By 1796, Washington was tired of serving as president. He made no secret of the fact that the increasing divisions and criticisms of his government annoyed him. The divisive issues like the Genet Affair, the Jay Treaty and the Whiskey Rebellion had forced him to take controversial positions which dampened the universal acclaim that he once felt from the public. The opposition press regularly attacked his policies, which irritated him to no end. All of the people who had begged him to serve a second term in office had gone home themselves.
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| George Washington by Gilbert Stuart in 1796 |
Washington really wanted to get back to his home at Mount Vernon to enjoy his remaining years. He wanted to spend time with his grandchildren, repair his plantation, resolve his personal finances, and simply get away from the affairs of government.
There was also an ideological reason. Washington had received praise for walking away from power at the end of the Revolutionary War. He did not want to set a precedent that the President should keep serving until death. One of his fears of a second term was that he might die in office, and not have the opportunity to set the precedent of walking away from the presidency. Washington very much wanted to walk away from the power of the presidency to set the precedent that American leaders were not like kings. They did not serve for life. It was the rule of law, not its leaders, who were sovereign in this new republic.
By this time, the unanimous calls for another term were also gone. While the Federalists still very much wanted Washington to continue in office. Democratic-Republican leaders, Jefferson and Madison, did not think the president was leading the country in the right direction anymore and were happy to have him retire. While they didn’t voice this opinion to him, the lack of any calls for the president to remain from any Democratic Republicans made clear that his universal acclaim had faded.
Drafting the Address
Before he had been talked out of it, Washington had prepared a farewell address near the end of his first term. James Madison had written the address at Washington’s request. Madison wrote or heavily contributed to all of Washington’s major addresses in his first term and into the beginning of his second term.
By 1796 though, Madison and Washington were no longer on speaking terms. They had divided on too many political issues. Instead, Washington turned to Alexander Hamilton. Although Hamilton was, by this time, living in New York and working as a private attorney, he was happy to assist his old boss.
Washington first reached out to Hamilton in February of 1796. Out of concern that someone might be spying on the mail, they corresponded by personal courier. Hamilton took three months to return a rough draft of a farewell address to the President in May.
Timing of the announcement was important to Washington. Of utmost concern was how it impacted his reputation. Washington wanted it to appear that he was leaving at the top of his game. He wanted to be perceived as walking away from power and returning to civilian life simply out of a commitment to rule of law and against the idea that rulers should serve for life. That perception could be tarnished if he announced during a period of controversy. The public might think he was simply afraid to confront the great issues facing him and was running away from the responsibilities that he faced.
Washington made these concerns clear when he wrote to Hamilton in June, adding that he regretted not announcing his retirement at the end of the Congressional session in March. In retrospect, that would have been the ideal time. Since he’d missed that opportunity, he asked for Hamilton’s views as to the best timing in order for him to appear to be walking away from power rather than running away.
Hamilton’s concerns on the timing were very different. In his response to the President, Hamilton suggested that the announcement be made about two months before the electoral college vote in December.
There had, of course, been lots of rumors that Washington would retire at the end of his second term. Despite the rumors, the lack of a clear answer to the question kept many potential candidates from announcing their interest in the position and from publicly organizing to win over voters.
Keeping the question open prevented any Democratic Republicans like Jefferson from running an active campaign, because that would have been seen as opposing Washington. Even if Washington did drop out, appearing to contest Washington’s leadership would be unpopular among many voters who still held the president in very high esteem.
The Federalists believed they would do better if Washington announced his retirement only within a few months of the election. This would give the opposition far less time to mount a campaign and would presumably benefit the Federalist candidate.
Washington and Hamilton did not really come to any agreement as to the planned date for the announcement, but Hamilton spent most of the summer on the project of the farewell address before providing Washington with his drafts.
In July, Hamilton told Washington that he was working on two versions of the address. One was an entirely new draft. The other incorporated Madison’s 1792 draft with some necessary changes. By the end of July, Hamilton sent his independent draft, and about two weeks later sent a draft which was based on Madison’s work. A few weeks after that, Washington wrote to Hamilton saying that he preferred Hamilton’s independent draft over the modified Madison draft.
Hamilton sent his final draft in September. Washington submitted it to his cabinet for review. He also wanted to make some changes. There were some wording changes, but also some substantive ones. Washington had asked Hamilton to include a few lines about the importance of establishing more institutions of higher learning. Hamilton did not include that, so Washington added something himself. He also greatly expanded on his neutrality policy, noting his motive was that the country needed time to mature before it could have a stronger foreign policy. He also added a line about the importance of the Union as the main protection of liberty.
Washington also removed several lines, including one recommending industry and frugality to the American people. He also removed some of the wording about concerns over political parties, using some language from the Madison draft instead.
Washington never intended to give the address in person. Washington loathed public speaking, and with Congress away, there was no obvious audience at the capital to deliver such a speech. This address was meant to be submitted to the public in writing. The same day he gave it to the cabinet for review, September 15, Washington asked David Claypool, editor of the American Daily Advertiser to publish the address.
The published address hit the streets on September 19. That same day, Washington packed up, left Philadelphia and returned home to Mount Vernon.
The Address
Washington began his address by making clear that he would decline any consideration for reelection. He noted that he never really wanted the job, but accepted it out of a sense of duty. He would have preferred to have left the office sooner, but due to the concerns especially of foreign affairs, he had remained in the office. But he was determined to retire.
The rest of his address were his words of advice for the country. He began by stressing the importance of the Union.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is … a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize.
He recognizes that there had always been strong sectional divides, which remained. Northern and southern states often had differing interests and priorities, as did the Atlantic and western states. He thought, however, that we must overcome those.
He sees parties as playing on these divisions for partisan advantage when they should be bound together as brothers. He notes that each part of the country is interdependent on the others. The Northern focus on commercial and maritime enterprises, and the southern focus on agriculture both benefit one other. The western states depend on the eastern ones for access to markets. Washington also warns the west not to be tempted away by foreign powers - that they would be far less secure with foreign alliances than they are staying part of the union.
He also warns against rebellion. He notes that the Constitution is a sacred obligation on all citizens, unless and until it is changed by an "explicit and authentic act of the whole people." It is the duty of every individual to obey the government. This seems to be a reference to the Whiskey Rebellion, noting that efforts to obstruct execution of the laws are a threat to the union and give rise to factionalism.
He warns against the temptation to resist laws that you do not like. They give power to men who would destroy a government based on the people for their own benefit.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Washington sees political parties as a threat to the country. Americans must see one another as Americans, not as members of different parties, or it will destroy the country.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Washington also warns political leaders to stay in their lanes. They must respect the checks and balances set out in the Constitution:
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free Country should inspire caution, in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective Constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the Powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create whatever the form of government, a real despotism.
He emphasizes the importance of religion as well:
Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure—reason & experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
He reminds the public that it is important to keep the public debt under control as well.
As a very important source of strength & security cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible: avoiding occasions of expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it—avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge the Debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear.
The President turns next to foreign policy, reminding people that permanent fondness or hatreds for certain countries are to be avoided. America must focus on its national interest, which may mean that relationships with other countries must necessarily change over time. He warns against foreign influence, to which a Republic is particularly vulnerable since the people can be swayed. Partisans may even use foreign influence to their own political advantage. This causes us to ignore real dangers from a perceived ally.
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause & confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
While we need to engage commercially, political alliances with other countries have very real dangers. “The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible.”
He warns the country to “steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign world” while trusting only “temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.”
He stresses the importance of neutrality in the ongoing war in Europe. That to do otherwise would take us from the goal of maintaining “Peace and amity towards other Nations.”
Washington concluded:
“I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow Citizens, the benign influence of good Laws under a free Government—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.”
Reception
Newspapers quickly reprinted the address around the country and in Europe.
As much as Washington stressed his concerns over partisanship in his address, reaction to the speech broke down solidly among partisan lines.
Federalists praised the address one called it “an oracle of political truth.” Republicans, however, viewed the address as quite partisan. Madison wrote in a private letter that the address showed that Washington was "compleatly in the snares of the British faction"
William Duane, a writer for the opposition paper Aurora, published an anonymous pamphlet calling the address “the loathings of a sick mind” and accusing Washington of simply trying to justify his past policies.
The new Congressman from Tennessee, Andrew Jackson, so opposed the points made in the address that he voted against Congress’ formal declaration of thanks for the presidents’ service.
While the address is written in abstract principles, it would be clear what Washington was talking about at the time when he warned against permanent alliances. France had been America’s traditional ally since the Revolution and Britain had become its traditional enemy. The Jeffersonians wanted a continued alliance with revolutionary France, which represented the end of monarchy in Europe. Federalists wanted to rebuild a closer relationship with Britain.
Similarly the warnings against foreign influence and parties taking advantage of such influence, was a not so veiled attack on France’s efforts to use Republican clubs around the country to build popular support for Revolutionary France and foster hostility toward Britain.
Both sides seemed to read Washington’s address as implying that the American alliance with France no longer served American interests and that a closer relationship with Britain would serve those interests. Federalists thought that was great. Republicans, not so much.
Abroad, Britain praised the speech. The Times of London represented the full text of the address and described it as a “very masterly performance.” The new French minister in America, Pierre Adet, reported to his government that the address was full of lies, had an “insolent tone” and was essentially the doctrine espoused by Alexander Hamilton.
For the Republicans, the address seemed to be saying, let’s all come together and support the Federalist agenda.
Washington - lame duck
After Washington released his address, he remained president for nearly another six months, until Adams’ inauguration in March of 1797. Washington returned to Philadelphia when Congress resumed its work in December, 1796, and gave his last state of the Union address.
There was still some final legislation in those final months. Despite a treaty with Algiers, Congress voted to continue building three frigates, even though Congress had previously decreed that building would stop on the ship if they signed a treaty.
Congress also voted to disband two companies of light dragoons as a cost saving measure. For only the second time in his presidency, Washington used his veto, arguing that those companies were essential. Congress failed to override the veto and passed a revised spending bill that included the dragoons.
Washington also provided some last minute pardons, including ten members of the Whiskey Rebellion who had been convicted of treason.
But for the most part, Washington’s farewell address focused public attention on who would replace him in the presidential election and then on the incoming Adams Administration.
Washington spent most of his final months attending parties and banquets in his honor. His 65th birthday in February, 1797, was a particular cause for celebration at a ball with over 1200 guests..
Despite these months of activity as President after publishing his Farewell Address, it marked the end of the Washington presidency for most Americans.
Next week, we’ll cover the Presidential Election of 1796.
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Further Reading
Websites
Washington’s Farewell Address https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/resources/pdf/Washingtons_Farewell_Address.pdf
Farewell Address, 19 September 1796 https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-20-02-0440-0002
VIDEO: Washington's Farewell with Author John Avlon, by Bedford Community Television NH https://archive.org/details/bctvnh-Washington_s_Farewell_with_Author_John_Avlon
Bemis, Samuel Flagg. “Washington’s Farewell Address: A Foreign Policy of Independence.” The American Historical Review, vol. 39, no. 2, 1934, pp. 250–68. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1838722
DeConde, Alexander. “Washington’s Farewell, the French Alliance, and the Election of 1796.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 43, no. 4, 1957, pp. 641–58. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1902277
Heidenreich, Donald E. “Conspiracy Politics in the Election of 1796.” New York History, vol. 92, no. 3, 2011, pp. 151–65. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23185122.
MALANSON, JEFFREY J. “‘If I Had It in His Hand-Writing I Would Burn It’: Federalists and the Authorship Controversy over George Washington’s Farewell Address, 1808–1859.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 34, no. 2, 2014, pp. 219–42. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24486688
Spalding, Matthew. “George Washington’s Farewell Address.” The Wilson Quarterly (1976-), vol. 20, no. 4, 1996, pp. 65–71. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40259366
“George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 26 June 1796,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-20-02-0151.
“Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 5 July 1796,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-20-02-0157.
Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)
Washington’s Farewell Address: With a Prefatory note by Worthing Chauncey Ford, Boston: Small, Maynard & Co. 1899. https://archive.org/details/washingtons-farewell-address-1899
Binney, Horace An Inquiry into the Formation of Washington's Farewell Address, Philadelphia: Parry & McMillan, 1859. https://archive.org/details/aninquiryintofo01binngoog
Mott, George S. “Formation of Washington's Farewell Address to the American People” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1897. https://archive.org/details/jstor-20085755
Patsits, Victor H. Washington’s Farewell Address, New York Public Library, 1935.
Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*
Avlon, John, Washington’s Farewell, Simon & Schuster, 2017.
Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004.
Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010.
Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020.
Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org).
Heidler, David S. & Jeanne T. Washington's Circle: The Creation of the President, Random House, 2015.
Kaufman, Burton I. Washington's Farewell Address; The View from the 20th Century, Quadrangle Books, 1969 (borrow on archive.org).
Leibiger, Stuart Founding Friendship George Washington, James Madison, and the Creation of the American Republic, Univ. of Virginia Press, 1999.
Malone, Dumas Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, Little Brown & Co. 1962 (borrow on archive.org).
Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012
Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton and the Growth of the New Nation (or Portrait in Paradox), Harper & Brothers, 1959 (borrow on archive.org)
Nester, William The Hamiltonian Vision, 1789-1800, Potomac Books, 2012.
Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.
Spalding, Matthew and Patrick Garrity A Sacred Union of Citizens, Roman & Littlefield, 1996 (borrow on archive.org).
Unger, Harlow G. "Mr. President": George Washington and the Making of the Nation's Highest Office, Da Capo Press, 2013.
Warren, Jack D. The Presidency of George Washington, Univ. of Va. Press, 1996 (borrow on archive.org).
* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.
