Sunday, July 15, 2018

Episode 053: Paul Revere Rides

Last week, I noted Gen. Gage’s receipt of Lord Germain’s orders to make more of an effort to suppress the rebellion.  Colonists had been training and preparing for armed conflict for months.  Everyone anticipated a deadly encounter. It was just a matter of when, where, and who would fire first.

Gage Prepares for a Deployment

On Easter Sunday April 16, 1775 Paul Revere rode out to Lexington to warn Hancock and Adams that some raid was imminent.  Thanks to Benjamin Church’s regular messages, Gage had known for some time that most of the colonial stores were in Concord and Worcester.  Worcester was nearly 40 miles away.  Soldiers could not march there and back in one day.  Concord was only 20 miles away, meaning troops could march out, capture or destroy the munitions, and return in a single day.  Gage hoped the militia would not have enough time to react.

On Tuesday, April 18, Gen. Gage received intelligence that the stores in Concord remained there and had not been removed.  The Provincial Congress had adjourned until May meaning defenses were lower as well.  This was the time to strike.

Paul Revere's Ride (from
Gage also knew from earlier alarms that the necessary element of surprise had been impossible.  Riders always seemed to reach their target faster than his soldiers could march.  He did not have any significant cavalry for fast moving actions.

To counter this problem, Gage deployed 20 officers and sergeants on horseback on April 18.  Their mission was to stop any riders attempting to alert the countryside to the movement of British troops.  Yet this unusual deployment of soldiers in the evening was itself enough to raise a general alarm that something was happening.

The Patriots fully expected Gage to try to prevent any alarm, and that he would likely shut down Boston to prevent word reaching the militia.  In Boston, Joseph Warren planned for multiple riders using different routes.  He would send one messenger by land across Boston Neck.  Although Gage would likely shut down Boston Neck at some point, doing that too early would set off alarm bells.  Therefore, a messenger might pass through before the gates closed.  Another messenger would row across the harbor to Charlestown, where a horse would be waiting. The river crossing had its own dangers, since the navy deployed ships to block any such crossings.

The third method was a pre-planned signal from Christ Church, also known as the Old North Church.  When troops were leaving town, which would happen at night, patriots would raise a lantern signal in the church tower.  One lantern meant the soldiers were marching overland through Boston Neck.  Two lanterns meant they were deploying in longboats to cross the harbor.  A rider in Charlestown, waiting for the signal, would ride out to alert the countryside.

To use any of these methods, Warren had to figure out when the British were leaving, and what they planned to do.  The soldiers would most likely leave at night after night time roadblocks prevented any civilians from leaving town.  By late afternoon, it seemed clear that a deployment would take place that night.  Warren went to confer with one of his top secret intelligence sources.  No one knows for certain who this source was.  Warren alone knew the identity, knowledge that he carried to his grave.

Margaret Gage (from Wikimedia)
Some stories indicate that Warren’s spy was none other than Gen. Gage’s wife, Margaret Kemble Gage.  Thomas and Margaret Gage had married in 1758 and by all accounts had a close and loving marriage, producing 11 children.  Her brother Stephen served as one of Gage’s officers. Another brother, Samuel, served as Gage’s private secretary. Yet there is some evidence that Margaret, who was born and raised in New Jersey, and whose family had lived the colonies for generations, had some sympathy with the patriot cause.

According to one account, on the afternoon of April 18, Gen. Gage informed on of his generals, Lord Percy, of his plans to take Concord the next day, Gage made clear that this was top secret, not to be revealed even to his other officers.  While walking back from headquarters, Percy heard several men discussing the planned attack and that the target was Concord.  Percy immediately returned to Gage to tell him this, at which point Gage became irate.  He said he had only shared his plans with one other person so far, besides Percy. 

This story is not in any contemporary records, and seems to have been written years later.  Therefore, it may be apocryphal.  Even if true, Gage did not say who that other person was.  No other officer ever received any sort of reprimand.  That is one reason why some people point the finger at Margaret. As evidence, they point to the fact that he shipped his wife back to London shortly after these events, and that their marriage was strained after he joined her in England.  But Margaret did not leave Boston until August, four months after the fact. There was good reason for her to leave at that time since hunger and disease were spreading through Boston by then.  Also, as far as any estrangement, Margaret was about one month pregnant when she left, and the couple would have another child after Gen. Gage returned to England.

What makes me question this even more is that Warren’s message was wrong.  He sent his riders to Lexington saying the British would attempt to capture Hancock, Adams, and possibly other leaders.  That was not part of Gage’s orders to his commanders.  He was after the munitions at Concord.  It was only after the army marched that patriot leaders decided that it was too large a deployment to capture a few men and that they must be going after the munitions. Warren was still guessing at Gage’s ultimate goal, as were just about all the British officers sent out under secret orders.

The Army Moves on Lexington and Concord

Francis Smith (from Wikimedia)
Gen. Gage granted command of the expedition to Lt. Col. Francis Smith, a competent officer though not particularly outstanding.  Neither Gage nor any of his three division commanders would participate in the mission.  Smith would lead about 700 men to Concord via Lexington.  His goal was to capture or destroy all arms and ammunition in Concord.  Gage’s orders say nothing about capturing any patriot leaders.  It is possible the riders he had sent out earlier that day, whose primary mission was to stop any couriers, may have been ordered to arrest leaders as well.  According to some of the locals they stopped that night, they interrogated them about the whereabouts of Hancock and Adams.  But if it was a consideration at all, it did not seem to be a primary one.  Rather, this seemed to be just another mission to capture or destroy munitions, much like earlier raids on Quarry Hill, Portsmouth, and Salem.

Smith informed only a few top officers of the mission.  Most of the junior officers would not learn of the mission objective until they reached Lexington.  They simply received orders that evening to assemble their men on the beach near Boston common at 10:00 PM.

The Rides to Lexington

At around 8:00 PM, Warren summoned William Dawes, a Boston tanner who was part of Paul Revere’s spy network.  Although Dawes was a loyal Patriot, he seemed to have a friendly relationship with the soldiers and regularly passed through Boston Neck on business.  He was able to ride out of Boston around 9:00 PM.  A few minutes after he left town the guard received word to shut down for the night.  No one else would pass in or out that night.  Dawes headed for Lexington.  He did not hurry there, nor is there good evidence that he alerted anyone along the way, although some claim he did.  Warren simply directed him to warn Hancock and Adams that they might be targeted for arrest the following day.

William Dawes
(from Wikimedia)
After troops began to assemble around 10:00 PM, it became clear that the raid would begin that night and would involve hundreds of troops.  Warren met with Revere around that same time to tell him to cross the harbor where a horse would be awaiting him in Charlestown.  From there, he could ride to Lexington and Concord to warn everyone.

Before Revere crossed the harbor, he went to find a friend at  the North Church.  According to the pre-arranged plan,  Robert Newman, a sexton and or Thomas Pulling, a vestryman at the Church (accounts differ) climbed to the steeple a little after 10:00 PM.  They lit two lanterns, hung them out for about one minute, then climbed back down.  That was enough to alert patriots in Charlestown, who sent out at least one rider.  My sources seem a little vague and contradictory on how many riders set off from Charlestown, but some indicate more than one.

It appears, though, that any rider or riders that started the trip, did not finish it.  British officers doing their job to intercept any riders that night probably captured whoever had been sent.  The signal also told the Charlestown patriots to have a fast horse waiting for Revere as soon as he crossed the harbor.

Aided by two other patriots, Revere crossed the harbor in a small rowboat.  They used muffled oars to avoid notice by the naval vessel keeping watch in the parbor.  By 11:00 PM, Revere had crossed the harbor, found his horse, and left Charlestown on his way to Lexington.  Before leaving Charlestown, locals warned him that they had seen soldiers on horseback along the road, possibly waiting to intercept riders.

Rides of Revere, Dawes, and Prescott (from Weebly)
Shortly after starting down the road, Revere saw two men on horseback under a tree up ahead.  He soon realized they were British regulars.  He turned around and took off at a gallop.  The British riders gave chase, but Revere’s knowledge of the land and a faster horse allowed him to leave his pursuers behind.

Instead of riding down Lexington Road, Revere detoured up Mystic Road, to the north, heading through what is today Medford.  This route was a little longer and out of the way, but it also turned out to be free of any more sentries.

Along the way, Revere alerted any farms or small towns that he passed through.  Many of Revere’s calls to alarm were not random houses that he happened to pass. Revere knew very well who the militia leaders were, who could be available to ride to other towns and continue to spread the alarm.  This night was the culmination of months of organization and planning.

By midnight, multiple riders were spreading over the colony while militia captains began summoning their units.  Revere’s word that the regulars were marching toward Lexington and Concord that night was all they needed to know to call up their men and move toward their target.

Following his detour through Medford, Revere turned south again to the town of Monotomy (current day Arlington) and continued on the main road to Lexington.

Revere Confers with Leaders at Lexington

Revere finally arrived in Lexington a little after midnight on the morning of April 19.  He went straight to the home of Rev. Jonas Clarke, where Hancock and Samuel Adams had been staying for more than a week.  Along with them were Lydia Hancock, John’s Aunt and adopted mother, as well as his fiancĂ©e Dorothy (Dolly to her friends).

Revere in Lexington (from National Park Service)
The Lexington militia had already mustered, after being put on notice by the British sentries that rode out earlier that day. They posted a guard around the house were Hancock and Adams were staying, with the main force drinking over in Buckman’s tavern.

The guard in front of the house told Revere not to make so much noise at this late hour as people inside were trying to sleep.  Revere responded “Noise! You’ll have noise soon enough before long.  The Regulars are coming out!”  After rousing Clarke, Hancock and Adams, the men went over to Buckman’s Tavern to discuss matters over a few drinks.

A short time later, William Dawes, who had left Boston hours before Revere, finally arrived.  He had taken a longer route on a slower horse, resulting in his late arrival.  The group decided that such a large force would not be out to arrest a few leaders.  They must be after the munitions at Concord.

Hancock wanted to collect his arms and fight with the Lexington Militia.  But Adams and Revere quickly convinced him that he was too important a target for the regulars and needed to leave town before they arrived.  Adams and Hancock prepared to flee to another safe house farther away.

Revere Captured on Ride to Concord

The militia was already gathering on Lexington Green.  Revere and Dawes continued their ride to Concord to alert the militia there.  The two men set off around 1:30 AM.  Just after leaving town, they met another rider, Dr. Samuel Prescott, a young man who was returning home to Concord after a late night visit to his girlfriend.  He agreed to join the men and assist them.  Fearing they might meet another military patrol, the group warned every house they passed, each man in turn stopping to alert a house while the other two rode to the next ones.

After a few miles, the three men met another patrol.  Officers on horseback with pistols demanded their surrender.  Instead they made a run for it.  Revere dashed for the woods but ran into another group of soldiers and was captured.  On his slow horse Dawes somehow rode away after the patrol chased after Revere and Prescott.  After he got away though, his horse threw him and took off.  Without a horse, Dawes walked back to Lexington.

Prescott, who knew the area best and had the freshest horse, jumped a stone wall and escaped his pursuers.  He stayed off the roads, riding over fields to reach Concord in time to deliver the alert.  Prescott continued to alert other houses along the way and recruited other riders to spread out across the countryside.  He arrived in Concord around 2:00 AM where he used the church bell to alert the militia.  He delivered the alarm and then continued on to other towns.  Others used prearranged signals including three gunshots, or signal fires on top of hills to spread the alarm.

Revere’s ride was over for the night.  The angry and tired officers took him into custody and held him along with four other riders that the patrol had stopped earlier.  The patrol questioned their prisoners, particularly about the whereabouts of Hancock and Adams.  While Revere was not going to give up that information, he was happy to tell them his own identity.  They already knew the name Revere.

Revere also told them more about their own mission.  Gage had deployed these soldiers the day before with instructions to detain riders, but did not tell them why.  Revere informed them of the soldiers deployed under Col. Smith who had crossed the harbor to Charlestown and were marching out in their direction.  He also told them that the militia was already on high alert and was gathering in Lexington.  He may have been trying to discourage the group from returning to Lexington and possibly finding Hancock and Adams still there.

Revere Returns to Lexington 

The party, however, rode their captors back toward Lexington.  Upon approaching Lexington a little after 2:00 AM, the group heard gunfire, most likely militia members discharging their weapons before entering Buckman’s Tavern.

The sound of gunfire unnerved the British officers.  They released their prisoners and rode quickly back to Boston, without entering Lexington.  Though they confiscated Revere’s horse, preventing him from spreading further alarm.  Revere walked back to Lexington.

Revere Gets Hancock and Adams out of Lexington

Around 3:00 AM, Revere reached Lexington.  He returned to the Clarke house only to find that Hancock and Adams were still there.  Hancock had decided not to leave town and was cleaning his gun and sword in preparation to join the militia.  Although he had never seen combat, Hancock had been commander in the Boston militia for decades and considered himself a military man.  Adams was still trying to convince him he needed to leave.  Revere weighed in, discussing his own capture only hours before.

The men received a report that an  British officer had asked a local where the Clarke Tavern was.  There was no such tavern, but it was clear the British were looking for the men staying in Clarke’s home.  Finally, Hancock agreed to leave with Adams and Revere for Woburn, a small village a few miles northwest of Lexington.  They took Hancock’s coach, which was a fancy and highly recognizable.  Fortunately, they did not encounter any soldiers during their escape.

Buckman Tavern (from Wikimedia)
Hancock left behind his aunt and fiancee, but made it to Woburn without incident.  Revere decided to return to Lexington to see what was happening.  Hancock sent his coach back to Lexington.  Someone had given him a fresh salmon the night before, and he wanted to collect the fish for his dinner.  Oh, and as long as he was collecting his dinner, the coach could also bring Aunt Lydia and Dolly.

When Revere returned to Lexington, one of Hancock’s aides asked him for help.  While Hancock had secured his family and his dinner, he had neglected to collect a trunk full of top secret papers with all sorts of information about the Provisional government’s activities and strategy.  That trunk was still sitting in Buckman’s Tavern.  Revere and the aide went to secure it.

While in the tavern, Revere heard the men saying that the whole night had been a false alarm.  The Lexington militia had turned out hours earlier.  Tired of waiting, they had sent riders to look for the regulars.  One rider had returned saying there was no sign of any army.  The militia commander dismissed his troops but told them to stay in the area just in case.  Most of them continued to hang around Buckman’s Tavern, enjoying a few beers.

While Revere was arguing with the men that it was not a false alarm and that he had seen the soldiers himself, the other militia rider returned saying that the soldiers were, in fact, on the way, and were almost in town.  The militiamen scrambled to get into formation before the British arrived.  Meanwhile, Revere struggled to get Hancock’s top secret papers out of the tavern.

Around this time, near dawn, the army entered the town to face the quickly assembling militia on Lexington Green.  Revere carried Hancock’s trunk into the woods as he heard the first shots of the Revolution.

Next Week: The Battle of Lexington and Concord.

Next Episode 54: British Advance on Lexington and Concord (available July 22, 2018)

Previous Episode 52: Salem and Hearts & Minds

Visit the American Revolution Podcast ( for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

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Further Reading:

Web sites: 

Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth The Midnight Ride of Paul Revere

Margaret Kemble Gage:

Beck, Derek "Joseph Warren's Informant" Journal of the American Revolution, 2014:

Beck, Derek "Dissecting the Timeline of Paul Revere’s Ride" Journal of the American Revolution, 2014:

Anderlik, Todd "How Paul Revere's Ride was Published and Censored in 1775" Journal of the American Revolution, 2015:

Bell, J.L. "Did Paul Revere's Ride Really Matter?" Journal of the American Revolution,  2014:

Weisberger, Bernard A. "Paul Revere: The Man, the Myth, and the Midnight Ride" American Heritage Magazine, 1977:

The Real Story of Paul Revere's Ride:

Letter written by Paul Revere describing his famous ride:

Bell, J.L. Series of articles about the lanterns in Old North Church, Boston 1775 Blog, 2018:
Online Videos: 

David Hackett Fischer discusses his book, Paul Revere Rides, C-SPAN, 1994:

Jane Triber discusses her book: True Republican: the Life of Paul Revere, C-SPAN ,1998:

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Bolton, Charles (ed) Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New York, 1774-1776, Boston: Charles E. Goodspeed, 1902.

Dana, Elizabeth Ellery (ed) Barker, John John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press 1924.

French, Allen The Day of Concord and Lexington The Nineteenth of April, 1775, Boston: Little Brown & Co. 1925.

French, Allen (ed) A British Fusilier in Revolutionary Boston, by Lt. Frederick Mackenzie, Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1926 (Mackenzie was an officer in the British Army, occupying Boston in 1775.  This is his diary).

Smith, Whitney (ed) Concord town records: manuscript transcripts, 1774-1776, Unpublished Manuscript, 1774.

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Bell, J.L. The Road to Concord, Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2016.

Borneman, Walter American Spring: Lexington, Concord, and the Road to Revolution, New York: Little, Brown & Co. 2014.

Bunker, Nick An Empire on the Edge, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.

Daughan, George C. Lexington and Concord: The Battle Heard Round the World, New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2018.

Fisher, David Hackett Paul Revere's Ride,  Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Hallahan, William H. The Day the American Revolution Began: 19 April 1775, New York: Harper Collins, 2000.

Hoffer, Peter Prelude to Revolution: The Salem Gunpowder Raid of 1775, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1975.

Miller, Joel The Revolutionary Paul Revere, Nashville: Thomas Nelson, Inc. 2010.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Penguin Books, 2013.

Raphael, Ray & Marie The Spirit of ‘74: How the American Revolution Began, New York: The New Press, 2015.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

* (Book links to are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).   

Sunday, July 8, 2018

Episode 052: Salem Alarm & Hearts and Minds

The winter of 1774-75 left everyone with the expectation that war was inevitable.  Massachusetts had formed its own government beyond the King’s authority.  It was training its army and collecting munitions.  Gen. Gage in Boston was calling for reinforcements, trying to prevent an outbreak of violence before those reinforcements came.  Officials in London were refusing to back down on anything or offer any serious compromise.  Further, they were writing letters to Gage demanding that he take action against the rampant acts of treason in his colony.  The rebellion clearly seemed to be spreading beyond Massachusetts itself, as was clear from New Hampshire’s military attack on a British fort that I discussed last week.

Spy Networks

Also in a previous episode, I discussed General Gage’s efforts to develop an effective spy network throughout Massachusetts, including coopting Benjamin Church, a high ranking Patriot leader.  The Patriots also developed a pretty thorough spy network of their own.  Patriot leaders seemed to be aware of just about everything Gage was doing or even thinking.  They often received word of his instructions from London before he did.

Repulse at the North Bridge by Lewis Jesse Bridgman
(from Historic Ipswich)
Much of this was pretty easy since Gage never bothered to arrest any of the Patriots.  All the leaders, including Samuel and John Adams, John Hancock, Joseph Warren, and Thomas Cushing freely went about their business in Boston, walking right alongside the officers and men of the British army.  They only needed to keep their ears open when officers spoke in public taverns, or even in private quarters where servants with patriot leanings picked up useful intelligence.  Merchant ships continued to bring word of events in London to the Patriot leaders.

Because the patriot forces were dispersed, the big problem was not receiving intelligence but getting out the word when something happened.  Joseph Warren and Paul Revere worked to put together a network of messengers, based on the Committees of Correspondence throughout the colony, to create an emergency news delivery system.  Revere frequently carried the messages himself getting more familiar with the area roads and his militia contacts.  They would put this warning system to the test in February 1775 in what became known as the Salem Alarm, also called Leslie's Retreat.

Salem Alarm

Gage tried to prevent an outbreak of violence before he was ready to deal with it.  With the use of his spy network, he was always on the lookout for an opportunity to seize weapons and munitions from the rebels.  A ban on imports would prevent them from getting replacements.  Disarming the local militia would be the only way to restore order without an overwhelming military force to destroy them.

In February 1775, Gage received intelligence that the rebels had a cache of 17 cannon in Salem.  Some of these were old cannon.  A local artisan was building new carriages so they could be used in the field.  Others were some newer brass field cannon that had been imported recently.  Two of them may have been cannon that the rebels had stolen from Gage’s guard and smuggled out of Boston.

Since Salem was on the coast, Gage could land his soldiers within a few miles of the cannon, and have his soldiers march in to seize them before the locals could respond.  He assigned the mission to Lt. Col. Alexander Leslie, and the 64th regiment stationed on Castle Island.  That way, no one would be able to see soldiers in downtown Boston preparing for a mission.  The soldiers would sail to Salem during the night and take the cannon before anyone could react.  That was the plan anyway.

Alexander Leslie
(from Find-a-Grave)
Despite the attempted secrecy, Revere got word that something was going on in the harbor.  He sent out three men in a rowboat for a closer look.  A guard pounced on them as they got to the island and arrested them for trespassing.  The men would be held until after the mission was complete.  Still, the capture indicated to Revere that the British must be up to something.

A ship carrying 240 British regulars left Boston just after midnight on Sunday February 26.  Leslie even ordered the soldiers below deck so anyone watching for a passing ship would not see them. By 9:00 AM, they had begun to disembark on a secluded beach near Marblehead, about five miles from their target.  They could have sailed closer, but since it took hours to disembark the troops and their equipment, they thought it better to do that away from prying eyes, some distance away.

Once underway, the soldiers made no attempt at secrecy.  They marched through town, fifes and drums announcing their presence to everyone.  Most locals were sitting in Sunday services.  Several local militia officers jumped on their horses and hurried ahead of the marching soldiers to warn Salem.  Many other civilians began to follow alongside or behind the soldiers to witness whatever they were going to do.

Conveniently, many members of the Salem militia were already together in town for Sunday services.  They immediately set to work removing all the cannon and other munitions stored in the town, hiding them on distant farms or in the forest.  They knew soldiers would not have hours to scour the countryside.

To get into Salem, Col. Leslie would have to cross a bridge on the south river.  Locals removed the floorboards from the bridge to prevent easy crossing.  This slowed the column for a short time, although they were soon able to put down temporary flooring to get across.

Leslie’s intelligence told him the cannon were stored at the blacksmith shop just north of town.  To get to it, they would need to cross another bridge over the north river.  This bridge, however, was a drawbridge, with the controls on the north bank of the river.  The column approached the south bank of the river to find the bridge raised.  Several locals on the north bank and on top of the bridge taunted the soldiers who could not get across.

By some accounts Leslie gave order to prepare a firing line against the locals on the north bank, but backed down when local patriots made clear they knew he would not dare fire.  There were a few small gondolas on the south bank of the river which the soldiers might have used to cross.   One local jumped into the boats and smashed out their bottoms, scuttling them.  When the soldiers tried to stop him at gunpoint, he ripped open his shirt and dared them to fire.  One of them pricked his chest with a bayonet, but did not cause any serious harm.

The locals were unarmed but clearly defiant and hostile.  Leslie and his men were just getting more angry and frustrated.  He realized that if someone opened fire, his party of soldiers was surrounded by a hostile population who could immediately arm themselves.  The Marblehead militia was already assembling to block his retreat back to the ship.  Leslie was determined to complete his mission, but wanted to make sure none of his men would fire their weapons and start something they could not finish.

The standoff at the bridge lasted about 90 minutes.  As it began getting dark, Leslie informed the locals that he would not leave until he crossed the bridge, and would take over several buildings in town as barracks until his men could cross the bridge.  No one in Salem wanted the soldiers around, any more than they wanted to stay.  Eventually, the two sides reached a compromise.

The Patriots had plenty of time to remove all the weapons and munitions from the blacksmith shop.  They told Leslie they would lower the bridge if he promised to go no further than the shop.  Since that was his only goal, and he had no inclination to march randomly around the countryside in the dark looking for hidden weapons, he agreed.

Locals lowered the bridge, the column crossed and searched the blacksmith shop, finding nothing.  A woman named Sarah Tarrant taunted the soldiers from the second story of a house nearby.  One frustrated soldier pointed his gun at her.  She did not flinch but dared him to fire.  Both of them knew the soldiers firing on an unarmed woman would be about the worst thing they could do.  Bluff called, the frustrated soldier turned and resumed his march.

Because the regulars never fired their weapons, the local militia did not attempt to confront the column as it returned to its ship.  Leslie and his men returned home empty handed.

The incident made clear that even a short march would not remain a secret very long.  The entire population was on high alert for any military activity.  The people were willing to oppose and provoke the soldiers, though they still had not been willing to bear arms against the regular army.  The Salem Alarm was one of several flashpoints that could have started the war.  But cool heads on both sides kept it from starting that day.

The Eve of War

A few weeks later, on March 6, 1775 Boston held its annual commemoration of the Boston Massacre.  Joseph Warren gave the oration, John Hancock, as well as Samuel and John Adams, attended along with other patriot leaders.  Also in attendance were a number of British officers who hissed at all the lines when the crowd applauded.  As the meeting adjourned, some of the officers began shouting “oh fie” an 18th century equivalent of “boo”.  Some in the crowd though they were saying “fire” and that it was a command to fire on the crowd.  Terrified locals rushed out to the street.  By coincidence, a British column of fife and drums came marching down the street at that same moment.  Many thought the army was coming to arrest the leaders, resulting in even further panic.

The incident came to nothing.  But it is evidence of the tensions created by the army and Patriot leaders living side by side in the same town.

Still, Revere and his men kept a close eye on all movements.  His group met in secret and discussed anything anyone had heard that could be of use.  They were also aware that the British seemed to know everything they discussed.  Revere went to great lengths trying to find the mole in his group, but never could find one.  There wasn’t one.  One of few Provincial leaders privy to all of their work was Patriot leader Benjamin Church, still working as a paid agent for Gage.  Copies of everything they revealed to the Patriot leaders went straight to Gen. Gage as well.

Patriots Flee Boston

Through the winter, and despite tensions, Patriot leaders had remained in Boston.  The Provincial Congress continued to meet in Cambridge, just across the river, without any interference from Gage.  Civilians continued to go about their business, entering and leaving the city at will.

Soldiers regularly made short forays outside the city, simply marching around the countryside and returning home.  The main point seemed to be to keep the locals off guard, getting used to the idea that most marches were pointless events.  On April 7, Hancock and Samuel Adams suddenly packed up and left Boston for Lexington.  A few days earlier, the Provincial Congress in Cambridge adjourned and agreed to resume business farther away from Boston in Concord.
Thomas Gage
(from Wikimedia)

On April 14, 1775 Gage received Lord Dartmouth’s January 27 letter that I discussed a few episodes back, telling him to arrest the patriot leaders and begin to take decisive action with the soldiers he had on hand.  The Patriots had received word on a ship from London that landed in Marblehead on April 2, that Gage would receive these instructions.  This explained why everyone was moving away from Boston. Gage now understood that he would need to get more aggressive and that there was no point in waiting for reinforcements that were not coming.

Despite his orders, Gage took no immediate steps to arrest anyone.  Several prominent Patriots, including Joseph Warren and Paul Revere remained in Boston, moving about freely, keeping an eye on British activities.  On April 8, Revere rode out to Concord with more warnings and to discuss plans to hide their armaments.

On April 10, Gage sent a few companies of soldiers on a march out to Watertown.  This seemed to be just another effort to keep the locals off guard to marches through the countryside.  It seems clear that his plans for Concord were well underway even before he received Dartmouth’s letter on April 14.  His goal remained the seizure or destruction of munitions at Concord, not the arrest of any leaders.

Hearts and Minds

Years after the Revolution, John Adams famously said: “The Revolution was effected before the War commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people; a change in their religious sentiments of their duties and obligations. This radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people, was the real American Revolution.

John Adams
(from Boston Athenaeum)
We have already seen numerous acts of war in New England, the sinking of the Gaspee in Rhode Island, the Assault on Fort William & Mary in New Hampshire, the numerous Powder Alarms in Massachusetts.  But without the hindsight of seeing how they let to all out war, they could be seen simply as acts of violence or rioting, not revolution.

I’ve already discussed at length the widespread support in Massachusetts for the Provincial Congress, which was a government completely separate from the Royal Government.  This was an extremely radical step, considered an act of treason back in London.  One could argue that Parliament had forced Massachusetts into this step when it passed the Government Act several months earlier.

Other colonies, however, began to stake similar steps.  Rhode Island and Connecticut already had locally elected governors and legislatures who were friendly to the Patriot cause.  They had no need to set up separate governments or militia.

Maryland delegates met in a Provincial Convention, which operated as an independent government, meeting three times in 1774, and more in 1775, to make decisions for the colony without any input from the royal government.

Virginia Patriots met as a Provincial Committee in March 1775 to select delegates to the Second Continental Congress.  They had selected delegates to the First Congress informally in a tavern after the Governor dissolved the legislature.  This new Provincial Committee met in Richmond, away from the capitol in Williamsburg.  The Committee also resolved to create at least one company of infantry or cavalry in every county, separate from the royal government.  It was during this debate that Patrick Henry gave a speech where he said it was clear that the war between Britain and the colonies had already begun.  They were just waiting for the shooting to start, and ending with the famous line, “give me liberty, or give me death!

North Carolina created its first Provincial Congress in August 1774 to select delegates to the First Continental Congress, against the orders of its royal governor.  It also passed a list of resolves objecting to the Coercive Acts and supporting a boycott.

Patrick Henry, 1775 (Currier and Ives 1876)
(from Metropolitan Museum of Art)
In July 1774, when South Carolina created an extra-legal committee to select delegates for the First Continental Congress, it also created a Committee of 99 to run local affairs since the royal governor would not allow the colonial legislature to meet.  In November, the Committee called for elections to  Provincial Congress of South Carolina, which were held in December.  The Provincial Congress met in January.  Like Massachusetts, South Carolina’s Provincial Congress began setting up militia units independent of the royal government, training soldiers and collecting munitions and supplies for war.

Even Georgia, which had skipped the First Continental Congress, formed its own Provincial Congress in January 1775 to select a delegate for the Second Continental Congress.  It did so in opposition to its royal governor.

Three of the more reluctant colonies on this growing divide were New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania.  None of these had created Provincial governments nor independent militia prior to Lexington.  New York’s legislature even passed a resolution rejecting the First Continental Congress’ proposal for a boycott of British goods.  These large mid-Atlantic colonies certainly had significant patriot movements in them, with Sons of Liberty organizations and radical committees pushing the Patriot cause.  But before the outbreak of hostilities, these colonies overall seemed the least willing to join in the movement, or at least not organized or powerful enough to bypass the loyalist governments still controlling the colonies.

Even with all these colonies prepared for an armed struggle, the vast majority of Americans did not seem ready to contemplate complete independence from Britain.  Many still seemed to think that they could effect reforms in London that would put things back to the way they were.  Even so, a growing number seemed to view the colonies not simply as an appendage of the British Empire with certain rights, but already as a separate country.

In February 1775, John Adams, writing under the pseudonym Novanglus argued that the colonies should operate as separate countries, united only by the King, just as Britain and Hanover were operating at the time.  Essentially the colonies would be independent countries within the British Empire.

Even committed Loyalists understood that war was inevitable and that opinions had grown too far apart for any compromise acceptable to both sides.  Royal Governor of New Jersey, William Franklin commented that colonial views were so divergent from those in London that the Parliament would either have to consent to humiliating terms, or use military force to compel obedience.

Even a moderate author who published an article in Massachusetts on April 7, 1775 still seeking a compromise, signed his letter A Friend to Both Countries implicitly conceding that Massachusetts and Britain were at this point separate countries.

In their thoughts, words, and deeds, many colonists were moving to the understanding that the colonies and Britain had become fundamentally different.  Many saw themselves as allies of the British, not subjects.  They further seemed to understand that their view would not remain unless they were willing to spill blood to defend it.

Next Week: Gage prepares to deploy his soldiers to Concord and Paul Revere rides out with his famous warning.

Next Episode 53: Paul Revere Rides

Previous Episode 51: The Portsmouth Alarm

Further Reading

Web sites: 

Leslie’s Retreat (Salem Alarm):

Barnes, Eric W. "All The King’s Horses… And All The King’s Men" American Heritage Mag. Oct. 1960 (Salem Powder Alarm):

Glickstein, Don "How Gen. Leslie Really Died"Journal of the American Revolution, 2013:

MacLean, Maggie Sarah Tarrant, 2009 (the women in Salem who taunted the British):

Virginia Provinicial Comittee and Patrick Henry’s “give me liberty” speech:

North Carolina’s Provincial Congress:

South Carolina’s Provincial Congress:

Georgia’s Provincial Congress:

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Adams, John Novanglus, and Massachusettensis, Boston: Hews & Goss, 1819 (political essays from 1774-75).

Dana, Elizabeth Ellery (ed) Barker, John John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press 1924 (Barker was a British officer stationed in Boston).

Endicott, Charles Account of Leslie's retreat at the North Bridge in Salem, on Sunday Feb'y 26, 1775, Salem: Wm. Ives & Geo. Pease, 1856.

Gage, Thomas General orders for British regiments encamped at Boston Dec. 1774 - June 1775, Unpublished Manuscript, 1775.

Lincoln, William (ed) The journals of each Provincial congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of safety, with an appendix, containing the proceedings of the county conventions-narratives of the events of the nineteenth of April, 1775-papers relating to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and other documents, illustrative of the early history of the American revolution, Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Bell, J.L. The Road to Concord, Yardley, PA: Westholme, 2016.

Borneman, Walter American Spring: Lexington, Concord, and the Road to Revolution, New York: Little, Brown & Co. 2014.

Bunker, Nick An Empire on the Edge, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.

Daughan, George C. Lexington and Concord: The Battle Heard Round the World, New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2018.

Fisher, David Hackett Paul Revere's Ride,  Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Hallahan, William H. The Day the American Revolution Began: 19 April 1775, New York: Harper Collins, 2000.

Hoffer, Peter Prelude to Revolution: The Salem Gunpowder Raid of 1775, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1975.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Penguin Books, 2013.

Raphael, Ray & Marie The Spirit of ‘74: How the American Revolution Began, New York: The New Press, 2015.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

* (Book links to are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).

Sunday, July 1, 2018

Episode 051: The Portsmouth Alarm

As I’ve already discussed, during the fall of 1774, General Gage focused on efforts to collect as much arms and ammunition as possible in New England. His troops would need it, and he wanted to deny it to the Patriots.  That is what sparked the Powder Alarm in September 1774.  Over the winter, both sides attempted to collect whatever other arms and ammunition they could.

Last week I mentioned that in October, the Privy Council with the King’s approval, banned all imports of arms and ammunition into the colonies.  By mid-December, word of the ban reached the colonies, making everyone that much more desperate to grab whatever existing stocks that they could.  By that time, Gage had put most of his stored arms and ammunition in Castle William in Boston Harbor, where it was safe from attack.  The Provincial Congress kept its munitions dispersed in various towns, far enough from Boston where the army could not get to it easily.

Fort William & Mary

Fort William and Mary (1705) (from Wikimedia)
During this same time, the ministry ordered Admiral Graves to deploy four of his ships in Boston to sail along the New England coast to interdict any ships carrying munitions.  The Patriots learned of this deployment, but feared the navy was headed to Portsmouth New Hampshire to secure the munitions at Fort William & Mary.  The fort contained nearly 100 cannon as well as over 100 barrels of gunpowder.  It was one of the largest forts in New England.

However, New Hampshire had never become a military flashpoint.  Over the years, the fort had fallen into disrepair, with many of its walls beginning to collapse.  It was defended, if you can call it that, by a garrison of six soldiers, all of whom were on invalid duty.

Paul Revere Warns New Hampshire

The Patriots feared the British navy might be moving to secure these weapons and munitions before they fell into Patriot hands.  Paul Revere rode on horseback through the snow to warn the Patriots at Portsmouth, arriving on the afternoon of December 13.  Revere needed to find his contact in Portsmouth, Samuel Cutts, head of the Committee of Correspondence.  By luck, Revere found Cutts in town almost immediately after his arrival, and gave him the papers from Boston warning of the raid.

Cutts attempted to assemble the Committee to discuss a response, but it was already evening.  Getting everyone assembled would be impossible.  They sent out word for a meeting the following day.  Still, several members of the Committee decided they needed to take quick action.  They began to alert the militia to assemble the following day as well.  Of course, none of this remained a secret.  A Tory informed the Royal Governor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth, of Revere’s arrival and the activities of the local patriots.

Gov. John Wentworth

Gov. John Wentworth
(from Wikimedia)
Gov. John Wentworth was New Hampshire native.  His Grandfather had been the first Lt. Gov. of New Hampshire.  John became Governor in 1766 after his Uncle, Gov. Benning Wentworth retired.  You may remember Uncle Benning as the Governor who sold all those questionable land claims in what eventually became Vermont and nearly started a war with New York.

John had graduated from Harvard College, where he had become friends with his classmate, John Adams.  As an appointed royal governor though, Wentworth had to serve as representative of the King’s interests.

When the Governor learned that the Patriots might be considering an attack on Fort William and Mary,  Wentworth sent a note to the Commander of the Fort, warning him of a possible raid.  He also immediately dispatched a letter to Gen. Gage in Boston informing him of the situation.

The next morning, Wentworth tried to call out the militia to protect the fort and suppress any Patriot attack.  He discovered that most of the militia would not turn out to suppress the attack because they were participating in the attack.  As a result, the handful of British regulars in the fort were on their own.

Patriot Militia Attacks the Fort

The estimated numbers of militia who turned out for the Patriots are vague and varied, but a good estimate seems to be about 400 armed militiamen.  John Langdon, a merchant ship captain took command of the force. Langdon would go on to have a successful career in politics, but at this time had done little to stand out.

John Langdon (from Wikimedia)
The militia gathered even as the Patriotic Committee of 45 still was attempting to gather and decide on a policy.  The members of the militia were not waiting for guidance.  They feared the British navy might arrive at any moment.  They needed to strike quickly to ensure success.

Captain John Cochran commanded Fort William & Mary.  Cochran was regular army but had been born in New Hampshire.  His command consisted of a force of five soldiers.

400 militiamen against six defenders does not seem like much of a fight.  But six men with loaded cannon behind stone walls could do a lot of damage before being overrun.  Cochran’s men armed themselves, loaded their guns, and prepared to defend the fort.

To me, the actual attack on the fort seems ridiculously amateurish on both sides.  The assembled Patriots received a warning from the Colony’s Chief Justice that they were committing treason and should cease and desist immediately.  After they finished laughing at him, the soldiers moved on the fort.

To avoid having to commit to an all out assault on the fort.  Several men attempted to enter the fort that morning.  Despite the Governor’s warning the evening before that an assault was imminent, Captain Cochran invited in two men who wanted to discuss some personal business.  A short time later a third man joined them, looking for the first two.  Then three more men showed up and were invited into the fort.  Cochran had now invited in six suspect men, the same number as he had to defend the fort.

Now the fort was really out of the way and Cochran did not regularly receive visitors.  So you would think this would have raised suspicion, especially after the Governor had warned him about this the night before.  It’s not clear exactly when Cochran suspected these men were up to no good, but certainly by the time his wife came into the room, whispered to him that he was being betrayed and quietly handed him two loaded pistols.

Still not ready to leap to action, Cochran walked outside with the men individually to question them.  While doing so, he allowed three more strangers to enter the fort, making a total of nine now.  At this point, one of the men Robert White, actually admitted to Cochran that they were there to seize him and take the fort.
Revere & British movements on
Portsmouth (from erenow)

Cochran did not take the men prisoner but instead simply requested that they all leave the fort.  The men apparently decided not to seize the opportunity to overpower the garrison, but instead complied and left peaceably.  A short time later, two more men arrived at the fort, offering to help.  Cochran accepted their offer and put them on the line with his five other defenders.  I’m not sure exactly why he trusted these two men.  Perhaps he knew them well and knew their politics.  In the records of later events, it’s not really clear whether they actually helped to defend the fort or helped the other side once fighting started.

Around 3PM about a dozen men, armed and marching in ranks approached the fort and requested entry.  Cochran asked them why but they refused to say.  Cochran this time, at least, had the good sense to tell them they needed to leave.

A short time later Langdon, commander of Patriots, and White, who had previously entered the fort and told Cochren they had been there to seize him, asked for entry.  Langdon informed Cochran that he was there to take the gunpowder.  Cochran told him that he could not do so without an order from the Governor.  Langdon told him he had “forgotten” to get an order, but was going to do so anyway.  He made clear that his men intended to take the powder by force.  Cochran made clear they would do so over his dead body and asked them to leave.

The two men left the fort.  But while they were discussing the matter with the commander, most of the patriot militia had gotten under the walls of the fort where it was impossible for the defenders to shoot at them.

Just after Langdon and White left the fort, the troops began to storm the walls.  The defenders fired their cannon, though they used solid shot, which is usually used against ships, rather than grapeshot, which is more effective against people.  Although they were a point blank range, the attackers saw the cannon about to fire and ducked out of the way.  None of the three cannon hit anyone.  Next, the defenders fired a musket volley. Although they had dozens of muskets on hand, they apparently did not bother to pre-load all of them for rapid firing.  They fired a volley and then had to stop to reload.  Taking that moment, the attackers rushed forward and engaged in hand to hand combat.

They quickly took down the defenders and disarmed them, except for Captain Cochran, who backed himself against a wall and continued to fight with his bayonet despite being surrounded.  A man climbed the wall behind him, jumped down on him and took him prisoner.

Despite the exchange of fire, no one was killed or seriously injured.  Cochran had inflicted a bayonet wound on one attacker in the arm, but he recovered.  One of the attackers had fired a pistol at a defender at point blank range, but the pistol misfired.  As a result, everyone lived through the battle.

Langdon then demanded the keys to the powder room, which Cochran refused.  So while holding the garrison prisoner, the Patriots battered down the door and removed all of the powder from the fort.  They also took down the King’s banner, which had been flying over the fort, an act that made clear this was an act of war against the King.

With the powder secured and removed, the intruders released the garrison and left the fort.  John Sullivan, a Major in the New Hampshire militia in Durham and former delegate to the First Continental Congress received delivery of the gunpowder, which he would store inland and rather quickly distribute to various town militia units.

Reaction to the Raid

By the evening of December 14, Gov. Wentworth had received a report on the raid.  The following morning, he ordered his loyal militia officers to enlist or impress 30 men to reinforce the fort.  Since the raiders had already taken what they wanted and then left the fort, this action really seemed like too little too late.  As it turns out though, it was just too little.

After Sullivan had received the note about the raid and the delivery of barrels of gunpowder, he collected about 40 of his local militiamen and came down to Portsmouth himself to get a better idea of what was happening.

The fort, as it looked in the 19th Cent. (from Wikimedia)
Since Sullivan had received his militia commission from the Governor, Wentworth assumed he had come to support the royal government and called on him for a conference.  Sullivan told the Governor he had heard the regulars were coming to take all their munitions from the fort, and that he understood the previous day’s raid was a justified action to protect the colony’s powder.  He further informed the Governor that hundreds more militiamen were coming to town to return to the fort and confiscate as many of the artillery pieces as they could carry.  He did not tell the Governor that he personally had received and stored the powder seized from the fort the day before.

Wentworth told Sullivan that the rumor of British troops coming to seize munitions was “a wicked falsehood” and ordered Sullivan to go out and disperse the gathering patriot militia.  Sullivan quickly figured out that he was going to be forced to pick a side.  He could either obey the Governor and be labelled a Tory, or he could side with the Patriot militia and risk being hanged as a traitor.

At first Sullivan equivocated.  He told the Governor he would speak with the militia and see what he could do to resolve the situation.  He carried the Governor’s message that the British were not coming to take the fort's munitions and tried to broker a deal to prevent any prosecutions for the previous day’s attack.

Sullivan returned to the Governor with Langdon and a few other leaders saying that the militia was determined to return to the fort and seize the cannon, but that if the Governor might be willing to pardon everyone for the previous day’s raid, they might be able to prevent a second attack.  Wentworth did not see any way he could pardon a military attack on the King’s forces without losing his job, and possibly being prosecuted himself for aiding in this act of war against their own government.

As afternoon turned into evening, the militia officers and men debated their next action.  Some argued the powder raid was justified because the colony had purchased that powder.  The regular army had supplied the cannon, meaning the colony had no right to them.  Opponents of a new raid also pointed to Wentworth’s continuing assurances that the navy was not coming to seize the weapons.  On the other side people argued that this was not a question of property rights but about who had the weapons when war inevitably started.  Further, the few hundred men who engaged in the powder raid might be subject to charges of treason.  Another raid would make sure that everyone in the colony would share responsibility together in their opposition.  They would not allow the few men involved in the previous day's activities to take all the heat in a prosecution.

Some of the militiamen who had come to Portsmouth refused to go along and returned home.  But for every man that left, several more arrived every hour to increase the numbers of men who favored a raid.  By early evening over 1600 soldiers from New Hampshire and Massachusetts were calling for a second raid on the fort.  None of the militia seemed inclined to support the Governor or go to the defense of the fort.  Even Wentworth’s call that morning to recruit a mere 30 men for defense apparently had failed.

Second Raid

Major Sullivan saw that the mood was clearly in favor of a second raid, and agreed to lead the action.  Around 10 PM, he took an advance party of about 100 men out to the fort.  He asked to meet with Captain Cochran.  Realizing that his position was even more indefensible than the day before, Cochran agreed to speak with them.

John Sullivan (from Wikimedia)
Sullivan seemed to act as a mediator, explaining that the militia wanted the remainder of any colonial property held by the fort.  Cochran eventually agreed to turn over colonial property, as long as no personal property or property of the King, i.e. the cannon, would be taken.  From Cochran’s view, there was no way he could mount a defense with six men, several of them now wounded, against 1600 angry militia.  By cutting this deal, he hoped to protect at least some of the King’s weapons, while giving the militia a few dozen muskets, most of them in poor condition, and maybe a few other things.

Once the Patriots entered the fort though, they claimed the small pile of broken down weapons that Cochran presented was not nearly all the colonial property in the fort.  Over Cochran’s now futile objections hundreds of men scoured the fort, removing any ammunition, small arms, and at least 16 of the King’s cannon.  They left around 70 cannon, most of which were too large to move easily.  The men worked all night removing just about anything else of military value from the fort.

The next morning, December 16th, militia had departed the fort but got stuck trying to move the artillery up the river.  Everyone seemed to fear that the navy would arrive at any moment and move in to recapture the equipment.  More militia moved into town, prepared to do battle with the navy in order to give others time to move the equipment further inland.  The Governor and several other officials made continued attempts to end the lawlessness, but it became clear they were only putting themselves in danger with the angry mob.


By the morning of December 17th, the cannon and other equipment were all safely inland and the militia began to return home.  That evening, the first British navy ship arrived with marines prepared to defend the fort.  By then though, there was nothing for them to do.

For a time, the Governor attempted to gather evidence to bring charges of treason against the Patriot leaders involved in the raids.  In the end though, authorities realized that if they did manage to arrest anyone, no jail would hold them and no jury would convict them.  If they managed to get a defendant to the navy and ship them to Britain for prosecution, such an act would bring terrible retaliation.  As it was, the Governor, along with Captain Cochran and several other Tory leaders, would have to flee the colony about six months later - first to Boston and eventually to Canada.

Fort Constitution (from Wikimedia)
Leaders of the raids John Langdon and John Sullivan would never be arrested.  Wentworth revoked their militia commissions and also removed Langdon as a justice of the peace.  But by that time, Wentworth’s authority was dead.  Both men continued to work on behalf of the Patriots, leaving a few months later to serve as delegates to the Second Continental Congress.  Both would have successful military and political careers during and after the Revolution.

Long after the war, in 1808, The government renamed Fort William & Mary as Fort Constitution.  Today the Fort is part of a State Park.

I should also note that other colonies, also receiving word in December that Britain was banning munitions imports also made efforts to secure existing stockpiles.  Rhode Island colonists stripped Fort George in Newport of its munitions.  Similarly, Connecticut colonists secured a battery of cannon in New London.  Neither of these incidents involved an armed confrontation as we saw in Portsmouth.  It was clear though that all of New England was arming for a full scale rebellion.

Next week: Gen. Gage sends regulars to Salem to seize Patriot weapons.

Next Episode 52: Salem & Hearts and Minds

Previous Episode 50: Britain Prepares for War

Further Reading:

Resources to learn more about today’s topic.

The Capture of Fort William & Mary (this site included many primary documents):

Seizure of His Majesty’s Fort William & Mary, by Thomas Kehr:

History of Fort Constitution:

Letter, Wentworth to Gage, Dec. 14, 1774:

Letter, Wentworth to Gage, Dec. 16, 1774:

Proclamation of Gov. Wentworth, Dec. 26, 1774:

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Armory, Thomas The military services and public life of Major-General John Sullivan of the American Revolutionary Army, Cambridge: John Wilson & Son, 1868.

Mayo, Lawrence John Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, 1767-1775, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1921.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Parsons, Charles The Capture of Fort William and Mary, New Hampshire Historical Society, 1903.

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Bunker, Nick An Empire on the Edge, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.

Daughan, George C. Lexington and Concord: The Battle Heard Round the World, New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2018.

Fisher, David Hackett Paul Revere's Ride,  Oxford: Oxford Univerity Press, 1994.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1975.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Raphael, Ray & Marie The Spirit of ‘74: How the American Revolution Began, New York: The New Press, 2015.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

* (Book links to are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).