Sunday, July 19, 2026

ARP394 Tennessee Joins the Union

On June 1, 1796, President Washington signed the law formally admitting Tennessee as the 16th state to join the union.  This week, we’ll take a look at how Tennessee got there.

We last looked at this region back in Episode 335.  At that time, the western counties of North Carolina were sick of the abuse they were getting from the rest of the state, and declared themselves to be the independent State of Franklin.

North Carolina had already agreed to cede this land to the Continental Congress in 1784, but Congress refused to accept it.  The residents then felt free to form their own state and applied to Congress for recognition.

Collapse of Franklin

Between 1784 and 1788, the state of Franklin operated independently of North Carolina.  It elected Revolutionary War hero John Sevier as its president.  The government continued to work with the Confederation Congress to gain recognition, and made treaties with Indian tribes to justify its land claims.

Map of Tennessee, 1796
North Carolina officials declared the Franklin movement to be a revolt and an act of treason against the state.  At the same time, North Carolina did not have the money or power to suppress the rebellion militarily, so it focused on political compromise.  If offered pardons to any citizens of Franklin who returned their allegiance to North Carolina.  It also authorized continued elections in those western counties, permitting loyalists to elect representatives to the North Carolina legislature.

North Carolina sought to divide Franklin by establishing local leaders that supported the view that they should remain part of North Carolina.  Very quickly John Tipton assumed that leadership role.  

Tipton had originally been a part of the movement to form the independent State of Franklin.  He was also a political rival of Sevier.  When the Franklin legislature unanimously elected Sevier as president, and Tipton could not even get a seat in the legislature, he took great offense.  He was further disenchanted when the state constitution he supported, which favored strict religious requirements and morality laws, was rejected in favor of a constitution that was simply a modified version of the North Carolina Constitution.  Tipton saw his dream for the new state, and his role in the leadership, disappear.

In the loyalist election run by the North Carolina government in August of 1786, Tipton won election as a representative from the disputed western counties to the North Carolina legislature.  Tipton became a leading advocate for crushing the State of Franklin and keeping the western counties within the state of North Carolina.

For the next two years, the people living in this disputed territory were subject to two different governments that conflicted with one another.  There were two sets of militia, two court systems, and two separate demands for the payment of taxes.  The situation became so dire that in 1787, Sevier and North Carolina General Evan Shelby had to reach a temporary understanding that residents would not be forced to pay taxes to one jurisdiction if they had already paid taxes to the other. 

This agreement was only a temporary one to prevent an all out civil war between the two groups.  At the same time, North Carolina Governor Richard Caswell, who had been friends with Sevier, promised that if the Franklin movement ended its efforts at independence, North Carolina would allow a peaceful separation under its own terms at a later date.  North Carolina also encouraged Franklin supporters to jump ship by promising to forgive the years of back taxes due to North Carolina, if they would abandon the movement.

These conciliatory efforts, along with North Carolina’s ability to isolate Franklin economically, the movement lost support. Franklin’s government began to collapse in late 1787 officials feared holding an election because it would almost certainly result in a contest of arms that would leave many dead..  When President Sevier’s term ended in March of 1788, there was no legislature in place to replace him and no infrastructure to hold a new election.  With that, the Franklin government collapsed completely and the state largely faded away.

Sevier Resists

Sevier, however, and other smaller numbers of men refused to give up.  In February 1788, just before Sevier’s term ended and while Sevier was away trying to make agreements with local Indian tribes, Tipton had the North Carolina sheriff raid Sevier’s plantation and seize his slaves for nonpayment of North Carolina taxes.

When Sevier returned he discovered that his slaves were at Tipton’s plantation.  He rounded up 150 men to take back his property by force.  His men surrounded the plantation, but Tipton refused to concede.  Sevier men outnumbered the 15 defenders by 10 to 1.  They even brought up a small field cannon to force a surrender.  Tipton, however, refused to back down.  He dared the attackers to fire.  Sevier could not follow through on his threat.  He was not ready to massacre Tipton and kick off a larger war, which he would almost certainly lose.

Sevier’s men besieged the plantation for a few days.  They did take pot shots at a few defenders who stepped outside the house, killing one and wounding another.  Finally a relief force arrived, scattering Sevier’s army and capturing their cannon.

Two of Sevier’s sons were captured following the retreat.  Tipton threatened to hang both of them but backed down after they pleaded for mercy. Despite this incident, things seemed to be returning to unity with North Carolina largely back in control.

Governor Caswell’s policy of persuasion had had an impact, but North Carolina replaced him with Governor Samuel Johnston.  According to most sources, Johnston was not particularly interested in the frontier issues.  As a colonial legislator, he had sponsored legislation to punish western colonists who had rebelled at Alamance.  Those advising him, including Tipton, advised the governor that Sevier remained a threat to North Carolina.  

Sevier had reached an understanding with North Carolina Militia commander Evan Shelby, but Shelby had been replaced by Joseph Martin, who very much wanted to use force to crush the Franklin movement.  Martin convinced Governor Johnston that this was the right policy.  He suggested that Sevier was incorrigible and would never settle.  He asserted that Sevier had killed a Cherokee chief and was on the brink of inviting a larger Cherokee war against the region, and that he might be raising a western army to attack North Carolina directly.

None of these accusations seemed to have much basis in fact, but it was enough for Governor Johnston to order Sevier’s arrest for high treason.  Johnston issued the order in July, 1788.  Sevier, at the time, was leading an army but one that was fighting off attacks from Cherokee and Chickamauga warriors on the frontier.

Arrest and Redemption

When Sevier returned home in the fall, Tipton formed a posse, cornered Sevier at the home of a friend and arrested him.  He placed Sevier in handcuffs and brought him to Morgantown.  Along the way, one of the guards informed Sevier that one of the guards planned to murder him.  Sevier tried to make an escape but his horse got tangled in the underbrush.  The guard that was determined to kill Sevier, a man named French, caught up with Sevier, pulled his pistol and shot Sevier in the head.  Fortunately, the ball had fallen out of the pistol before it was fired, leaving Sevier with only a powder burn.

The posse delivered Sevier to the Sheriff of Burke County.  Sevier, however, still had a loyal following.  Word of his arrest soon resulted in 2000 men picking up their arms and riding to rescue Sevier. 

The army assembled at Jonesboro. Those commanding the volunteer force, including Sevier’s sons, met to debate how to proceed best.  One of the officers, Major James Cozby suggested that the best way to rescue Sevier was not with a large army but rather a small group of men who could conduct a jailbreak.  Cozby hand picked five other men, all of whom were officers who had served under Sevier during the Revolution War and in the Indian wars.

By the time the men arrived in Morgantown, the treason trial against Sevier had already begun.  Thousands of people surrounded the court house as spectators.  Cozby left four of the men and their horses on the outskirts of the crowd.  He and Captain Nathaniel Evans rode into the crowd and made their way up to the courthouse door, bringing Sevier’s horse with them.  Cozby walked the courtroom, made eye contact with Sevier and made sure Sevier saw his horse standing by the courthouse door.

Cozby then shouted at the judge, creating a distraction.  Sevier took that moment to dash for the door, jump on his horse and ride off at a full gallop.  During the confusion, Cozby and Evans also managed to get back to their horses and ride away.  Although the sheriff’s deputies gave chase, they were unable to catch anyone.

Part of this success may have been do to with the fact that most of the anti-Sevier advocates, including Tipton and Martin, had already gone into hiding.   Sevier’s capture had brought on threats by mobs to lynch these men.  Therefore, people who probably could have identified Sevier’s friends and who had an inclination to do so, were not at the trial.

Despite his escape, Sevier was a wanted fugitive from the law.  But his popularity remained so high among the people in the western counties that it soon became apparent that officials needed to come to some accommodation with him.  

While on the run from the law, the voters elected Sevier to the North Carolina State Senate.  In November, 1789, Sevier showed up at the capital, demanding to take his seat.  Other representatives, including Tipton, objected to seating a wanted fugitive.  Sevier was so popular though, that debate turned to a resolution to withdraw the charges against him and restore his rights of citizenship.  Debate on the matter grew so intense that Tipton attempted to strangle one of Sevier’s advocates on the House floor.  Others broke up the fight, but soon a duel was planned for the two men, but the matter was settled before the actual duel occurred.

The resolution passed and Sevier took his seat.  That was not the end of his redemption.  Shortly afterward, Militia General Martin submitted a claim for a militia campaign against the Chickamauga.  By tradition, the western militia had defended themselves against the Indians and had borne their own costs.  The legislature was so offended by the claim for expenses, that they removed Martin as brigadier general of the western militia.  In his place, they appointed, guess who: John Sevier!  So in a matter of days, Sevier went from being a criminal target of the militia, to being their new commander.

The following year, Sevier left the state legislature.  North Carolina had finally ratified the US  Constitution.  The voters of western North Carolina elected Sevier to the US House of Representatives and sent him to Congress.

Southwest Territory

While in Congress, Sevier helped to arrange North Carolina’s second attempt to cede western lands to the Federal Government.  This time it was more successful.  Congress accepted the land cession and established the Southwest Territory in the spring of 1790.  President Washington appointed William Blount as governor of the Southwest Territory.  

I mentioned Blount before as one of the speculators who got caught up in the effort to buy the Yazoo lands of western Georgia.  Blount had also been active in the movement to get North Carolina to ratify the Constitution.  After Blount lost a bid to become one of North Carolina’s first US Senators, President Washington offered him the governorship of the Southwest Territory, which is essentially what became Tennessee.  This was in thanks for his efforts in bringing North Carolina into the Union.

Western settlers were initially skeptical of Blount, who was from eastern North Carolina.  But Blount made friends with Sevier, who still held the trust of the westerners.  Blount also tried to appoint Tipton as a Justice of the Peace, but Tipton refused the appointment.  Blount made efforts to end the feud between Sevier and Tipton.  He made some progress, at one point convincing Tipton to burn a petition that he had been circulating to discredit Sevier.  But the two men never really got past their differences.

Much of Blount’s efforts however, were focused on peace with the Indians.  In 1791, he managed to get agreement to the Treaty of Holston with the Cherokee, establishing which lands were reserved for Indians and which were open for settlement.

The area that became the southwest territory already had seven counties, Washington, Sullivan, Greene, Davidson, Sumner, Hawkins, and Tennessee counties.  As territorial governor Blount created two more counties in 1792, Knox county, named for his superior, Secretary of War Henry Knox, and Jefferson County.  Both of these were set on lands acquired through the Treaty of Holston.

In October, Blount established the territorial capital of the territory at a fort along the Tennessee River in Knox county. The town became known as Knoxville.

Territorial Legislature

Under the rules set by Congress for the territory, it would at first be controlled by the governor, a secretary and three federal judges all appointed by the president.  Once the population reached 5000 qualified voters, they would establish a territorial legislature.  To vote, one had to be a free white male at least 21 years old and with at least 50 acres of land.

A 1791 census showed over 6000 qualified voters, but Governor Blount delayed establishing a legislature for over two years.  Blount wanted to consolidate his own power in the territory, and perhaps put himself in a better position to enrich himself with western land grants.  He argued that the delay was over the lack of taxes to support a legislature, but this led to pushback from the people.

The territory finally held its first elections in late 1793, leading to the legislature being seated in February of 1794.  Under the territorial rules, the people elected a house of representatives.  The house then nominated ten men to form a legislative council, essentially an upper house.  President Washington would select five of those ten men to serve in that upper house.  Among those selected for the legislative council was John Sevier.  The legislature also elected a territorial non-voting delegate to represent the territory in the US Congress.

The legislature got to work, quickly forming Sevier County in 1794 and Blount County in 1795.  They also chartered three colleges, Blount College, which eventually became the University of Tennessee, Greeneville College, and Washington College.  They set up a territorial tax code, setting the maximum land tax at 12.5 cents per 100 acres. They also authorized public lotteries for special government projects.

For statehood, the Northwest Ordinance a territory needed 60,000 free inhabitants before applying for statehood.  People assumed the same rule would apply to the Southwest Territory. In 1795, the legislature called on Governor Blount to conduct a census  The results of the census revealed in November a free population of over 66,000 plus another 10,000 slaves.

Constitutional Convention

The legislature promptly called for a Constitutional Convention to meet in Knoxville in January of 1796.  Each of the eleven counties sent five delegates for a total of 55 delegates at the convention.  They chose Blount to serve as the Convention Chairman.  Interestingly, Sevier did not serve as a delegate to the convention.

The main purpose of the convention was to write a constitution. There was some debate about whether to have a single house legislature or a bicameral legislature with two houses.  They chose the latter.  There was also considerable debate over religious tests for office.  The original proposal required all office holders to believe in the “divine authority of the old and new testaments.” This was removed and replaced with a prohibition on anyone holding office who denied the existence of God.  They also excluded ministers from serving in the state legislature.

Another important provision mandated that all land be taxed at the same rate, based on acreage, not value.  This was a boon to land speculators who held particularly valuable parcels of land.  Another issue came up because of a significant portion of the population who operated farms on Indian lands.  Since they could not officially own this land, they could not serve since they were not land owners.  The delegates added a special exception to allow these people to serve in office.  

Voting, however, removed all land ownership requirements.  Any free adult male who resided in the state for at least six months was free to vote.  Voting was open to both black and white men, as long as they were free.

One of the more controversial debates was over what might happen if the Federal government refused their application for admission into the Union  Remember the whole State of Franklin controversy happened when North Carolina had tried to cede this territory before, Congress rejected taking it, and the population formed the State of Franklin.

One delegate proposed that they make clear that they would exist as an independent state, whether or not the Federal government allowed them to join the Union.  This revived fears of a whole new State of Franklin part 2 controversy where the people would once again be fighting the rest of the country for their own independence.  

The response to this was that the Federal government had already taken control of the territory.  It gave every indication that it was ready to include them in the union, and there was no need to provoke controversy unless some rejection actually happened.  The majority of delegates voted to table the question and move on to other things.  However, the preamble of the Constitution they drafted did make clear that the people “do mutually agree with each other to form themselves into a free and independent state.”

One other decision that the Convention had to decide was what to call the new state.  They avoided calling it Franklin, mostly out of concern that it would dredge up again those divisions that had plagued the region for the last decade.  A young lawyer at the convention, Andrew Jackson, suggested they call the state Tennessee, named after the Tennessee River, which, in turn took its name from the Cherokee Town of Tenase.

The main problem with that name was that there was already a Tennessee County.  That county agreed to change its name and give the name to the new State.

Statehood

When the convention ended on February 6, 1796, the process moved pretty quickly.  Blount forwarded the state constitution to Secretary of State Timothy Pickering.  Without waiting for any response, the Tennessee General Assembly convened its first secession at the end of March.

President Washington forwarded the constitution and application for statehood to Congress on April 8.  Congress, of course, had its concerns.  The main concern was political.  Federalists were concerned that Tennessee would vote for Thomas Jefferson in the upcoming presidential elections later that year, potentially harming Adams’ chances of winning.  Some of them argued that the census was “rigged” and that Tennessee really didn’t have a free population of 60,000 people.  Some argued the territory should be divided into two states, which would have greatly delayed the process since each of those state would have to develop a population of 60,000.

After about a month of debate, the house passed a bill approving admission by a vote of 43 to 30.  The matter then went to the Senate, which promptly voted against admission.  The two houses then worked out a deal which granted admission, but also reduced Tennessee’s initial house delegation, from two to one person until the 1800 census.  This also had the effect of giving the state one less electoral vote for the next two presidential elections.

With this change, the Senate withdrew its objections to statehood and the bill passed on May 31.  The next day, June 1, President Washington signed the admission bill, formally admitted Tennessee into the Union as the 16th state.

Next Week: George Washington gives his farewell address.

 - - -

Next Episode 395 Washington's Farewell Address (coming soon)

Previous Episode 393 Yazoo Land Scandal

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to ad-free episodes, podcast extras, and help make the podcast a sustainable project.



Signup for the AmRev Podcast Mail List

* indicates required

Further Reading

Websites

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Arthur, John Preston Western North Carolina: A History (from 1730 to 1913), Raleigh, NC: Edward Buncombe Chapter of the DAR, 1914.  

Garrett, William R. History of Tennessee: Its People and its Institutions, Nashville: The Brandon Co. 1900. 

Gilmore, James R. John Sevier as a Commonwealth-Builder, New York: D. Appleton and Co. 1898. 

Karns, T.C. Tennessee History Stories, Richmond: B.F. Johnson Printing Co. 1904. 

Phelan, James History of Tennessee: The Making of a State, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and co. 1888. 

Turner, Francis Marion Life of General John Sevier, New York: The Neale Publishing Co. 1910. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Corlew, Robert, et. al Tennessee: A Short History, Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1969.

Durham, Walter T. Before Tennessee: The Southwest Territory, 1790-1796, Rocky Mount Historical Assn. 1990. 

Finger, John R. Tennessee Frontiers: Three Regions in Transition, Indiana Univ. Press, 2001

Foster, Dave Tennessee: Territory to Statehood, Top Tenn. Press, 2000 (borrow on archive.org

Langsdon, Phillip R. Tennessee: A Political History, Hillsboro Press, 2000.

 * As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, July 12, 2026

ARP393 Yazoo Land Scandal

Near the end of 1794, the Georgia legislature passed a law that sold most of its western lands to a few private companies.  These lands were often called the Yazoo lands, since the Yazoo River flowed through some of them.  These lands made up much of what is today Alabama and Mississippi.  The law, which was finalized in 1795, led to charges of corruption and scandal.  It generated lawsuits that lasted for decades, eventually resulting in a landmark Supreme Court decision.

Original Grants

Like most land disputes in North America, we find the origins of the problems coming from London’s Privy Council, which set Georgia’s boundaries when the colony first received its charter in 1732.  It put no western border on the colony, other than perhaps the Pacific Ocean.  The reason for this was that Britain hoped all of its colonies would push westward, claiming lands in the interior of North America, in order to challenge the claims of other European colonial powers.

Burning the Yazoo Land Act
When the 1783 Treaty of Paris established the Mississippi River as the western border of the US, Georgia claimed all the lands to the west of its colony, as far west as the river.  Of course, the Native Americans who lived on this land claimed it as their own.  Spain also had claims to parts of this land until the 1795 Treaty of San Lorenzo that we covered last week.  South Carolina also claimed a portion of these lands.

We’ve seen conflicting land claims like these lead to lawsuits, government petitions, and all out war to settle them.  The Yazoo lands would be no different.  Those who wanted to get rich by speculating on western lands were rarely afraid of the legal, or even physical battles that they would have to fight in order to claim the land as their own.  Such risks often paid off when they could settle their claims and then sell the land at a huge profit to settlers.

One of the first big land deals attempted came right at the end of the Revolutionary War, when William Blount and John Sevier formed a company to settle the Muscle Shoals region along the Tennessee River, in what is today northern Alabama.

Sevier had moved to this region before the Revolution and had been actively fighting with the Cherokee for control of the territory.  He led Overmountain Men at the battle of Kings Mountain.  He would later go on to become governor of the purported state of Franklin.

Blount was a North Carolina official who hoped to get rich on western lands.  He had served as a paymaster during the war, at least until he managed to lose $300,000 after the battle of Camden.  After that, he served in both the North Carolina legislature, and the Continental Congress.  Around the same time Blount and Sevier were trying to get western land rights from the Georgia Legislature, Blount was also pushing North Carolina’s Land Grab Act that attempted to open western lands to settlement.

As it turned out, the Georgia legislature would not go along at the time.  But, of course, the land speculators would be back.  

1788 Land Deal

In 1788, after Georgia ratified the Constitution, it tried to cede a large portion of its western lands to the federal government.  The land offered, however, was too remote from any other settlements.  It was in the middle of lands claimed by the Creek, Choctaw, and Chickasaw tribes.  Part of the land was also still claimed by Spain.  Congress refused to accept the land grant at that time.

Georgia was still relatively unpopulated with white settlers by this time.  There were still vast swaths of land in the eastern part of the state that were completely undeveloped.  Georgia law permitted the government to provide grants to new settlers who would develop the land.  The goal was to populate the state.  Laws required cultivation of the land for at least a year before title was given, and limits of no more than 1000 acres per individual.  All of Georgia’s governors ignored these rules, giving away land grants to well-connected speculators and others who often obtained tens of thousands of acres, sometimes more than a million acres  

Many of these land grants did not even cover actual land.  Fraudulent surveys created fraudulent land claims.  In 1796, the state’s twenty-four organized counties contained a total of 8.7 million acres.  At the same time, those counties had land grants on file for over 29 million acres.  Land dealers sold these grants to gullible buyers from northern states and from Europe, people who would never be able to find their claims if they ever came to the state.

Since it was out-of-state speculators who were being cheated, no one seemed to care much as the investment money flowed into the state and often greased the palms of government officials at all levels.

This was the environment that existed when Georgia tried to open up its western lands for sale in 1789.  Three large investment companies agreed to purchase about 25 million acres of western lands.  The companies included some really wealthy and powerful men.  The head of the South Carolina Yazoo Company was Alexander Moultrie, who was also, at the time, the state’s Attorney General. Another major investor was Isaac Huger, who had been a Continental General and was currently serving as South Carolina’s federal marshal.  The South Carolina Yazoo company purchased about 10 million acres, much of it along the Mississippi River, and included what is today Vicksburg.  The total cost was about $67,000.

Another company, the Tennessee Yazoo Company was headed by Zachariah Cox, who had taken a position as assistant clerk of the Georgia House, giving him an influential position with the legislature.  His company, backed by others, including William Blount and John Sevier, once again tried to purchase the Muscle Shoals area along the Tennessee border, nearly 4 million acres for about $47,000.

A third company, the Virginia Yazoo Company, included former Governor Patrick Henry.  This company bought somewhere between 7 and 11 million acres for around $94,000.  The exact size was vague because all of the land was still under the control of the Chickasaw nation and it was unclear how much could eventually be made available for settlement.

So, for only around $200,000, these three companies bought most of Georgia’s western lands.  Almost immediately, the deals caused a public backlash.  The land sale resulted in the land being sold for just over one cent per acre, a ridiculously small amount.  

The new Federal government also raised concerns.  Georgia was relying on questionable treaties that it had made with the tribes that controlled this land.  Many tribal leaders denied that those who had signed these treaties had any authority to do so.  President Washington, not wanting to see another major Indian war in the south, issued a proclamation in the summer of 1790, warning that only the federal government had authority to make treaties with the Indians, and that settlers who tried to move onto Indian lands not authorized by federal treaties were not under the government’s protection.

One group of settlers who moved into the Muscle Shoals area were forcibly removed by the Cherokee who still claimed ownership over this land. After the settlers’ removal, the Cherokee burned all the buildings so that they could not be reoccupied.

The Georgia politicians who approved this land deal quickly realized that, without public support, and without federal support, this whole thing was going to fall apart.  If they could not convey the land, the companies might want their money back.  One important principle of land deals at this time seemed to be “no refunds.”

The companies had been given two years to come up with the money.  The terms of the sale had not specified how the payments would be made.  The buyers expected to pay in depreciated state or Continental paper, which was probably worth an eighth of its nominal value.  

Before that could make those payments, about six months after the deal was finalized, Georgia passed a law requiring that all payments be made in specie, that is gold or silver.  There was no way the companies could come up with that much real money.  When they offered payment with paper currency, the treasurer refused to accept it.  When the payment deadline passed at the end of 1791, the treasurer stated that payment had not been provided.  The state foreclosed on the grants, retook possession of the land, and kept any money that had already been paid.

One of the companies that lost its purchase money tried to bring a case before the US Supreme Court, but after ratification of the 11th Amendment, that case was dismissed.

James Gunn

Despite getting ripped off by the Georgia legislature, the speculators and investors retreated and regrouped to try again.  Some new players also joined the competition.

In 1794, they made another attempt to buy up Georgia’s western lands.  This time, the largest group was run by local Georgians.  The Georgia Group was run by James Gunn, who was, at the time, one of the US Senators from Georgia.  Gunn was a Virginian who had served as a Continental during the war.  After the war, he settled in Savannah where he began a law practice and established a plantation.

Gunn was always on one financial hustle after another and also had a history of being quite combative. One example from the war, sheds some light on his character. During his military service in Georgia, his government-issued horse was killed in battle.  By tradition, officers who lost a horse were allowed to pick another one from any that were available.  Gunn managed to get a very valuable horse as his replacement.  He then traded that horse with a local plantation owner for two other horses and a slave.  

His commander at the time, General Nathanael Greene, felt that trading government property for other property was a violation of military rules.  This resulted in an official inquiry into Gunn’s actions.  The court martial acquitted Gunn of any criminal wrong-doing, but the Continental Congress condemned his actions.  Gunn believed that Greene was responsible for this attack on his honor and challenged General Greene to a duel.  Greene ended up declining the duel after discussing the matter with both General Anthony Wayne and General George Washington, who both argued that commanding officers should never fight a duel with subordinates over their official decisions.  Gunn continued to consider Greene to be an enemy, and threatened to kill him.  Even after the war ended, Greene carried a side arm to defend himself if Gunn tried to make good on his threats. The dispute only ended after Greene died of sunstroke.

Gunn also quickly made political enemies with James Jackson, who won a seat in the House of Representatives, as well as Anthony Wayne, who Gunn defeated in a competition for one of Georgia’s first Senate seats.

In the Senate, Gunn associated himself with the Federalists, and supported most of Hamilton’s policies.  He also started the tradition of Senatorial courtesy, that is that one Senator can hold up any nomination to any federal appointment in his home state.  Gunn objected to Washington‘s appointment of Benjamin Fishbourn for a position in the customs service for the port of Savannah.  Fishbourn was a political ally of Anthony Wayne and had also taken Greene’s side in the wartime dispute over the horse trade.  Gunn did not articulate any specific reason for his objection when Washington inquired. Washington moved on and nominated someone else.  

Sale of Yazoo Lands

Gunn should have been in Philadelphia in late 1794 to attend a session of the US Senate.  Instead, he stayed in Augusta to lobby for the land sale that his company wanted.  He coordinated his efforts with three other companies that wanted to buy land.  This included the Georgia Mississippi Company, the Tennessee Company, and the Upper Mississippi Company.  Gunn coordinated with these other groups so that they would not create conflicting purchases of land and would not compete with one another on price.

Territory Sold under Yazoo Deal
The combined proposal of the four companies was for about 35 million acres of western land, about 10 million more than the 1789 proposal.  The total payment for this land would be about $250,000 which was more than the $200,000 offered in 1788, but since it included an additional 10 million acres, the cost per acre was even less than before.  Much of the new land added to this deal was the areas that were claimed by Spain.  Speculators believed that these disputed claims would soon be settled by what became the Treaty of San Lorenzo, which would give the US control.  

The speculators, not to get caught again, specified in the agreement that the purchase could be made with paper money, and would not be required to be paid in specie.  Given that this paper could be purchased for about one-eight of the same value in specie, the buyers were actually getting this land for something closer to around $30,000 in gold or silver.

Now you may be asking, why would Georgia try to sell this land again for a pittance after there was so much public opposition to the last attempted sale? 

One big reason was that the state was broke.  Georgia had been spending money defending its frontier against the Creek Nation and didn’t want to raise taxes.  There was also a clock ticking on the sale.  If they sold the rights to the land before the US and Spain settled their conflicting claims and Spain retained control, then that would be the buyers’ problem.  If the US acquired the disputed land, the Federal government might claim that land for itself and cut Georgia out of any land sales there.  For the buyers, getting the disputed land now meant it was much cheaper thanks to the risk of the title.  If the federal government succeeded in claiming the land, it would respect the private owners’ purchases.

Perhaps the biggest reason the legislature pushed through the bill was corruption.  Senator Gunn simply paid bribes to a majority of the legislature.  

With enough palms appropriately greased, the legislature approved the sale.  However, no one considered paying off the governor.  Matthews vetoed the sale.  On December 29, 1794, Matthews’ veto statement said that the amount of money offered for the land was inadequate, that too little land was reserved for Georgia citizens to purchase, that putting all these western lands in the hands of a few companies would slow settlement of a state which was growing based on giving away land to new settlers, and because there was no public notice of the sale to accept rival offers that could increase the price of these sales.

Following the veto, the buyers and legislators scrambled to get the governor on board.  The buyers agreed to double their price to $500,000.  The legislature tied the bill to an act that would pay bounties for soldiers who had fought in the battles with the Creek Nation.  So if the governor refused to let the deal go through, he would be subject to attack for not supporting the troops. A little over a week later, on January 7, 1795, Matthews signed the amended bill into law.

Scandal

Once again, the legislature had sold the bulk of the land to a few wealthy insiders for a pittance. Senator James Jackson, a political opponent of Senator Gunn, resigned his seat in the US Senate so that he could return to Georgia and devote himself to overturning this corrupt deal.  He led a campaign to throw out of office every legislator who voted for the deal.  The voters went along and cleaned house, electing reformers, including Senator Jackson, to the next Georgia State House.  Gov. Matthews also lost his bid for reelection.

Senator James Jackson
The incoming leaders formed a committee, led by Jackson, to investigate the deal and the corruption.  As it turned out, all but one of the legislators who voted for the sale had received a bribe.

Some of those bribes came in the form of shares in the companies, which would be worth thousands of dollars once the land deal was completed.  Other legislators demanded cash up front.  Most demanded a standard payment of $1000.  One state Rep. Thomas Rayburn settled for a mere $600.  After the scandal broke, he was teased for selling out for so little.  His reply was that it only showed he was not that greedy.

Others received slaves, or titles to eastern land in exchange for their votes.  A few members who could not be persuaded to vote for the deal because they believed it would end their political careers if they voted for it, accepted pay-offs to leave town and miss the vote entirely.

The investigation also determined that there were other groups willing to buy the land for a much higher price.  But since the legislators had taken bribes from the lower bidders, they ignored the higher offers and went with those who had already bought their votes.

The Rescinding Act

In light of this corruption, the reform legislature passed the Rescinding Act of 1796.  This Act declared the sale null and void.  It took back title to all the lands sold as being fraudulently obtained.  It ordered all records related to the sale to be destroyed and instructed the law itself to be burned. It further made it a crime for any state official to record any land record related to this deal.

Two days after the act's passage, on February 15, 1796, the legislature gathered for the ritual burning of the law.  As the governor and the legislature watched, the statute and all the records related to the sale were put in a plie.  They used a magnifying glass to symbolize that the act was being consumed by "fire from heaven."

The Rescinding Act resulted in a much larger national debate.  Alexander Hamilton, who was by this time a private attorney, drafted a legal opinion on behalf of New England investors who had benefitted from the Yazoo land deal  He argued that the Rescinding Act was unconstitutional and legally void.  Hamilton pointed out that the Constitution explicitly denied states the power to impair contracts.  Voiding a completed contract exceeded the state’s legal authority.  He argued that innocent third parties had already bought land from the companies.  These innocent buyers had relied on a legally binding contract.

The dispute became another division between Federalists who agreed with Hamilton’s position, and the Democratic Republicans who argued that a contract based on corruption and bribery is inherently illegal and could not be enforced.  The ongoing legal disputes would last for decades.

Next week, Tennessee becomes the 16th State to join the Union.

 - - -

Next Episode 394 Tennessee Joins the Union 

Previous Episode 392 Treaty with Spain

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to ad-free episodes, podcast extras, and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Signup for the AmRev Podcast Mail List

* indicates required

Further Reading

Websites

Lamplugh, George. "Yazoo Land Fraud." New Georgia Encyclopedia https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/yazoo-land-fraud

Jacobs, Frank “The Little-Known Land Fraud That Changed American History” https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/strange-maps-yazoo-land-affair

Georgia’s Notorious Yazoo Land Fraud and Its Consequences, Part 1 https://georgelamplugh.com/2017/12/01/georgias-notorious-yazoo-land-fraud-and-its-consequences-part-1-in-pursuit-of-dead-georgians-27

Georgia’s Notorious Yazoo Land Fraud and Its Consequences, Part 2 https://georgelamplugh.com/2018/01/01/georgias-notorious-yazoo-land-fraud-and-its-consequences-part-2-in-pursuit-of-dead-georgians-27

Adams, Samuel B. “THE YAZOO FRAUD.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 7, no. 2, 1923, pp. 155–65. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40575758

Elsmere, Jane. “The Notorious Yazoo Land Fraud Case.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 51, no. 4, 1967, pp. 425–42. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40578730

Heath, William Estill. “THE YAZOO LAND FRAUD.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 4, 1932, pp. 274–91. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40576216

KENNEDY, BRENDEN. “‘Not Worth a Pinch of Snuff’: The 1789 Yazoo Land Sale and Sovereignty in the Old Southwest.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 101, no. 3, 2017, pp. 198–232. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44651786

Lamplugh, George R. “John Wereat and Yazoo, 1794-1799.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 72, no. 3, 1988, pp. 502–17. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40581861

Whitaker, Arthur P. “The South Carolina Yazoo Company.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 16, no. 3, 1929, pp. 383–94. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1895065

Younger, Richard D “The Yazoo Land Frauds” Marquette Univ. Masters Thesis, 1950. https://www.marquette.edu/library/theses/already_uploaded_to_IR/young_r_1950.pdf

The Origins of Senatorial Courtesy: https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/senate-stories/origins-of-senatorial-courtesy.htm

 Fletcher v. Peck https://www.oyez.org/cases/1789-1850/10us87

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bishop, Abraham, Georgia Speculation Unveiled, Hartford: Elisha Babcock, 1797. 

Bishop, Abraham, Georgia Speculation Unveiled, Second Part Hartford: Hudson & Goodwin, 1798. 

Haskins, Charles H. The Yazoo land Companies, New York, Knickerbocker Press, 1891. 

Hunting, Warren B. The Obligation of Contracts Clause of the United States Constitution. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1919. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cadle, Farris W. Georgia Land Surveying History and Law, Univ. of Georgia Press, 1991. 

Hobson, Charles F. The Great Yazoo Lands Sale: The Case of Fletcher v. Peck, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2016. 

Lamplugh, George In Pursuit of Dead Georgians: One Historian's Excursions Into The History Of His Adopted State, iUniverse, 2015. 

Magrath, C. Peter. Yazoo: Law and Politics in the New Republic. The Case of 'Fletcher v. Peck'  Brown Univ. Press, 1966. 

Teachout, Zephyr Corruption in America: From Benjamin Franklin's Snuff Box to Citizens United, Harvard Univ. Press, 2014 (chapter on Yazoo available online at JSTOR) 

 * As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, July 5, 2026

ARP392 Treaty with Spain

On October 7, 1795, the Ambassador Thomas Pinckney agreed to the first treaty between the US and Spain.  During the Revolutionary War, Spain had used the American rebellion against Britain to attack British colonies and territories.  Spain, however, was not interested in independence.  Spain controlled a vast system of colonies that controlled the western portion of North America and all of central and South America other than Brazil and a few other small colonies.  It also controlled the largest and wealthiest colonies in the Caribbean. 

King Carlos was in no hurry to join the spirit of revolution and liberty that had infected France and eventually led to the overthrow of King Louis. He was also in no hurry to encourage the colonies under Spanish control to think that fighting for independence was a good idea.

Spanish Louisiana

When Spain first received the Louisiana Territory from France at the end of the Seven Years War, it really wasn’t sure what to do with it.  Most of the territory was inhabited by Indian tribes, with very few colonists from any European power.  Almost all the colonists that were there were French.  Spain mostly ignored the colony, leaving many French officials in power for years, even after it took ownership.  

Thomas Pinckney
New Orleans was the one town of any significant size in the territory.  When the first Spanish commander, Alejandro O’Reilly came in 1769, a census revealed a population of about 3200.  About 40% of those were African slaves.  The remainder were primarily French speaking colonists.  The New Orleans population was about one-third of the entire non-Indian population in all of Louisiana.

O’Reilly had come to crush a rebellion against Spanish rule.  Spain, however, was not interested in displacing the French-speaking colonists.  It had no one who really wanted to settle there.  Instead, the French population and the Spanish government reached an accommodation, much like the French colonists in Quebec did with their new British leaders.

After Spain joined the war with Britain in 1779, Louisiana became vulnerable to attack, and also useful as a staging area for Spanish offensives into British territory along the Gulf Coast.  Bernardo de Gálvez took command there and pushed Spanish control as far east as Pensacola. Gálvez also encouraged more Spanish immigrants to move to Louisiana, pushing many people from the Canary Islands to move there.

When the Revolution ended, Spain found its interests in direct conflict with those of the United States.  Spain retook control of East and West Florida, which it had held until the end the Seven Years War, then received back when Britain ceded it at the end of the Revolutionary War.  This resulted in Spanish borders pushing up against US borders in Georgia.  

America’s peace treaty with Britain also gave the US control of all lands east of the Mississippi River, meaning that the US bordered directly against Spanish Louisiana along a more than 2000 mile border. 

Colonization and Trade

Spain’s concern was that the US was growing in power and in size, and aggressively expanding its population westward into new territories.  It was only a matter of time before US growth would threaten control of Spanish territories.

Spain needed a larger population to counter this American pressure.  After the Revolution, officials encouraged a new wave of immigrants.  In 1785 it was the Acadians.

Recall that the Acadians were French colonists who had lived in what is today called Nova Scotia in Canada.  When Britain took control of that region at the beginning of the Seven Years War, it expelled the Acadians.  Some of them moved to Louisiana at that time.  A great many others moved to French Guyana or the Falkland Islands.  Some moved back to France, settling in Poitou.  These refugees were generally unhappy, so when Louisiana welcomed them, more than 1500 Acadians moved there.

Moving French colonists into this former French colony may have created concerns that France might someday reclaim the colony.  But at the time. Spanish officials were more concerned about the American threat.  Having fellow Catholics as colonists was better than uncontrolled land that might get snatched up by American frontiersmen.

By this time Galvez had moved on to other commands, becoming governor of Cuba for a time and then to serve as Viceroy of New Spain, what is today Mexico and most of the American Southwest.  Esteban Miró took over in Louisiana, but he asked to return to Spain in 1791.  He was succeeded by the Baron de Carondelet.

Governor Carondelet continued the efforts to attract more colonists.  In the era of the French Revolution, Carondelet invited French royalists to find refuge in Louisiana.  These invitations came with generous land grants, and even paid for transportation costs and basic supplies to help them get started.  One agreement granted every family 400 acres plus a cash bonus of one hundred pesos.  Invitations went out to all Europeans, particularly Catholics.  Flemish, German, and Italian immigrants took up these offers.

Spain wanted to keep the Americans away.  This is why they kept the Mississippi River closed to American commercial traffic.  American frontier communities had no other feasible way to get their products to market.  By shutting down the option of the Mississippi River, Spanish authorities hoped to discourage western expansion in America and therefore slow down the eventual border disputes that would inevitably arise.

New Orleans continued to grow at a rapid rate.  In 1788, however, a fire swept through New Orleans destroying virtually every building in the town.  The fire also destroyed all of the food, meaning the population was homeless and starving.  Governor Miro, dropped his orders to block American commerce.  He sent out word that trade was welcome from American shipping, both from the east coast and down the Mississippi.  He pardoned those currently in prison for illegally bringing American products to town, and sent them off trying to request that they bring more.

By 1794, the city had recovered, when another fire struck.  This one took out only around 15%-20% of the city since many of the buildings had been rebuilt with brick or stone instead of wood.  Still, the fire’s devastation created more need for American trade.

Governor Carondelet also installed the city’s first street lighting, added night watchmen for security, and divided the city into four wards that were used to organize police and fire departments.

New Orleans came to accept that it needed more trade to survive and thrive.  Even after opening free trade to all French colonies, New Orleans was still suffering.  As much as officials wanted to discourage American growth by blocking trade with them, they eventually determined that they could not survive without it.

Officials mostly tried to control this with tariffs for any vessels using the Mississippi River.  Spain controlled both banks of the Mississippi below the Ohio River and imposed a fee on any boats or rafts carrying cargo.  These fees could be up to 25% of the cargo’s value. Attempts to evade these tariffs could result in fines, jail, and confiscation of all cargo.

I should also mention that King Charles III of Spain died in 1788, leading to the reign of his son, Charles IV.  The younger Charles was not as active in leading Spain as was his father, and did not demand such a confrontational policy against America.  However, he mostly left his policies up to his ministers, particularly relying on Foreign Minister Manuel de Godoy for matters involving America.

James Wilkinson

Spain liked having the benefits of trade with frontier settlements along the Mississippi.  What they did not like was the fact that these settlements represented US expansion and a long term threat to Spanish control of Louisiana.  To break this threat while keeping the trade benefits, Spain embarked on a plan to break off the western states from the eastern states so that these western areas would become dependent on Spain. 

The key to their plan was an American, James Wilkinson.  I’ve talked about Wilkinson’s history in past episodes.  He was an up and coming Continental officer in the Revolutionary War.  By 1777, he was a 20 year old colonel, breveted as a brigadier general.  But his role as an aide to Horatio Gates came to an end when his gossip revealed the Conway Cabal.  Later, Congress appointed him clothier general, but his poor performance forced his resignation from that role in 1781.

Wilkinson briefly served as a general in the Pennsylvania militia, but then moved to Kentucky after the war.  He played an active role in separating Kentucky from Virginia, and also was a leading voice against ratifying the US Constitution.

Before the Constitutional Convention completed its work, and the Confederation Congress was falling apart, America’s future looked bleak.  Over 1785 and 1786, John Jay as the Confederation’s secretary for foreign affairs, tentatively agreed to a treaty with Spain that would have prevented American use of the Mississippi River for 25 years.  

Spain was demanding this concession for the same reason that the US frontier hated it.  Blocking use of the river would kill western settlements.  Jay seemed willing to sell out western interests in exchange for benefits that would help eastern merchants.  Ultimately, the US refused to ratify any treaty at that time, but the ill feelings of westerners remained raw.

It was in this environment that Wilkinson travelled to New Orleans in 1787 to meet with Governor Miró.  He offered his services as a Spanish agent, and took a secret oath of allegiance to the King of Spain.  Wilkinson encouraged Spain to deny American frontier towns access to the Mississippi River, believing that this would eventually force Kentucky to abandon the US and join with Spain.  

He arranged for special exceptions for himself and some of his friends to use the Mississippi, essentially giving himself a trade monopoly on the river that would enrich him.  On top of that, he received pay from Spain and negotiated for lifetime pensions for himself and others who would help bring Kentucky under Spanish influence.  Spain authorized a $200,000 bribe fund to encourage the leaders of Kentucky to separate from the Union and form an alliance with Spain.

In addition to enriching himself, Wilkinson envisioned himself as the leader of a new buffer country between the US and Louisiana, controlling what is today the states of Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi.

After Kentucky ratified the Constitution, Spain largely gave up on the idea that this would happen anytime soon, but still kept Wilkinson on the Spanish payroll as Agent 13.  Wilkinson would go on to play important roles in suppressing the Whiskey Rebellion and Indian resistance in Ohio, all while remaining a Spanish agent. While some Americans suspected Wilkinson’s duplicity, he remained a senior officer in the US Army.

Pinckney Treaty

In 1795, Spain finally decided it needed a treaty with the US.  Spanish minister Godoy sent word that they would like to discuss the matter.

Thomas Pickney, the US ambassador to Britain ended up being tasked with the negotiations..  Pinckney came from a prominent South Carolina family. His mother, Eliza Lucas Pickney introduced indigo as a cash crop in South Carolina.  His father moved the family back to England when he was three, so Thomas grew up there.  After studying law at Oxford and Middle Temple, he returned to America in 1774, just before the war began.  He received a commission as a captain in the Continental Army and served as an aide-de-camp to Horatio Gates.  He was captured at Camden and spent more than a year on parole.  After being exchanged, he fought under Lafayette in Virginia.

Pickney got elected Governor of South Carolina in 1787.  In 1792, he accepted an appointment from President Washington to serve as ambassador to Britain.  During the disputes with Britain, Pinckney was unable to reach any agreement. That was when Washington sent Chief Justice John Jay to negotiate with British leaders.  Pinckney assisted Jay with those negotiations.

It was the results of these negotiations, the Jay Treaty, that finally got Spain’s attention.  To Spain, the Jay Treaty marked the establishment of a new Anglo-American alliance that would probably work to Spain’s detriment.  Officials even feared that there might be secret articles in that treaty that agreed to a joint British and American invasion of Spanish colonies in America.

Following word of the Jay Treaty, Spain saw itself in a difficult situation.  Spain had joined Britain in the war with Revolutionary France in 1793.  Spain suspected that France would be weak and disorganized after the execution of King Louis.  France was also at war with Prussia, the Netherlands, several German states, and had just gone to war with Britain.

Spain looked on the situation as would any European power at the time; their neighbor was weak, so this was a good time to attack and take some territory from them.  Spain joined the coalition against Revolutionary France and went to war.  The war did not go as Spain had hoped, resulting in the ministry wanting to bail and end the war with France.

During treaty negotiations with France, Spain wanted the return of certain border regions that the French Army had taken from them.  In return, French negotiators demanded the return of Louisiana, but Spain refused.  Instead, Spain gave France its claims on Santo Domingo, where French Haiti shared the island with Spanish Dominica in the West Indies. France would now control the entire island. 

The negotiations, which took place in Basel, Switzerland, not only ended the war between Spain and France. Prussia and Hesse-Kassel also reached agreements with France.  This left Britain without its major allies in its war with France.  These peace agreements angered Britain, which began attacking Spanish shipping.  The result was that Spain was in an even weaker position, especially if America was allying itself with Britain.  So Spanish officials were motivated to get on America’s good side by signing an agreeable treaty.

Even before the Basel treaty between Spain and France was signed, Spanish minister Godoy invited Secretary of State Pinckney to Madrid to begin talks.  Pinckney arrived in Spain at the end of June, 1795, just days before Spain completed its peace treaty with France.

Godoy hoped to join the US into a triple alliance with France and Spain to fight against Britain.  Pickney would not agree to anything like that.  President Washington’s policy was to remain neutral and to stay out of all European alliances that might drag the US into war.

Pinckney wanted a treaty that would establish the borders between Spain and the US, and which would guarantee free US navigation of the Mississippi River.  For the first month or so of negotiations, neither side seemed willing to cede much.

One of the big disputes, other than use of the Mississippi River, was over the southern US border.  East of the Mississippi, Spain controlled all the land along the gulf coast.  Spain had established military outposts as far north as Vicksburg, on the Mississippi River, about 170 miles north of New Orleans.  This area between the Mississippi and Chattahoochee Rivers covers about one third of the modern day states of Mississippi and Alabama.  Spain claimed that all of this was Spanish territory.  Britain had made it part of East and West Florida, which it had ceded to Spain after the Revolution.

US negotiators countered that Britain had set the southern border at 31 degrees parallel in its peace treaty with the US.  This was about 100 miles south of the border that Spain wanted.  At first, neither side seemed willing to budge on this issue.

Once the Treaty of Basel became public in August though, everything seemed to change. Godoy was ready to agree to just about any treaty with the US, just hoping to keep them from acting in an alliance with Britain.

Spain gave in on just about everything.  It set the east-west border in the center of the Mississippi River and guaranteed free navigation of the river out to the Gulf of Mexico.  The only limitation would be that free navigation would only be for Americans and Spanish.  Third parties were still prohibited from using the river.

Spain accepted the US southern border at 31 degrees parallel.  It abandoned all claims north of that line and agreed to evacuate all of its forts in the territory within six months after treaty ratification.

Finally, Spain dropped its demands for any sort of military alliance with the US.  The US would not be under any obligation to protect any Spanish land claims against third parties, not even in America.

There were a few other minor disputes to be worked out, such as the requirement that US merchants pay government fees for goods stored in New Orleans.  The two parties agreed that there would be no such fees for at least three years.  There was also a dispute over US merchant ships that Spain had already seized.  The parties agreed on the establishment of a commission to hear those claims.

US Reaction

The two parties signed the treaty at the end of October, 1795 at San Lorenzo el Real, the summer residence of the Spanish Court.  

Some Spanish officials were aghast at the terms that Spain had given away.  Louisiana Governor Carondelet was convinced the treaty would never be finalized when the king saw the terms to which Godoy had agreed.  Spanish colonial leaders saw the treaty as a complete sellout of everything they had worked for, for years.  Despite these feelings, King Carlos approved the treaty.

In the US, the feeling was quite different.  News of the treaty reached Philadelphia in January, 1796 and a copy arrived a few weeks later.  The treaty gave the US everything it wanted, especially the long sought-after use of the Mississippi River, and required almost no concessions.  It mostly sought the good will of America, which was happily given. 

There was virtually no opposition or concerns expressed about the terms. The Senate unanimously ratified the treaty in March, 1796. The final formal ratifications were exchanged in Spain on April 25.  Pinckney became the toast of America.

Next Week: The Yazoo Land Scandal in western Georgia

 - - -

Next Episode 393 Yazoo Land Scandal 

Previous Episode 391 Washington Admin Scandals and Resignations

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to ad-free episodes, podcast extras, and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Signup for the AmRev Podcast Mail List

* indicates required

Further Reading

Websites

Treaty of San Lorenzo/ Pinckney’s Treaty, 1795 https://history.state.gov/milestones/1784-1800/pickney-treaty

Pinckney Treaty 1795 - Transcript https://www.emersonkent.com/historic_documents/pinckney_treaty_1795_transcript.htm

Whitaker, Arthur Preston. “New Light on the Treaty of San Lorenzo: An Essay in Historical Criticism.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 15, no. 4, 1929, pp. 435–54. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1897880

Young, Raymond A. “Pinckney’s Treaty-A New Perspective.” The Hispanic American Historical Review, vol. 43, no. 4, 1963, pp. 526–35. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2509900

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bemis, Samuel F. Pinckney’s Treaty: A Study of America’s Advantage from Europe’s Distress, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1926. 

De Pedro, Jose The Spanish in New Orleans and Louisiana, Gretna: Pelican Publishing, 2000. (borrow only) 

Din, Gilbert C. (ed) The Spanish Presence in Louisiana 1763-1803, Center for Louisiana Studies, 1996 (borrow only). 

Gayarre, Charles History of Louisiana: The Spanish Domination, New York: Redfield, 1854. 

Holmes, Jack D.L. A Guide to Spanish Louisiana, [self-published] 1970 (borrow only). 

Monette, John W. History of the discovery and settlement of the valley of the Mississippi, by the three great European powers, Spain, France, and Great Britain, and the subsequent occupation, settlement, and extension of civil government by the United States, until the year 1846. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1848. 

Pickney, Charles C. The Life of General Thomas Pinckney, Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co. 1895. 

Robertson, James A. Louisiana Under the Rule of Spain, France and the United States 1785-1807, Vol. 2, Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Co. 1911. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Linklater, Andro An Artist in Treason: The  Extraordinary Double Life of General James Wilkinson, Walker Publishing, 2009.

Roderiguez, John E. Spanish New Orleans: An Imperial City on the American Periphery, 1766–1803, LSU Press, 2021. 

 * As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.