munsell, 1867.

Walworth, Ellen H. Battles of Saratoga, 1777, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1891.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Davis, Robert P. Where a Man Can Go: Major General William Phillips, British Royal Artillery, 1731-1781, Greenwood Press, 1999.

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk, The Saratoga Campaign and the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2010

Luzader, John F. Saratoga: A Military History of the Decisive Campaign of the American Revolution, Casemate Publishers, 2008

Mintz, Max M. The Generals of Saratoga: John Burgoyne and Horatio Gates, Yale Univ. Press, 1990.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Episode 141 Congress Returns to Philadelphia

When we last left Congress in the winter of 1776-77, they had fled Philadelphia for Baltimore.  The British in New Jersey had threatened to take Philadelphia and the politicians did not want to be there if that happened.

General Washington, of course, eliminated that threat when he crossed the Delaware, captured the enemy at Trenton and Princeton, then forced the British and Hessians to pull back their front lines to the area of North Jersey around New York City.  With the threat removed, Congress returned to Philadelphia in March 1777.  Not everyone else returned though.  John Adams, in a letter to his wife, noted that “more than one half of the inhabitants removed themselves into the country.  Most of those who remained were Quakers" who Adams called “as dull as beetles.”

Debate on the Articles of Confederation

Although everyone expected that British would make another attempt on Philadelphia in the summer of 1777, for the moment there was no emergency.  Congress once again turned its attention to Articles of Confederation, a document that would authorize and define Congress’ authority to do anything.  They did not actually agree on much of anything, but did agree to devote at least two days each week to working out an agreeable plan.  By the end of April, they had agreed to three articles.  One which contained the name of the document, a second which affirmed that each of the separate states retained their sovereignty, and a third, to mutual defense of all states against any outside enemy.  In other words, fighting together in the war that they had already been fighting for two years.

The second article was the only one that proved contentious.  Congress had begun its debates using draft articles submitted by John Dickinson.  The Dickinson draft envisioned a more powerful national government that would handle most matters, leaving states only control over their internal affairs.  The delegates rejected this approach.  Instead, the majority viewed Congress as an international assembly of separate states.  They would work together for mutual defense.  They might unanimously agree to do some other things in cooperation, but there was no way a state could be forced by the others to do anything it did not want to do.

Over the next few months, the delegates debated what additional powers the states should give to the Congress, but could not agree on much of anything.  Once again the most contentious issues were over voting and representation, whether states should be represented by population or with equal representation for each state.  These debates pushed on for months, when in July, Congress once again voted to table debates on the Articles since they could not reach any consensus.  Congress would just continue to operate without any guiding document.

Flag Day

Congress took up other various matters on other issues during this same time.  On June 14, 1777, it passed a resolution saying “That the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation.”  That is why we celebrate Flag Day on June 14.

Hopkinson Flag (from Wikipedia)

Back in Episode 89, I talked about the story of Betsy Ross creating the first flag in May 1776.  I mentioned at the time that there was no good contemporary evidence of the Betsy Ross story being true.  The story comes from Ross family lore and was not written down until decades after all the contemporaries were dead.  It is still quite possible that the story is true.  The flag’s creation was not a momentous event that would necessarily be recorded at the time.  There was no record of it being flown at that time, and congress did not authorize as the official flag until 1777.

Congress’ main purpose for the resolution in 1777 was to create a standard ensign for naval ships.  It did not specify that the stars on the flag be put in a circle.  There are some flags from that time that have different star designs.  The first mention of the sight of the new flag came a few months later, in August 1777.  Making Flag Day a day of celebration did not become a thing until more than a century later, after the Civil War.

First Independence Day Celebration

Congress was ready for one celebration.  At the end of the day on July 2, Congress adjourned for two days to celebrate the first anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.  On July 4, 1777 Congress and all of Philadelphia celebrated.  Warships and gallies gathered at Philadelphia decorated in red, white and blue, and with streamers.  Each of the ships fired a thirteen gun volley in honor of the thirteen independent states.  A newspaper article reported that

The evening was closed with the ringing of bells, and at night there was a grand exhibition of fireworks, which began and concluded with thirteen rockets on the commons, and the city was beautifully illuminated. Every thing was conducted with the greatest order and decorum, and the face of joy and gladness was universal. Thus may the 4th of July, that glorious and ever memorable day, be celebrated through America, by the sons of freedom, from age to age till time shall be no more.

According to another report, a band made up of Hessian POWs from Trenton played for crowds in Philadelphia that day as well.

New Generals

Another contentious issue for Congress was the promotion of generals.  That spring, Congress commissioned a few more brigadier generals: George Clinton of New York, Edward Hand of Pennsylvania, Charles Scott of Virginia, Ebenezer Learned of Massachusetts, and Jedediah Huntington of Connecticut.

Gen. Edward Hand
(from Rock Ford Plantation)

During the Baltimore session, Congress had agreed to give primary consideration to three factors when promoting generals.  One was merit.  The second was seniority. The third was the numbers of troops supplied by each state.  In other words, a state that provided more soldiers to the army should get more general officers.  Of course, each of these were general factors, with no firm rule on how they should be applied or even how much weight each would be given.  So it really did not solve anything.

But whatever little value the resolution had got thrown out the window when French officers began to arrive with notes from the American Commissioners in Paris promising them commissions and officers in the Continental Army.  These men had no seniority, were not from any state that supplied troops, and whose merit was a matter of debate.  Most did not even speak English.  In March, after receiving word of dozens of French officers making their way to America, Congress passed a resolution saying that unless the officer had mastered English and had top recommendations, he would not be accepted.  The problem was, Congress could not simply anger French officers who had taken the trouble to come across the ocean to America with promises already made. Turning them away would possible ruin chances of forming a military alliance with France. In the spring of 1777 many of the French officers promised commissions as general or other high ranking officers arrived in America.

Up until this time the only French general in the Continental army was Mattias de Fermoy.  He was the soldier of fortune who somehow sailed to America from the French West Indies in late 1776.  To this day, we know nothing about his real background before coming to America.  He claimed to be a colonel of engineers in the French army, although there are no records of his service.  I mentioned him in Episode 125 when he commanded a small force near Trenton, and at the first sight of the enemy, ran away, abandoning his soldiers.  People were beginning to suspect he was a fraud, but for now was still serving.  Many by 1777 were ready to consider any Frenchmen claiming titles and experience to be imposters.

Conway and de Borre

Silas Deane, however, had already approved dozens of French officers to serve in America.  Many of them attempted to sail in December 1776 aboard the three ships that Deane and his French partner Beaumarchais had packed full of supplies and planned to sail out of La Havre.  I mentioned this back in Episode 115, when the British Ambassador Lord Stormont caught wind of the venture and forced foreign minister Vergennes to shut the whole thing down.  Only one ship got out, but it turned around and got blocked as well.

Most of the officers looked for another option.  The first one to make it successfully was Lieutenant Colonel Philippe Hubert Preudhomme de Borre.  He arrived in Portsmouth, NH on March 17, 1777 aboard the Mercure, one of Deane’s supply ships that was able to make its way to America.  In April, Congress approved de Borre’s commission, and backdated de Borre’s date of commision as brigadier to December 1, 1776.  This retroactively put him ahead of sixteen other brigadiers who had received commissions since then.

De Borre was almost 50 years old.  He had fought as a cavalry officer in the War of Austrian Succession, where he was badly wounded and lost the use of one hand.  Although still an active officer in the Seven Years War, there is no record of his active participation in any battles.  Before leaving for America, he was serving as an artillery brigadier, an area the Continentals needed experienced officers.  He took command of a brigade of mostly Maryland regiments, along with one from Quebec, which was made up of many French-speaking soldiers.

A month later, another of Deane’s supply ships, the Amphritrite, arrived in Portsmouth, this time carrying to men holding commissions as generals Thomas Conway as brigadier and Philippe Charles Tronson du Coudray as a major general. The Amphritrite was the ship that had gotten away in December, but then returned back to France a few days later.  It finally slipped out of France at the end of January, and made a difficult three month voyage to New Hampshire. The officers then made their way overland to Philadelphia to present their credentials.

Gen. Thomas Conway
(from Wikimedia)

I mentioned Conway last week when he commanded troops at the battle of Short Hills, but did not give any background on him at that time.  Conway was born an Irish Catholic.  His family moved to France when he was a child to escape the restrictions put on Catholics in Ireland.  Conway joined the French Army at age 14 in France’s Irish Brigade, a special group for Irish expats serving in France.  Through his service, he rose to the rank of colonel.  Because Conway was not only an experienced officer, but also spoke English, Congress approved his commission as brigadier in May, just a few weeks after his arrival.  Conway entered service as an infantry commander.

Coudray was another matter. Deane had offered him command of artillery and engineering for the Continental Army.  The current commander, General Henry Knox, made clear he that would resign from the army if Congress put him under the command of Coudray.  Congress spent most of the summer debating what to do with him.  Coudray busied himself by advising on the Delaware River defenses protecting Philadelphia from a naval invasion.

Finally in August, nearly four months after he arrived in America, Congress offered Coudray a commission as a major general, but with the understanding that he would not be part of the command structure.  Instead Congress created a new position of "Inspector General of Ordnance and Military Manufactories" where he could advise on matters, but not issue orders.  Coudray reluctantly accepted the position, figuring he could make his way into command after proving his worth in the field.

There were a bunch of other French officers I neglected to mention because even just limiting myself to naming the generals is throwing a bunch of names out that no one will remember.  I’ll make one exception to that rule and also note that Louis Duportail received a commission in July as a Continental colonel and commander of engineers.  I made an exception for him since he would be promoted to brigadier in a few months and has one of the longest and most successful roles of all the French officers in the Continental Army.  But Congress was also receiving dozens of French officers who had been promised commissions as colonels, majors and captains.

The French Keep Coming

While Congress was still deciding what to do, more than a dozen other French officers made it to Philadelphia holding promises of commissions granted by Silas Deane in Paris.  Three of the officers had been promised commissions as major generals.  Initially, Congress just said no.  They did not want more general officers who could not speak English.  That just created too many problems.

Gen. Johann de Kalb
(from Wikimedia)

The French officers persisted in making their case. One of the most persistent was the least experienced officer, the nineteen year old French captain named Gilbert du Motier.  Although the boy had no combat experience, he had been an officer since the age of thirteen when his family obtained a lieutenant’s commission.  Since his family was very well connected to the French King, Congress did not want to insult him.  Probably most importantly, he offered to serve without pay.  By the end of July, Congress opted to make this young man a major general in the Continental Army.  So du Motier, better known by his aristocratic title, the Marquis de Lafayette, received his commission on July 31, 1777.

With Lafayette were two more senior officers and would be major generals. General Johann De Kalb, a German-born officer in the French army, was the most senior officer to travel to America. He and Colonel Charles-Louis, vicomte de Mauroy both expected to be made major generals. Unlike Lafayette, both very much expected to get paid.  Instead, Congress dithered and left these men cooling their heels in Philadelphia for the rest of the summer.

I want to devote an entire episode to Lafayette’s backstory in a few weeks.  So I’ll get more into the story of these other men at that time.

Arnold Comes to Philadelphia

Congress took care of one other important piece of business regarding generals.  After receiving word of Benedict Arnold’s brave leadership during the Danbury Raid (see Episode 135), Congress finally promoted him to major general on May 2.  For Arnold, this was too little, too late.  We went from being the most senior brigadier general to the most junior major general, meaning the promotion did nothing to change his place in the command structure.

Gen. Benedict Arnold
(from Lake Champlain)

After receiving word of his promotion, Arnold traveled to Philadelphia to meet directly with Congress.  He brought with him a pamphlet published by one of his enemies, Colonel John Brown which ended famously with an accusation levied against Arnold: “Money is this man’s god, and to get enough of it he would sacrifice his country.”  Arnold thought such scurrilous attacks were the reason Congress had been reluctant to promote him and wanted a hearing to challenge such accusations.

The Board of War, headed by John Adams, allowed Arnold to give testimony at a committee meeting on May 21, that ran well into the night.  It was not the full hearing Arnold wanted, but did give him the chance to tell his side of things directly to members of Congress.  Two days later, the Board of War presented a report to Congress exonerating Arnold of the charges against him.  Congress, however, refused to act on restoring Arnold’s seniority.  After nearly two months of waiting, Arnold had enough and submitted his resignation to Congress.

Before Congress could act, it also received a letter from General Washington informing Congress that the British had begun their invasion of upstate New York.  Washington recommended that Arnold be sent immediately to help defend against this invasion.  Arnold asked that his resignation request be put on hold and rushed off to fight another battle in defense of his country.

On August 8, after Arnold had left for New York, Congress finally took up the resolution to adjust Arnold’s seniority, and voted against it, overwhelmingly.  Even John Adams, who seemed to have a good impression of Arnold voted no.  The main reason seemed to be that Arnold was pressuring them to do it.  Congress thought such pressure was inappropriate.  As Arnold fought the battles of Saratoga, Congress denied his request for seniority.

Leaving Philadelphia, Again 

Shortly after its independence day celebrations, Congress received word of the British capture of Fort Ticonderoga and that British General Johnny Burgoyne was marching south through New York’s Mohawk Valley.  A few weeks later, Congress learned that British General Howe had left New York and then landed in Maryland where he would assault Philadelphia from the south.

General Washington marched his army from New Jersey toward the British.  On August 24, 1777, just days after confirmation that Howe’s fleet was in the Chesapeake Bay, the Continental Army marched through the streets of Philadelphia on their way south.  This was a bit of theater by General Washington.  He wanted to impress the city and Congress with his army of around 12,000 men.

Washington gave orders the night before to make sure the officers and men were ready to march smartly through the city street carrying their arms smartly.  The army marched down Front Street to Chestnut, then across the city, marching right past Independence Hall toward the Schuylkill River.

Wagons with baggage and extra ammunition, as well female camp followers were redirected around the city and would not march through Philadelphia along with the soldiers.  Orders also prohibited officers and men from stepping out of line for any reason during the march through the city, on punishment of 39 lashes to be carried out at camp the next night if they did.

John Adams was not overly impressed by the sight of the army.  In a letter to Abigail later that day, he wrote:

The Army, upon an accurate Inspection of it, I find to be extreamly well armed, pretty well cloathed, and tolerably disciplined….—Much remains yet to be done. Our soldiers have not yet, quite the Air of Soldiers. They dont step exactly in Time. They dont hold up their Heads, quite erect, nor turn out their Toes, so exactly as they ought. They dont all of them cock their Hats—and such as do, dont all wear them the same Way.

Adams when on to say that with the army now between the enemy and Philadelphia, he felt as safe there as he would in Braintree.  That sense of safety did not last long.  General Howe fought a series of battles that fall, which will all be topics of future episodes.  By September, Philadelphia was about to fall to the British army.  Congress once again had to flee the city.  This time they went first to York, Pennsylvania which is about 65 miles west of Philadelphia, then to Lancaster, which is another 20 miles further west, and across the Susquehanna River.  Congress would remain there for the course of the British occupation of Philadelphia.

- - -

Next Episode 142 Disease and the Revolution

Previous Episode 140 The Battle of Short Hills

Click here to donate

American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy

Click here to see my Patreon Page

You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Further Reading 

Websites

First Fourth of July Celebration:
http://mentalfloss.com/article/57633/first-fourth-july-celebration-1777

John Brown warns about Arnold:
http://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/john-brown-warns-the-congress-about-traitorous-benedict-arnold-and-no-one-listens

Procknow, Gene "Personal Honor and Promotion among Revolutionary Generals and Congress" Journal of the American Revolution, January 23, 2018
https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/01/personal-honor-promotion-among-revolutionary-generals-congress

Continental Generals by Date of Commission: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1iOYFGKDt4O_EaKd30KnSx69u3_gHEVCyJZD-ZRVPul4

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 1, 1934, pp. 1–32. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209160.

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire(Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 2, 1934, pp. 144–178. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209168.

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 3, 1934, pp. 212–245. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209175.

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued)” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 4, 1934, pp. 275–311. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209181.

Letter, John Adams to Abigail Adams, August 24, 1777, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/04-02-02-0263.

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of Congress,Vol. 3 January 1, 1777 - January 1, 1778.

Adams, John Quincy Life of General Lafayette, Napis & Cornish 1847.

Crow, Martha Foote Lafayette, The MacMillan Company, 1918.

Headley, P. C. The Life of the General Lafayette, Marquis of France, General in the United States Army, etc., C. M. Saxton, 1860.

Howe, Archibald Murray Colonel John Brown, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, the Brave Accuser of Benedict Arnold, Geo. H. Ellis Co. 1908.

Kapp, Friedrich The Life of John Kalb, Major-General in the Revolutionary Army, H. Holt & Co. 1884. https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_X-QMWL2WBewC

Lowery, Robert A Complete History of the Marquis de Lafayette, self-published, 1826

Smith, John Spear Memoir of the Baron de Kalb, Maryland Historical Society, 1858.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Leepson, Marc Lafayette, Lessons in Leadership from the Idealist General, Palgrave-MacMillion, 2011.

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Episode 131 Continental Congress - Baltimore Edition

The last few weeks, we have covered some of the most pivotal events of the Revolution.  The massive British Army under General Howe invaded New York and New Jersey, sending the Continental Army fleeing before it.  The Continental Army then countered to retake New Jersey.  Last week we looked at events in the south over the same period as Tories in Florida with their Creek and Seminole allies seemed to have no trouble pushing into patriot-controlled Georgia.  Today we look at what the Continental Congress was doing as all these events unfolded.

Relocating Congress

As the British army moved toward Philadelphia in December 1776, the Continental Army was not able to mount much of any defense.  Many on both sides assumed the British would take Philadelphia before ending the year’s offensive.  Members of Congress, not eager to become prisoners of war, decided to leave Philadelphia.  On December 12, the Congress voted to adjourn and reconvene in Baltimore, Maryland the following week.

Fite House (from US Capitols)

In Baltimore, locals first offered Congress the Courthouse, but it was too small.  Instead Congress rented the Henry Fite House, which was actually a hotel and tavern on the western edge of town.  The three story, 14 room brick building had several rooms large enough for committee meetings.  At the time, it was the largest building in Baltimore.  Congress rented the building from Fite for three months for £60.

Overall members were not happy with Baltimore.  It was not the charming modern city that exists today. As one member put it “the town was exceedingly expensive, and exceedingly dirty, that at times members could make their way to the assembly hall only on horseback, through deep mud."  In his diary, John Adams called it “the dirtiest place in the world.” There was also a 107 year wait for Orioles tickets.

Washington Gets More Power

Putting aside the conditions in Baltimore, Congress got to work.  Remember mid-December was the low point of the patriot movement.  Everyone expected the British to take Philadelphia.  The Continental Army might be captured in the process.  If not, officers and soldiers were already deserting what they saw as a lost cause.  Congress had been reluctant to turn over much power to General Washington and the rest of the military leadership for fear of losing civilian control of the army.  Since there was no executive branch, Congress itself had to act as a department of war, trying to run everything through committees.

Washington at Trenton

Congress voted on December 27 to give Washington special powers for six months to raise his own army from the states, appoint officers, and take appropriate action against uncooperative civilians.  This was the day after Washington’s victory at Trenton, but the timing was purely coincidental.  It is not clear whether word of the victory had even reached Congress by the time of the vote.  The matter had been under debate for days prior.

This was not about handing out power to a victorious general.  Congress was effectively admitting that it was not capable of making the necessary executive decisions that had to be made decisively and quickly by the Commander in Chief.  It put a six month time limit on the powers to make sure Washington did not become a dictator.  With the army on the verge of collapse, and the only serious replacement for Washington, General Charles Lee, now a British prisoner, Congress decided it had to go all in, depending on Washington to run the army as best he saw fit.

Congress expressed concern about some recent prisoners.  Congress directed Washington to investigate and protest General Howe’s treatment of Richard Stockton, who I discussed back in Episode 118. Treatment of a captured member of the Continental Congress was an issue near and dear to the hearts of the rest of the members.  Congress also denounced British treatment of Charles Lee.  When initially captured, there were rumors that Lee would be shipped back to England and hanged as a deserter or traitor. Congress affirmed Washington’s position that if the British hanged an American general, the Americans would hang a British officer of the same rank.

By the time Congress passed this resolution though, the British were treating Lee quite well.  They allowed Lee to send for his dogs and servants.  General Howe met personally with Lee during this time.  Howe eventually got Lee to send a letter to Congress asking them to send a delegation to New York to discuss peace terms.  By mid-February though, it appeared that the Americans were back on the offensive.  Congress rejected Lee’s proposal.

Foreign Policy

Congress was not ready to consider any peace proposal if Britain did not recognize American Independence.  That position required military victory.  Washington’s minor victories in New Jersey had been a huge boost for morale, but they did not change the thinking on either side that Britain would eventually crush the rebellion unless the Americans could get a few more countries involved.

I mentioned back in Episode 115 that Congress had appointed Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee to work as Commissioners along with Silas Deane in France.  They needed to pull France into the war with Britain.

Franklin in Paris
(from U. Penn)

Congress, however, did not want to rely on France alone.  Franklin had only arrived in France in late December.  Before Franklin could do much of anything, let alone get any reports back to Congress, the delegates added to Franklin’s duties by appointing him to serve as a Commissioner to the Court of Spain.  Both France and Spain had lost colonies to Britain during the Seven Years War.  Congress hoped that both countries might find this an opportune time to reclaim lost real estate while Britain was tied up in America.  Entry of any other European power into war against Britain would force London to spread its resources more thinly, and give America a better chance of holding onto its independence.

I’m going to get into Franklin’s exploits in Paris in a future episode, but for now, I want to point out that Congress was already expanding his role and attempting to get whatever European powers into a war that would improve the American odds of winning.

Congress also was not convinced that anyone could convince France to start a new war with Britain.  If they could not get France into the war, Congress at least hoped to receive more covert assistance in the form of munitions and other supplies needed to help the war effort.

Vermont Independence, Not Now

As if there was not enough going on, political leaders in the New Hampshire Grants met in a convention in the town of Westminster.  There, they drafted their own declaration of independence, calling themselves the Republic of New Connecticut.  A few months later, they would change the name to Vermont.

The declaration was especially controversial because New York still considered this territory to be part of New York.  Anxious not to annoy the New York delegation, Congress opted to ignore the declaration entirely, not approving or criticizing it.  It would not receive a delegation from the new self-proclaimed republic nor do anything else to recognize its status.  The people of Vermont would have to wait more than a decade to get any recognition.  For this reason, I’m only mentioning this in passing for now.  I will talk more about the politics of Vermont independence in a future episode.

Money Problems

A much more immediate problem for Congress was money.  Congress had been pumping out millions of dollars in paper money, which promised the bearer some day would receive hard currency.  But especially when it looked like the British might win, no one wanted to accept the Continental currency since a British victory meant there would be no entity around to make good on that paper.  Even when the Americans looked like they had a chance of victory though, continental paper continually suffered from hyper-inflation.  Congress had no plan in place to receive any hard money (gold and silver) to pay off the paper.  States would not give it the power to collect taxes.  It could only get anything from the states if the states unanimously agreed to such a plan.  Congress never seemed capable of doing that.

1st Ed. Adam Smith "Wealth of Nations"
published in 1776 but did not influence
Congress' monetary policies.
(from Great Thinkers)

On January 14th, Congress passed some recommendations for states to come up with tax money.  But for a people fighting a war over a foreign government trying to collect taxes from the states, there was a strong inclination for many states to oppose this.  Anyone ever getting anything of value in exchange for their paper currency continued to look like quite a gamble.

Congress’ only response to this was to order people to accept the money at face value in exchange for their goods.  The only time that really worked was when soldiers pointed a gun at merchants and ordered them to turn over their goods in exchange for paper, or go to jail.  As a result, few people were willing to supply the government with much of anything.

During this session, Congress approved borrowing another $13 million through the sale of loan certificates.  It also increased the interest rates from 4% to 6%.  Even with these changes, the risks were too high for most speculators.

In December and January, New England leaders met at a conference in Providence, Rhode Island to discuss the growing problems of government credit and currency acceptance.  Although over in Britain, Adam Smith had published his new book, The Wealth of Nations, no one in America seemed interested in the invisible hand of the market.  Instead, delegates recommended the establishment of mandatory prices on a wide range of commonly needed goods, and forcing merchants to accept paper money at those prices.  The Continental Congress endorsed the New England Conference’s recommendations, and also recommended that the middle and southern states hold similar conferences.

This, of course, only continued devalue the Continental dollar and created even more economic chaos across the continent.  But to be fair to Congress, they really had no choice.  Congress had no power to raise money through taxes, and little chance of obtaining that power in the foreseeable future.  States would not come up with the necessary funds to prosecute the war.  As a result, delegates saw no option other than to continue printing paper money and force people to accept it for goods and services.

Changing the Medical Corps

In addition to building a diplomatic corps and creating an economic system out of nothing, Congress also spent considerable time running military affairs.  Although they had just given Washington a great deal of authority over such things, Congress could not help but meddle in disputes that came to its attention.

Congress had appointed John Morgan as Physician-in-Chief of the Army back in October 1775.  This was right after it removed Benjamin Church on suspicion of espionage.  Dr. Morgan had been a Quaker physician in Philadelphia before the war, but had served in the French and Indian War and left his Quaker upbringing behind many years before the war even started.  He became a committed patriot and by most accounts served reasonably well as Physician-in-Chief for well over a year.  The big complaint against him was that he was unable to make medical supplies available to regimental surgeons.  But the problem there was not administrative competence.  It was that the Continental Army had no supplies, and no money to buy them.

John Morgan
(from Wikimedia)

Dr. William Shippen, also from Philadelphia, and Dr. Samuel Stringer of Albany both tried to undermine Morgan and replace him.  In the fall of 1776, Congress had decided to divide medical authority, limiting Morgan’s authority to New England and giving Shippen administrative control over the mid-Atlantic region where the Continental Army was now centered.  Stringer, put in charge of the Northern army medical staff, simply refused to obey any of Morgan’s orders.  Morgan visited Congress in an attempt to figure out why they had done this, but could not get a hearing.

Finally in January 1777, Congress decided it had had enough.  Without consulting Washington and without any hearings, Congress simply dismissed Morgan and Stringer from the army and put Shippen in charge.  Morgan, unhappy with his dismissal and unable to get a hearing, published a book over 200 pages long trying to vindicate himself and his reputation.

Morgan made it his goal in life to take down Shippen.  In late 1778, Morgan working with Dr. Benjamin Rush, a member of Congress and also a Philadelphia physician, had Shippen brought up on charges of fraud and speculation.  Among other things, they accused Shippen of speculating in the sale of goods needed by the wounded and personally profiting from their sale.  Shippen avoided conviction by one vote and continued to serve until he resigned in 1781.

Congress later exonerated Morgan of any wrongdoing, but did not reinstate him.  His army career was over for good.

Congress also made another important medical decision during this session. It recommended that all Continental soldiers receive smallpox inoculations.  This was controversial.  A safe vaccination would not be discovered until years later. The inoculation as it existed at the time often left the soldiers sick with a mild version of the disease for a couple of months, rendering them incapable of fighting or marching.  It also killed a small percentage of those inoculated. For this reason, Washington at one point had banned inoculations and even jailed some private doctors who inoculated soldiers.

At the same time though, smallpox could ravage armies.  It had killed thousands of soldiers, especially in the northern army during the Quebec campaign, where I think it was decisive in the failure to secure Canada for the patriots.  Smallpox had already claimed the life of Major General John Thomas as well as the Army’s first foreign General, Frederick William, Baron de Woedtke, both of whom had succumbed to the disease months earlier.  John Adams called smallpox “ten times more terrible than Britons, Canadians and Indians, together." The decision to inoculate soldiers, with which Washington also had come to agree, would end up saving thousands of desperately needed soldiers.

Congress also created a Commissary General of American Prisoners whose job would be to provide necessities for the American POWs that the British held in New York. The thousands of prisoners, mostly captured during the New York campaign and the surrender of Fort Washington were literally starving to death aboard prison ships.  After Congress approved the position, Washington appointed Elias Boudinot to serve as Commissary General.  I plan to discuss his activities in a future episode.

Promoting Generals

Congress also took the opportunity to use the session to appoint more generals.  Although Congress had granted Washington authority to commission field officers, Congress retained for itself the authority to commission new general officers.  Early in the session, it has appointed Henry Knox as a new brigadier general and chief of artillery.  It also appointed Francis Nash general to assist with the organization and defense of the Carolinas.

Major General Lord Stirling
(from find a grave)

Toward the end of the session though, Congress decided to make some larger promotion decisions.  On February 19th, it promoted five men to major general: William Alexander (Lord Stirling), Thomas Mifflin, Arthur St. Clair, Adam Stephen, and Benjamin Lincoln.  Two days later, it promoted nine others to brigadier general.

All promotions can be controversial in the sense of who gets it and who does not.  But these appointments had a particular impact on one man: Benedict Arnold.  General Arnold had seniority over all five of the appointees to major general.  Arnold was already ticked that he had not received promotion in an earlier round back in August 1776.  But at least in that round, all those who did get promoted were senior to him, even if their service was not particularly distinguished.  Arnold, who had almost single-handedly held off a British invasion from Canada that fall, and who was one of the most senior brigadier generals in service, seemed a lock for promotion in this round.

When you got passed over for officers with less seniority, that usually was taken that the leadership did not respect you and that you should resign.  Arnold wrote to Washington, inquiring about this and indicated that he would resign.  He only held off because Washington said there must have been some mistake and that he should wait until Washington could make inquiries into what happened.

As it turned out, there was no mistake.  Congress had considered and rejected Arnold.  The main reason given was that Congress already had two major generals from Connecticut, and that before this, no State had three major generals.  Of course it did not seem to bother anyone that Virginia got its third major general in this round, in addition to the Commander in Chief.   General Adam Stephen who just got bumped up was particularly undistinguished and someone who General Washington despised.

Thomas Mifflin
(from Wikimedia)

The reality was that despite Arnold’s impressive fighting record, he did not have friends in Congress to advocate for him.  Members knew his record of fighting with superiors and with the officers under his command.  Arnold wrote out several resignations but ended up remaining at his post, mostly because Washington pleaded with him to do so and promised to work things out.

Arnold wrote back to Washington to say that he could interpret this action in no way other than Congress had lost faith in Arnold as a leader and was politely asking him to resign.  The only things that kept him from doing so immediately was that he expected Congress to send another leader to take over his command, and his desire to go to Philadelphia and seek a court martial prior to resigning.  With that he would have the opportunity to hear the criticisms against him and defend his reputation before submitting his resignation.

This dispute would linger for a few months.  In May, following Arnold’s noted leadership at the Danbury Raid, which I’ll discuss in a future episode, Congress finally decided to give him the promotion.  However, going from the most senior brigadier general to the most junior major general meant that the promotion changed nothing in terms of who could give him orders and who he could order.  So the same five men who had been promoted over him were still his senior.  So, Arnold’s grudge against Congress for being denied proper respect for his services would continue.

Return to Philadelphia

By the end of February delegates decided the Continental Army’s counter offensive in New Jersey had made Philadelphia apparently secure for the time being.  On February 27th, the delegates adjourned their Baltimore session and resumed work in Philadelphia on March 5th.

Next Week, I will look at how the British military and political leadership debated strategic war plans and prepared for the 1777 fighting season.

- - -

Next Episode 132 Britain Adjusts its War Plans

Previous Episode 130 Fort McIntosh, Ga

Click here to donate

American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy

Click here to see my Patreon Page

You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Further Reading 

Websites

Rush, Benjamin “Historical Notes of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 1777” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 27, No. 2, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania; University of Pennsylvania Press, 1903, pp. 129-150: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20086080

John Morgan: http://history.amedd.army.mil/surgeongenerals/J_Morgan.html

John Morgan: https://www.archives.upenn.edu/people/1700s/morgan_john.html

William Shippen: https://www.archives.upenn.edu/people/1700s/shippen_wm_jr.html

Samuel Stringer: https://exhibitions.nysm.nysed.gov/albany/bios/s/sastringer5046.html

Smallpox during the Revolutionary War: https://www.armyheritage.org/75-information/soldier-stories/209-smallpox

Elias Boudinot: http://theforgottenfounders.com/the-forgotten-fathers/elias-boudinot

Letter, Washington to Arnold, March 3, 1777: http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-08-02-0514

Letter, Arnold to Washington March 11, 1777: http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-08-02-0584

Procknow, Gene “Personal Honor and Promotion Among Revolutionary Generals and Congress” Journal of the American Revolution, 2018: https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/01/personal-honor-promotion-among-revolutionary-generals-congress

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. 6 (Oct. 9 - Dec. 31, 1776) Washington: Government Printing Office 1906.

Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. 7 (Jan. 1 - May 21, 1777) Washington: Government Printing Office 1907.

Morgan, John A vindication of his public character in the station of director-general of the military hospitals and physician in chief to the American army, anno 1776, Boston: Powers and Willis, 1777.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Mello, Robert A. Moses Robinson and the Founding of Vermont, Vermont Historical Society, 2014.

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, The Story of the Continental Congress 1774-1789, Harper & Bros. 1950.

Smith, Page John Adams, Doubleday and Co. 1962.

Steffen, Charles G. The Mechanics of Baltimore: Workers and Politics in the Age of Revolution, 1763-1812, Univ. of Illinois Press, 1984.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.