Sunday, May 31, 2026

ARP388 The Age of Reason

Most of us remember Thomas Paine for his writings at the beginning of the Revolutionary War: Common Sense and The Crisis, both published in 1776.  But Paine had a whole interesting life after that.  As we move through 1794 and 1796, Paine published another one of his major works, The Age of Reason.  I thought this would be a good time to catch up with what he has been doing.

Paine Finishes the Revolution

Early in the war, Paine was a radical’s radical.  He was among the first to call for independence publicly, and doing away with monarchy entirely.  His writings pushed for the abolition of slavery, universal male suffrage, public education, public housing, employment assistance, a progressive income tax, social security, and many other reforms that would take generations to see the light of day.

Paine also did not let personal relationships get in the way of good policy.  In 1778 and 1779, Robert Morris and Paine were bitter opponents, mostly fighting over the Silas Deane Affair.  In late 1779, Paine received an appointment to serve as the Clerk of the Pennsylvania Assembly.  He helped raise money the following year for Morris’ Bank of North America, seeing it as critical to financing the war effort.  He even donated much of his own salary to the project.  

In late October of 1780, he published the tenth installment of his Crisis Series.  In The Crisis Extraordinary calling for higher taxes to fund the war effort.  He began working much more closely with Morris on financial matters.  Two men who had been bitter opponents managed to find common ground and work closely together.

During the bitter dispute over Silas Deane, Paine had been on the side of men like Richard Henry Lee.  Despite their friendship, Paine published an essay called Public Good at the end of 1780, arguing that western lands belonged to the United States, not Virginia.  This created division between Paine and many leaders from Virginia, including Lee.

In early 1781, Pained sailed to France in order to assist in the appeals for more financial assistance from Versailles. His trip was a great success. Paine personally sailed back with a shipload of silver French livres, arriving back in Boston in August.  He organized and carried this money to Philadelphia by wagon.  This gift from King Louis helped to fund the Yorktown Campaign.

Despite all of his work in finance, Paine was always broke.  Anytime he made any money, he donated it to the cause.  As the war wound down in 1782, Robert Morris, along with George Washington and Robert Livingston, helped to get Paine a job writing articles to raise public support for more taxes to keep the war effort going.

In 1783, he wrote his 13th and final installment of The Crisis series, beginning it with “The times that tried men’s soles are over — and the greatest and compleatest revolution the world ever knew is gloriously and happily accomplished.”  His essay continued in a way that would make the most conservative federalists proud - calling for a more secure union and paying off all the war debts.

Post-War

Following the war, Paine began to turn away from politics.  Instead he hoped to focus on science and working on new inventions.  He began working on a new type of single arched iron bridge as well as a smokeless candle.  

Unlike many patriots who had sacrificed so much for the war effort, Paine managed to receive considerable rewards for his work.  New York, grateful for Paine’s wartime efforts, gave him a 277 acre farm in New Rochelle.  The property had been confiscated from a loyalist named Frederick Devoe and was valued at over £1,100.  In addition, Pennsylvania awarded him £500 cash.  The Confederation Congress gave him $3000.

Paine continued to write on behalf of federalist causes.  In 1786 he published Dissertations on Government defending the Bank of North America.

He did not stick around for the debate over the Constitution though.  In April of 1787, Paine sailed to France.  He wanted the French Academy of Science to approve his designed for a single arched iron bridge.  His design would make bridge building much easier.  After receiving approval, he sailed to London and visited his mother.

You might think that British officials might take offense at a returning subject who had written so many works against the king.  Many of his works would be considered treason under British law.  But officials didn’t seem to mind his presence.  Paine remained in Britain for several years, helping to build several of his iron arched bridges.  It’s not like Paine kept a low profile either.  He published Prospects on the Rubicon calling on Britain to avoid a war with France.  While his opinions received criticism, the government took no action against him.  Edmund Burke even invited Paine to visit his estate.  The two men spent a week together discussing a whole range of things and parted as friends.

When the French Revolution began in 1789, Paine crossed the channel to get involved there.  After the fall of the Bastille, Lafayette gave Paine the key to the Bastille to carry to George Washington.

The French Revolution turned Paine back to his radical ways.  His old friend Burke wrote an essay critical of the Revolution, Paine responded by writing the Rights of Man.  In it, Paine fleshed out many of his radical views, calling for an end to hereditary power, praising the benefits of a representative republic, and advocating for a welfare state to help the working class benefit more from society’s productivity.  His book sold over 1.5 million copies in Britain.

Back to France

Paine’s attacks on monarchy did not differ greatly from his earlier writings in America, but this time, officials decided that his publications were going a little too far. Getting Americans to dump the king was one thing.  Encouraging British subjects in England to do the same was quite another.  King George released a proclamation against seditious writings and prosecutors charged Paine with sedition.  Prosecutors explicitly targeted his notions that all hereditary government is by its very nature tyranny since people living today have no say in who governs them.  After issuing an indictment in the spring of 1792, the trial was delayed until December.

In the meantime, revolutionaries in France thought much better of Paine’s ideas.  So much so, that they elected the Englishman to the French Convention. Paine gave the matter careful thought to his options and decided that serving as a French legislator was better than rotting in a British prison for sedition.  He fled the country in September and sailed over to France.  The British held his trial anyway. He was convicted of sedition in absentia and declared an outlaw.  Jingoists held up Paine as a despicable character, leading him being burned in effigy in towns all across Britain.

In France, he received a hero’s welcome.  He represented Calais, because, why not? On his first full day at the Convention, Paine joined in a unanimous vote to abolish the French monarchy and establish a republic. 

Keep in mind that King Louis was still alive at this point.  The next step for the Convention was to put Louis on trial for the conspiracy of kings against liberty.  While Paine went along with finding Louis guilty, he voted against the death penalty.  Instead he argued that Louis should be imprisoned and later banished to the United States.  Killing him would alienate Americans, who still held gratitude for the king’s support of the American Revolution.

Despite his pleas, the Convention sent Louis to the guillotine.  But Paine’s arguments against the execution made him a target of the radicals.  At the end of 1793, the Jacobins took power in the Convention.  One of the first things they did was vote to exclude all foreigners from the Convention.  This was clearly directed at Paine.  A few days later, they ordered Paine arrested and threw him in prison.

This was an especially bad time to be in a French prison.  The Reign of Terror had just begun, meaning thousands were being sent to the guillotines for the smallest infractions.  One might have thought that Paine being a hero of the American Revolution might help him. France was still trying to get the US to join France in the European war on monarchy.  The American Minister in France, Gouverneur Morris, who never liked Paine, told French officials that Paine was not an American citizen and that the US was not seeking any special protections for him.

As a result, Paine was marked for death, literally.  Officials wanted to purge all the political prisoners in Luxembourg Prison, where Paine was being held.  They put a chalk mark on the cell doors of all prisoners who would be executed the following day.  Paine’s door received the mark for execution. Fortunately for Paine, his cell door was wide open when the guy with the chalk came by.  He put the chalk mark on the door.  But after the door was closed, the mark was on the inside.  The people collecting the prisoners for execution the following morning did not see it and passed by his cell.

This mistake might have been corrected after officials discovered that Paine was still attached to his head.  But Paine then fell ill with a high fever which rendered him nearly unconscious.  Officials delayed bringing him before the revolutionary tribunal because he was apparently too sick to be executed.

Paine’s imprisonment finally ended after about ten months.  Gouverneur Morris was recalled and James Monroe took his place as US Minister to France.  Unlike Morris, Monroe declared that Paine was an American citizen and that has a hero of the American Revolution.  He told officials that the US would be grateful they showed leniency with Paine.

By this time also, the Reign of Terror had ended.  Its architect Maximilien Robespierre had been introduced to the guillotine himself.   Officials released Paine in November of 1794, and a month later, actually invited him to return to his seat at the Convention.  Paine went back to arguing for a true republic.  His final major speech came in July of 1795, when he argued against limiting voting rights to property owners.  Shortly after that, the Convention dissolved.  Paine was not elected to the new convention.

Prison, however, had taken its toll.  In addition to helping him get released, Monroe opened up his home to Paine for his recovery.  Paine was still suffering from the diseases that he had contracted in prison.  Paine lived in Monroe’s home, and under his care for about a year and a half.  Monroe covered all of his food and medical costs. The luxury of the residence of the US ambassador at La Folie de la Bouexière.  Paine used this time not only to recover, but also to complete his work on The Age of Reason.  Eventually, Paine would leave the care of the US ambassador.  Paine wrote a vicious public letter condemning President Washington for letting Paine rot in a French prison for so long.  Following publication of that letter, Monroe decided it was better if Paine found another place to live.

Age of Reason

Paine told friends that his survival of the reign of terror wasn’t just luck, but that the hand of providence must have been involved.  If that was true, Paine decided to bite the hand that fed him by publishing The Age of Reason.

Paine actually began writing this book before he went to prison.  There is some evidence that he had been working on it for years.  He dropped off part one of the work with his friend for safe keeping as he was on his way to prison.  He wrote some of part 2 while in prison, with the remainder written after his release.

The Age of Reason covered Paine’s views on religion.  Paine considered himself to be a deist.  Some people think that deism is a lack of belief in God.  It really isn’t.  Paine begins his book by stating that he believed in one God, and that there is a duty of all men to do justice, to love, and to show mercy to one another.

From there, Paine announced that he opposed all organized religions, saying that they are human inventions designed to terrify and enslave mankind so that leaders could monopolize power for themselves.  He argues that even if God would reveal messages to a particular person, there is no way for others to verify that.  His attacks on religious leaders were just as brutal as his earlier attacks on aristocracy.

His book continues by denying the divinity of Jesus.  Paine claims that, while Jesus taught a benevolent morality, the miracles and other fables associated with Jesus were written by others centuries later.  Christian mythology, he argued, is actually a composite of stories found in earlier heathen religions. 

Instead, Paine finds the proof of God in the miracles of nature.  The vast universe that supports mankind and gives us reason is what Paine reveres.  He declares “my own mind is my own church.”  God is the creator of all things that make life possible.  He also notes the vastness of the universe, making the focus on our tiny planet ridiculous.

Paine focuses on how organized religion keeps us from understanding God’s creation.  The Church’s use of dead languages and persecution of scientists like Galileo are evidence of this.  He identifies the use of mystery, miracle, and prophecy as the tools used to impose religion and keep us from truly understanding God.

Part II of his book is a detailed look at each book of the old and new testaments critiquing the stories and pointing out historical contradictions to prove that these stories were made up by religious leaders long after the fact.

Paine concludes his work by reaffirming his view that only rational belief and reason can help us to understand God though understanding science and the universe.  It is only through the freedom of opinion and the use of reason that truth will eventually prevail.

Public Response

From the very beginning, Paine’s attack on religion was not received well. It is probably not surprising that some of the most brutal reactions came in Great Britain, where Paine was already considered an outlaw and a crazed radical for rejecting monarchy and aristocracy.

While the author was out of the reach of British authorities, several people who published or sold the book were prosecuted for blasphemous libel.  One of the lawyers who aided in the prosecution, Thomas Erskine, was the same lawyer who had defended Paine for writing The Rights of Man.

Before the government suppressed the work, printers had made and sold thousands of copies in Britain.  These continued to circulate among British readers.

The British clergy also roundly condemned the work from the pulpit.  At least thirty six formal answers were also published by various defenders of religion. The most famous was probably Bishop Richard Watson’s Apology for the Bible.  Watson warned potential readers that Paine would “unsettle the faith of thousands, and lead to “public insecurity”.  At the same time though, he noted that some of Paine’s criticisms of some biblical passages seemed to have some merit.

The response to the book in America was similarly hostile.  Paine printed 15,000 copies of his book in Paris and shipped them to Benjamin Franklin Bache for sale in America.  

Although the federal government did not ban the book, it was roundly attacked and very unpopular.  Political radicals who had favored Paine’s earlier writings that attacked efforts by the aristocracy to limit our freedom balked at Paine’s similar criticisms of organized religion.

Once again, people who had associations with Paine tended to pay the price for this controversy.  Federalists used Thomas Jefferson’s association with Thomas Paine to attack him.  Jefferson would eventually have to publicly distance himself from Paine’s ideas, although he did not reject Paine personally.  

Others were not so kind. Benjamin Rush had been very close with Paine from the time Paine first arrived in America before the Revolutionary War began.  Rush refused even to meet with Paine after he returned to America many years later.  Other radicals who had used Paine’s earlier works to further the Revolution also turned on him  Samuel Adams proclaimed astonishment that Paine had turned his mind to a “defence of infidelity.”

Rise of Theophilanthropy

Even the French reception of the book was mixed.  Paine had written his book in English, but his friend, Francois Lanthenas, translated and published a French version of part 1 in 1793, while Paine was still in prison.  The radical Jacobin government that favored atheism objected to the book.  The government effectively suppressed this early version of the book.  

Paine said that one intention in writing the work was to prevent people from accepting atheism.  He believed that deism made more sense.  This position drew criticism from both the radical atheists, as well as the conservatives who still favored some version of organized religion.  The atheist radicals believed that even deism, which accepted a belief in God, could be used to justify monarchy.  

Following Paine’s release from prison and the end of the reign of terror, French intelligentsia began to warm up to Paine’s ideas.  Robespierre had tried to replace Catholicism with the Cult of the Supreme Being in France, which seemed very compatible with Paine’s ideas. This eventually gave rise to Theophilanthropy as the religious replacement for Catholicism.  Theophilanthropy, which is loosely translated from Greek as "Friends of God and Man”.  Its adherents accepted the existence of God and the immortality of the soul, but rejected traditional theology. Instead, principles of behavior were based on rationalism and utilitarian morality.

In January of 1797, Paine helped to launch the first Church of Theophilanthropy at the former Church of St Catherine in Paris.

Paine gave the inaugural address for the new religion with only five families in attendance.  He put forward that theology should be combined with scientific instruction - learning how the universe works was the closest we could come to understanding the hand of God in its creation.

Next week, we return to war in Ohio as General Mad Anthony Wayne fights the Battle of Fallen Timbers.

 - - -

Next Episode 389 Battle of Fallen Timbers (coming soon)

Previous Episode 387 The Jay Treaty

Next month's Round Table Book: The Banker Who Made America: Thomas Willing and the Rise of the American Financial Aristocracy, 1731-1821, by Richard Vague - Go to https://bookshop.org/shop/ARP. Find the book in my bookshop and use the code ARP15 to save 15% off the price.

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Further Reading

Websites

Thomas Paine Historical Association: https://thomaspaine.org

Dissertations on Government: https://thomaspaine.org/essays/american-politics-and-government/dissertations-on-government

Thomas Paine’s letter to George Washington: https://thomaspaine.org/major-works/letter-to-george-washington

“Thomas Paine to George Washington, 20 September 1795,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-18-02-0463.

“Thomas Paine to George Washington, 30 July 1796,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-20-02-0329.

Lyttle, Charles. “Deistic Piety in the Cults of the French Revolution.” Church History, vol. 2, no. 1, 1933, pp. 22–40. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3691955

Prochaska, Franklyn K. “Thomas Paine’s The Age of Reason Revisited.” Journal of the History of Ideas, vol. 33, no. 4, 1972, pp. 561–76. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2708857

Voelker, David J., and Mark A. Noll. “Thomas Paine’s Civil Religion of Reason.” Forgotten Founders on Religion and Public Life, edited by Daniel L. Dreisbach et al., University of Notre Dame Press, 2009, pp. 171–95. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/jj.21995863.12

Walters, Kerry S. “Thomas Paine: My Own Mind Is My Own Church.” The American Deists: Voices of Reason and Dissent in the Early Republic, University Press of Kansas, 1992, pp. 209–39. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1p2gmcn.9

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

“The Sovereign as God? Theophilanthropy and the Politics of the Directory 1795-99” Religion and rebellion: papers read before the 22nd Irish Conference of Historians, held at University College Dublin, 18-22 May 1995, Univ. College Dublin Press, 1997 (borrow only). 

Conway, Moncure D. The Life of Thomas Paine, Vol 1 & Vol 2 New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons 1908. 

Paine, Thomas Prospects on the Rubicon, London: J. Debrett, 1787. 

Paine, Thomas The Age of Reason, New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1896. 

Paine, Thomas The Great Works Of Thomas Paine - Political And Theological - Complete, New York: D.M. Bennett, 1878. 

Vale, Gilbert The Life of Thomas Paine with Critical and Explanatory Observations on his Writings, Boston: J.P. Mendum, 1876. 

Watson, Richard An Apology for the Bible, in a Series of Letters, Addressed to Thomas Paine, London: T. Evans, 1796. 


 Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Aldridge, Alfred Owen Man of Reason, the Life of Thomas Paine, Lippincott, 1959 (borrow on archive.org). 

Dreisbach, Daniel et. al (ed) Forgotten Founders on Religion and Public Life, Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 2009. 

Speck, W.A. A Political Biography of Thomas Paine, Routledge, 2013. 

Unger, Harlow G. Thomas Paine and the Clarion Call for American Independence, Grand Central Publishing, 2019. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 24, 2026

AR-SP50 250th Plans at the National Parks

 

Our May 2026 American Revolution Round Table was joined by four special guests: 

  • Alex Robb, Washington Crossing Historic Park, PA
  • Mark Sirak, Washington Crossing State Park, NJ
  • Mark Turdo, Old Barracks Museum, NJ
  • Will Krakower, Princeton Battlefield State Park, NJ

Each of them shared their preparations for the 250th anniversaries taking place later this year.  Each of their sites have seen major upgrades that will make the anniversary celebrations more memorable, and will also add permanent improvements to the historical sites.

For more details on these events, go to www.tencrucialdays250.org


To see upcoming roundtable events, or listen to past recordings, go to AmRevRT.org

To participate live in future Zoom events, be sure to join as a member on Patreon, or sign up for my mailing list,


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Sunday, May 17, 2026

ARP387 The Jay Treaty

Imagine walking through a major city and seeing crowds of people seething in anger to the point where they were guillotining or burning in effigy, the Chief Justice of the United States.  This happened in many towns and cities across America in the summer of 1795.  The focus of their wrath was Chief Justice John Jay.  This was not over any Supreme Court decision.  Instead, it was over a treaty that Jay had negotiated with Britain to prevent another war between the two countries. This would become known as the Jay Treaty - perhaps the most hated treaty in all of American history.

To understand the reasons for this level of hatred, we need to understand why the US needed the treaty, and why it was so controversial. As we’ve discussed over the last few episodes, pretty much all of Europe was at war with France in the early 1790s following the French Revolution.  

The US, still struggling under debts from the Revolutionary War, was in no mood to get involved in a new war.  President Washington desperately tried to maintain US neutrality.  That would prevent the necessity to spend money on a wartime army and navy, while still trying to maintain the trade necessary to fund the government through tariffs. It was with this concern that Washington sent John Jay to Britain to negotiate a treaty.

Need for Negotiations

The friction between Britain and the US never really ended after the Revolutionary War.  Many in Britain thought that the 1783 peace treaty was just a temporary measure so that they could stop fighting in America and focus on the war with France and Spain.  Over time, these British leaders believed that the former colonies would find themselves in trouble without a large power to protect them, and would want to return to the British Empire.  As a result, these advocates wanted to keep the new United States in as miserable of a condition as possible, until they made the decision to return.

John Jay & The Jay Treaty
The British had never given up their outposts in the Northwest territory. These outposts  continued to supply the Native American population with guns and encouraged them to resist encroachment from the American settlers.  Britain had also barred American ships from trading with the British West Indies, thus crippling American trade.

When Britain went to war with France, it pushed the matter even further.  In June of 1793, the British government ordered its navy to seize any neutral ships carrying food to sell to France.  In November, Britain expanded its orders to seize neutral ships trading with French colonies as well.  These colonies had become major US trading partners.  As a result, the British seized hundreds of ships in early 1794.  On the ships it captured, it continued to impress American sailors into British service.

British aggression was not limited to the high seas.  It also increased hostilities on the frontier.  In early 1794, Canada’s Governor, Guy Carleton, now called Lord Dorchester, told a delegation of Indians that he expected a new war to break out between the US and Britain.  For several years the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, John Graves Simcoe, had been calling for the establishment of a buffer state controlled by Native Americans, in western those lands ceded to America in the peace treaty.  British forces still maintained their outpost at Detroit.  They pushed this further, by building a new Fort Miamis, which is near modern day Toledo, Ohio.

Congress, which still had no navy, and not much of an army, could do little about any of this.  At the end of March, Congress closed all American ports for 30 days, essentially ending all foreign trade.  The reasoning was that American ships trading with anyone other than Britain would likely be seized, and America wanted to stop trade with Britain in hopes that it would encourage Britain to change its policies.  Over the following weeks, the Democratic-Republicans in Congress, led by James Madison, pushed for a sequestration of debts to Britain.  Essentially, if an American business owed money to anyone in Britain, they would have to give that money to the US government instead, so that it could be used to pay for the damages inflicted by the British.  The Federalists managed to kill the proposal.

America’s Ambassador to Britain, Thomas Pinckney, had no diplomatic experience before he got there.  The South Carolinian had served as a Continental officer during the war  He was elected governor after the war and led South Carolina through ratification of the US Constitution.  He had been in London for a little over a year when things really began to heat up.  As Ambassador, he protested Britain’s growing presence in US frontier territories, the seizure of neutral US merchant ships, and the impressment of US sailors.

Britain’s foreign minister, Lord Grenville, seemed unconcerned by these protests.  He pushed back, arguing that the US had failed to live up to the peace treaty, and had still not allowed the collection of British debts in America.  Britain had no real need to be concerned since the US had no military to back up its protests with any sort of force.  Pinckney’s reports back to America made clear Britain had no intention of changing its policies and that British officials were unconcerned that the US might declare war on Britain.

Jay’s Appointment

President Washington knew that diplomacy was his only option.  War with Britain would be a disaster.  He needed to send someone to London who could negotiate some way out of this.  The problem was that the US did not have much of a diplomatic corps.  

Benjamin Franklin, of course was dead by this time. John Adams had spent years at the Court of St. James, but he was already Vice President.  Despite this experience, Washington did not really trust Adams as a good negotiator.  He floated the idea to several people who argued that Adams would be a bad choice.  

Washington also considered sending Thomas Jefferson, who had resigned as Secretary of State at the end of 1793.  Advisors counseled against Jefferson’s appointment.  He was too pro-French and did not seem politically aligned with the President’s goals.  There were similar criticisms made about appointing James Madison.  

The US Ambassador to France Gouverneur Morris had already traveled to London for negotiations.  The British essentially dismissed him as too combative and too pro-French.  The choice had to be someone who would be a little more aligned with British interests.

Washington considered giving the job to Alexander Hamilton.  Although Hamilton had no real diplomatic experience, he seemed capable and was strongly aligned with the faction that wanted a better relationship with Britain.  By this time, however, Hamilton had become a political lightning rod.  His appointment would have invited strong Republican opposition.  Washington wanted a Federalist, but not someone that controversial. He eventually turned to John Jay.

Jay had been part of the team that negotiated the final peace treaty with Britain.  He had spent years serving in Europe and then as the Secretary of Foreign Affairs for the Confederation Congress.  Jay would also be acceptable to Britain.  

In 1786, Jay had written a report for the Confederation Congress justifying Britain’s continued occupation to frontier posts because the US had refused to allow British recovery of debts against American merchants in US courts.  Jay’s report had been meant to encourage Congress to take further steps to allow the collection of debts and was meant to remain secret.  But for some inexplicable reason, Jay gave a copy of his report to the British Ambassador.  This report made its way to London.  It told British officials that Jay was amenable to the British position.  The Americans did not know this, but it weakened Jay’s negotiating position from the start.

The problem with Jay’s nomination was that he was already serving on the Supreme Court as Chief Justice.  After Washington nominated Jay, a number of Senators objected that it was unconstitutional for someone to hold two government jobs.  Despite these objections, the Senate approved the appointment.  John Jay sailed for London on May 12, 1794.

Negotiations

The trans-Atlantic trip was a relatively fast one, Jay arrived in London on June 15th.  The British received him with the respect that was due to a diplomat.  He met with Foreign Minister Lord Grenville a few days after his arrival.  He also received a formal introduction to King George III a few weeks later.

Things seemed to get off to a good start.  Both parties agreed to the end of aggressive measures in the Northwest Territory, and that both sides would maintain the status quo during negotiations.  Negotiations continued through July and into August.  Jay completed his first proposed treaty on August 6th, calling for the British evacuation of posts on American territory, compensation for ships seized by the British, and access for American ships to the British West Indies.

A few weeks later, Grenville countered with the British proposal.  He suggested that boundaries between Canada and the US needed to be adjusted so that Britain had access to the Mississippi River.  He was open to trade in the West Indies, but only for smaller ships, under 70 tons. These ships could not profitably make the trans-Atlantic voyage and therefore would limit trade between the US and the West Indies.  It would essentially create a British monopoly on trade between the West Indies and Europe.

Jay objected to these British proposals.  Giving up over 35,000 acres of US territory to give Britain access to the Mississippi River would be unacceptable.  He also objected to the size limitation on US ships.  The US were not British colonies and Britain should not be permitted to dictate how American merchant ships conducted trade in the West Indies. 

One of Jay’s instructions was to push for the reimbursement of slaves taken during the Revolutionary War.  This had been a provision in the 1783 peace treaty that the British simply ignored.  Grenville argued that if slaves on their own traveled into British lines during the war, they were no longer considered the property of their masters and Britain should be free to allow them to leave the country.  This was a difficult point for Jay to argue since he personally opposed slavery.  Eventually he let the matter drop.

Another big issue was British arming and supplying Indian tribes in the Northwest Territory.  Britain insisted on being permitted to trade with them, but agreed not to try to forge political ties or supply them in wars against the US.  Jay called for a total demilitarization of the Great Lakes area, to which Grenville seemed amenable.  Britain also agreed to limit what it considered contraband in order to allow American shipments of food and other raw materials to Europe.

Jay and Grenville debated back and forth for weeks.  These were private talks,  Even their secretaries did not participate and we don't have any formal records of their discussions.  

The main reason Britain was willing to debate at all was the fear that the US might join the League of Armed Neutrality.  If it did, this might draw other European powers into a war against Britain.  Even though the US had no navy of its own, attacks on American shipping could result in other European navies coming to the assistance of the US.

By the end of September, Jay submitted a draft treaty, including free trade and other expansive rights for neutral shipping.  It also prohibited British treaties with Indian tribes in US territory and affirmed that neither country would arm tribes or encourage war.  It also called for a demilitarization of the Great Lakes region, the right of free trade worldwide, except for a limitation on specific contraband items going to Britain’s enemies.  It barred the impressment of sailors and that Britain would reduce certain import tariffs.

The British, however, began to harden their negotiations and take a more aggressive stance.  Apparently, Alexander Hamilton had told the British Ambassador to the US that America had no interest in joining the League of Armed Neutrality.  The Administration wanted to stay out of European entanglements.  The ambassador, of course, relayed this information to London.  

This news reached Grenville on September 30, the same day Jay submitted his draft treaty.  Grenville realized that the strongest card that the US had to play against Britain in the negotiations was a bluff. Therefore, Britain could pretty much dictate whatever terms it wanted and the US could do little about it. 

Britain still saw some value in completing a treaty on its own terms, but it began to reject many of the tentative agreements that the parties had already reached.  Grenville rejected the idea that Britain could not make agreements, treaties, or alliances with Indian tribes in the Northwest Territory.  He called for the removal of provisions that Britain would try to restrain their Indians from conducting war against the US.  He dropped the idea of disarmament around the Great Lakes or even giving a firm commitment to withdraw British posts from US territory.

Britain demanded the authority to search any ship on the open seas for anything that it considered to be contraband.  It also wanted the definition of contraband to be just about anything headed to Europe other than food.

Final Treaty

Jay had to make continued concessions to get anywhere.  Finally, by November, the two parties had worked out a final agreement.  The British finally agreed to remove their military garrisons from US territory, but only by June 1, 1796, about a year and a half later.  Both countries agreed to appoint a three member commission to resolve boundary disputes. 

Anyone would be permitted to cross the US Canadian border for issues of trade.  Britain and the US agreed that either of them could use the Mississippi River, although since Spain controlled most of the river, it was unclear what this would mean.

A commission would be set up in the US to adjudicate claims from British merchants who were still trying to collect debts from before the Revolution.  Another commission would be set up in London to adjudicate seizures of US merchant ships.  The US also agreed to compensate British merchant ships for seizures that ended up in US ports during the Citizen Genet controversy.

Trade with the British West Indies was limited to smaller ships of 70 tons or less.  Addressing the Republicans threat to sequester or confiscate private British funds, the treaty prohibited this, even if the countries went to war.  Britain would still be free to seize ships at sea, but if Britain captured food cargo, it would at least reimburse the owners for the value.

Overall, it really didn’t resolve any of the American complaints, but Jay thought that it would at least prevent an open war with Britain.  He and Lord Grenville both signed the treaty on November 19, 1794.  

Ratification

The next step was getting the treaty back to America for presidential approval, and Senate ratification.  Even that proved difficult.  Three copies of the treaty were sent across the ocean.  French ships managed to stop all three of them.  Two of the ships dumped the treaties overboard to prevent capture by the enemy.  The third copy did make it, but took three and a half months during a brutal winter passage to reach America.  During a French naval search of that ship, the courier opted to hide the treaty rather than toss it.  He arrived in Philadelphia on March 7, 1795, four days after Congress had ended its session and gone home.

Americans got word of the treaty more than a month earlier.  In late January, Benjamin Franklin Bache published news that a treaty had been signed in London, but no one knew the details.  Rumors swirled. Republicans feared the worst.  President Washington did not help quell these concerns when, after he received the treaty, he opted to keep its terms a secret.

Jay personally had a difficult voyage back to America.  His six weeks at sea traveled through constant storms, including 32 consecutive days of rain.  He finally reached New York at the end of May.  The treaty terms were still a secret to almost everyone and Jay wasn’t revealing anything either.  

One big surprise for Jay was that he had been elected Governor of New York during his absence.  Recall that Jay had run against Governor Clinton three years earlier.  He had won the popular vote then, but Clinton managed to win the election by having the ballots of three counties invalidated.  In 1795, Clinton announced that he would not seek another term.  Voters, many of whom were still outraged by that stolen election, swept Jay into office without him even knowing anything about it.  Upon learning the news, Jay resigned his office as Chief Justice and was sworn in as governor.

Meanwhile all Americans, except for President Washington and a few close advisors, remained in the dark about the terms of the Jay treaty.  Washington called the Senate back into a special session to debate the treaty.  While the Senators were able to read the treaty, they adopted a gag order forbidding all Senators from revealing the treaty’s contents. Inevitably though, Senators began leaking some information fueling public concerns.

The Federalist majority managed to block all the Republican efforts to make changes to the treaty.  A treaty would require a two-thirds vote.  The Senate could not go along with Article XII, which limited the sizes of ships that could trade with the British West Indies and also prohibited the export of the products which were mainly produced in the West Indies, including sugar, coffee, cotton, and cocoa and molasses.  With that change, the Senate gave its provisional consent by a vote of 20-10, just passing the necessary two-thirds approval, on June 24, 1795.

Public Reaction

Even after passage, the Senate maintained the gag order.  By this time though, leaks and rumors were all through the public press.  A few days after the final vote, one of the opponents, Senator Stevens Mason of Virginia, gave a copy of the treaty to Benjamin Franklin Bache, editor of the anti-administration newspaper The Aurora.  On July 1, Bache published the full text.

As expected, Americans were outraged by the treaty’s terms.  It achieved almost nothing that Americans wanted, and actually legitimized some of the actions the British were doing to Americans.  Protests turned into mob riots across America.  Jay was burned in effigy.  A Philadelphia mob burned a copy of the treaty in right front of the British Ambassador’s residence, then used stones to shatter all of his windows.  One Bostonian wrote on a wall “Damn John Jay! Damn everyone who won’t damn John Jay!” Another mob in Boston burned a British ship that they believed was acting as a privateer.  

Alexander Hamilton tried to give a speech supporting the treaty in New York City, but was driven away by mobs throwing stones at him.  Republicans organized town meetings calling for a rejection of the treaty.  While Federalists attempted to run some rallies in support of the treaty, these were overwhelmed by the rallies against it.

Despite the outrage, President Washington signed the treaty on August 14, 1795.  Washington was not happy with the treaty either but without a navy and without a sizable army, the treaty was the only way the US could avoid war with Britain.  The British Parliament accepted the treaty without Article XII, and the Jay treaty became the law of the land.

Next Week: Thomas Paine brings us The Age of Reason.

 - - -

Next Episode 388 The Age of Reason 

Previous Episode 386 Confronting Rebellion, 1794

Next month's Round Table Book: The Banker Who Made America: Thomas Willing and the Rise of the American Financial Aristocracy, 1731-1821, by Richard Vague - Go to https://bookshop.org/shop/ARP. Find the book in my bookshop and use the code ARP15 to save 15% off the price.

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

John Jay’s Treaty 1794-1795: https://history.state.gov/milestones/1784-1800/jay-treaty

Charles, Joseph. “The Jay Treaty: The Origins of the American Party System.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 12, no. 4, 1955, pp. 581–630. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1918627

DEMMER, AMANDA C. “Trick or Constitutional Treaty? The Jay Treaty and the Quarrel over the Diplomatic Separation of Powers.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 35, no. 4, 2015, pp. 579–98. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24768869

Estes, Todd. “Shaping the Politics of Public Opinion: Federalists and the Jay Treaty Debate.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 20, no. 3, 2000, pp. 393–422. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/3125063

Estes, Todd. “The Art of Presidential Leadership: George Washington and the Jay Treaty.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 109, no. 2, 2001, pp. 127–58. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249911

Negus, Samuel D. “FURTHER CONCESSIONS CANNOT BE ATTAINED”: THE JAY-GRENVILLE TREATY AND THE POLITICS OF ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS, 1789-1807,  Texas Christian University (Ph.D. Thesis) 2013 https://repository.tcu.edu/server/api/core/bitstreams/5358e931-9251-4cdc-ac89-0c98e450b951/content

Newcomb, Josiah T. “New Light on Jay’s Treaty.” The American Journal of International Law, vol. 28, no. 4, 1934, pp. 685–92. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2190755

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bemis, Samuel Flagg. Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy, MacMillan Co. 1923

Monaghan, Frank John Jay, Defender of Liberty, New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935. 

Perkins, Bradford The First Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1795-1805, Univ. of Cal. Press, 1967 (borrow only). 

Smith, Donald L. John Jay; Founder of a State and Nation, NY: Teacher’s College Press, 1968 (borrow only). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020. 

Combs, Jerald A. The Jay Treaty: Political Battleground of the Founding Fathers, Univ. of Cal. Press, 1970. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. His Excellency. George Washington, Alfred A. Knopf, 2005. 

Estes, Todd The Jay Treaty Debate, Public Opinion, and the Evolution of Early American Political Culture, Univ. of Mass. Press, 2006 (borrow on archive.org).

Heidler, David S. & Jeanne T. Washington's Circle: The Creation of the President, Random House, 2015. 

Leibiger, Stuart Founding Friendship George Washington, James Madison, and the Creation of the American Republic, Univ. of Virginia Press, 1999. 

Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton and the Growth of the New Nation (or Portrait in Paradox), Harper & Brothers, 1959 (borrow on archive.org

Nester, William The Hamiltonian Vision, 1789-1800, Potomac Books, 2012. 

Stahr, Walter John Jay: Founding Father, Bloomsbury Academic, 2005. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 10, 2026

ARP386 Confronting Rebellion, 1794


We left off last week with hundreds of militia banding together to exact revenge on John Neville, the Federal Inspector of Revenue in western Pennsylvania. At first a company of militia had ridden to his house, resulting in Neville killing at least one and wounding four others. This caused hundreds to return the next day, July 17, 1794, and burn his home to the ground, despite the property being defended by a dozen federal soldiers.  The defending soldiers were released, as were Federal Marshal David Lenox and Neville’s son Presley, who had been held prisoner during the fighting.  When Lenox and Neville tried to return to Pittsburgh,  they faced drunken militiamen trying to attack them.  They got to the city, where they found General Neville.  The general had left his home before the battle, knowing that if captured, he could be tortured or killed.  He had wisely stayed in Pittsburgh at the home of a friend.

Pittsburgh Standoff

The militia had succeeded in taking some revenge. But many were even angrier because their commander, Major McFarland, had been killed in the attack on Neville's home.  The rebels descended on Pittsburgh and threatened to burn the town unless Neville finally resigned his commission and Marshall Lenox turned over any outstanding warrants. The rebel militia camped outside Pittsburgh was estimated at over 1000 men. Negotiations went on for days as they attempted to satisfy the angry militiamen.  A local lawyer named Hugh Henry Brackenridge tried to negotiate a settlement with the rebels. He attended a hearing before the rebel committee. The main point of contention was over whether the marshal would return the summonses that he had already served on locals, back to authorities in Philadelphia.  

Washington leads the Militia, 1794

During this debate, the rebels brought in Robert Johnson, the same revenue agent who had been tarred and feathered a few years earlier.  Johnson accepted the gravity of the situation and agreed to resigning his position as a revenue agent.  That night, during a brutal thunderstorm, Marshal Lenox and General Neville escaped out of Pittsburgh and rode east, headed for Philadelphia.

Brackenridge remained in discussions with the rebels, who had set up a headquarters at a nearby church.  His goal was to convince the rebels that this was not going to end well.  The federal government would have to respond to this rebellion.  Rather than back down, however, the rebellion only seemed to grow in strength and size.

It seemed that those who lived in Pittsburgh itself opposed the rebellion, while all of the communities surrounding them were in support.  Several weeks after the battle at Neville's home, Bower Hill, rebels seized the federal mail and found letters from a number of Pittsburgh residents condemning the rebellion.  In a reaction, the rebel leaders called for a militia assembly at Braddock’s field on August 1.  An estimated 7000 armed militia turned out with the intention of burning Pittsburgh.  They began marching toward the town, but were eventually dissuaded by moderate voices that told them that Pittsburgh had agreed to banish the letter writers who had condemned the rebellion.

Albert Gallatin

While things seemed to be spinning out of control, there were moderates who were attempting to tamp down the growing violence.  One important voice was that of Albert Gallatin.  He will become more important in the history of the United States, so perhaps now is a good time to introduce him.

Gallatin was born in Switzerland in 1761.  He spoke French as his primary language. He came from a wealthy merchant family but his father died when he was only four years old, and his mother died when he was nine. A family friend stepped in to raise him.  When he was twelve, he was sent to the Academy of Geneva, where he became a great fan of the enlightenment.  When the American Revolution began, Gallatin wanted to be a part of it.  He and a fellow student left school in 1780 at age 19.  They travelled to France, where they met with Benjamin Franklin.  He gave them letters of introduction before they sailed for Boston.

Boston was not terribly interesting for two young men who were excited about the American frontier.  Gallatin moved to Machias in the Maine wilderness for a year, where he ran a trading post.  He then returned to Boston where he worked briefly as a French tutor at Harvard College.

By this time the Revolution had ended.  Becoming bored again with Boston, Gallatin got involved in the post-war land boom out west.  He teamed up with a French land speculator who wanted to sell western lands to Europeans.  In 1785, Gallatin moved to Virginia and became a naturalized citizen of the state.  He also married a Richmond girl, who was the daughter of a boarding house owner where he was staying.  Gallatin hoped to become rich with the western land boom.  Instead, he made his fortune the old fashioned way, he inherited it.  A year after moving to Virginia, he received a small fortune left to him by a relative in Europe. He used that money to buy 400 acres of land in Fayette County, Pennsylvania and built a large stone house, which he dubbed Friendship Hill.

He became active in Pennsylvania politics, favoring the more radical factions in the state.  In 1788, Gallatin served as a delegate to the state convention that the anti-federalist faction called to recommend amendments to the proposed US Constitution.  Over the years, Gallatin gained a reputation as a strong supporter of the anti-federalist, and later the Democratic-Republican factions in government. 

In 1790, the people of Fayette County sent him to serve as their representative in the US House.  He quickly fell in the faction controlled by James Madison and also became a leading opponent of many of Alexander Hamilton’s proposals, including the excise bill.  Gallatin also became a leading voice at many of the gatherings in western Pennsylvania opposed to the tax.  Gallatin’s views against the tax were in sync with those of the people he represented.  At the Pittsburgh Convention in 1792, Gallatin served as secretary and signed the resolution calling for the refusal to have any dealings with anyone who took a position to collect the whiskey tax.

This put Gallatin in direct contention with President Washington.  In response to the Pittsburgh Convention Hamilton got the president to issue a proclamation admonishing anyone who was organizing to obstruct the operation of the excise law.

The people of Pennsylvania, however, were quite happy with Gallatin’s positions.  In 1793 the state legislature appointed him to the US Senate.  That same year, he married Hannah Nicholson, the daughter of Commodore James Nicholson, who had been a hero of the Continental Navy.  Gallatin’s first wife had died a few years earlier, shortly after they had moved to Pennsylvania.  

Gallatin took his seat in the Senate in late 1793.  Almost immediately, the Senate received a petition from several Federalists in Pennsylvania objecting to the seating based on the fact that Gallatin had not been a US citizen for nine years, as required by the Constitution.  He had taken his oath of citizenship to Virginia eight years earlier.  The issue was not cut and dry because supporters argued he had expressed his desire to become a citizen in 1783, ten years earlier, and that was the date that should count.  The Senate sent the matter to committee to review the facts, then called for a vote.  The Senators ruled that Gallatin’s election was void by a vote of 14-12.  Gallatin had to leave the Senate and return home.

He arrived only a month before the battle of Bower Hill caused the region to explode.  In mid-August of 1794, about a month after the militia had burned Neville’s home, Gallatin served as secretary for a conference at Parkinson’s Ferry, arguing with the radicals that there was not possibility of military success against the federal government and that they should be looking for a political solution.  While Gallatin opposed the tax, he asserted that it was constitutional, and the people could not simply use violence to oppose laws that they did not like.  

A couple of weeks later, Gallatin gave an hours-long speech to a hostile crowd, trying to explain why this rebellion was different from the American Revolution, and why they needed to support the rule of law.

Federal Response

Gallatin was pushing the idea of submission because he knew what was coming and hoped to avert it.  As early as 1792, following the first attacks on revenue officers in the region, Alexander Hamilton had been pushing for “vigorous and decisive measures” or, he said “the spirit of disobedience will naturally extend and the authority of the government will be prostrate.”  He called on President Washington to issue a stern warning and then send in federal troops if the people did not comply.  President Washington issued his public proclamation in September of that year, but left out Hamilton’s proposed threats of military force, something that Attorney General Edmund Randolph recommended deleting.

Hamilton viewed this ongoing confrontation as a test of the new federal government.  The government had to show it was willing to use force to enforce its laws.  He saw this rebellion as an opportunity to demonstrate the federal government’s power and resolve.  He characterized the protesters as committing treason, that they were a disease that threatened to destroy the Union.  Hamilton had agreed to a few changes, such as a reduction in the amount of the tax and the change that allowed local courts to hear  tax cases.  But he adamantly opposed further appeasement, such as removing Neville as revenue agent.  This would be interpreted as weakness and would only encourage more defiance of federal laws.

Normally, Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson would be expected to balance Hamilton’s more extreme views.  But by this time Jefferson was gone.  He had resigned as Secretary of State at the end of 1793.  He was sick of the constant political battles with Hamilton, and believed that the President was increasingly supporting much of Hamilton’s agenda.

Attorney General Edmund Randolph had become Secretary of State at the time.  He expressed deep concerns over the use of military force, at least before any diplomatic or judicial options were exhausted.  Even if it was hard, the government had to be based on the affection of the people, not military force. If there were crimes committed, they should be handled by the judiciary, with due process, not through the use of armed soldiers just going around and crushing entire communities. 

The new attorney General William Bradford, and Secretary of War, Henry Knox, both generally sided with Hamilton’s view.  Bradford viewed the insurrection as treason and a threat to the existence of the government itself. Knox stressed that the government needed to deploy overwhelming force to convince the people of the new government’s authority.  Knox very much pushed the idea of overwhelming force, so that the matter did not drag out or give the rebels any hope of an eventual compromise to end the dispute.  He wanted the Whiskey Rebellion to be in contrast to Shays Rebellion, where the government did not have the power to put down the opposition.

Raising an Army

President Washington seemed more reluctant than most of his cabinet to use military force.  He had never been a fan of this sort of violent and destructive protest, even when he was on the other side.  Two decades earlier, Washington had condemned the destruction of British tea in Boston.  

In this case, Washington believed the excise law was a legitimate one, and that he had a duty to make sure it was enforced. He accepted that it was always a last resort, but his fear of appearing as a military tyrant gave him pause.

After learning about the destruction of Bower Hill in July, Washington met with Pennsylvania Governor Mifflin.  The governor believed that the lawlessness could be handled by the judiciary and calling out an army was not necessary.  Unsatisfied with Mifflin’s assurances, Washington met with James Wilson, at that time a Justice on the US Supreme Court and also a resident of Pennsylvania.  Wilson advised the president that the rebellion was too powerful to handle with judicial proceedings alone.

That gave Washington the political cover to issue an order mobilizing militia.  He authorized the mobilization of 13,000 militiamen from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia.  It would take time to assemble the army so he also gave the rebels until September 1 to disperse and submit to the law.

Peace Commission

The following week, Washington also dispatched a Peace Commission to meet with the rebels. The Commission was made up of Attorney General Bradford, Senator James Ross, a federalist who had replaced Gallatin in the Senate after the removal over citizenship, and Judge Jasper Yeates, who sat on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and was also an ardent federalist.  None of the three men were very sympathetic to the rebel cause.  Also joining the Commission on the trip were two men appointed by Governor Mifflin: Pennsylvania Chief Justice Thomas McKean, and Congressman William Irvine.  These two men were more sympathetic to the cause of the rebels, but still agreed that there had to be submission.

The commission travelled west and met up with the leaders of the rebellion on April 28.  This was the same meeting where Gallatin gave his speech calling for the people to submit to federal law.  The commissioners demanded complete submission and that all the rebels stand down.  After a contentious debate the committee of rebels voted 34 to 23 in favor of submission.  The commissioners expressed concern that the vote was not unanimous and had been conducted by secret ballot.  It seemed clear that none of the rebels were inclined to make themselves a target for federal retribution, but that the resistance and violence would only continue.  

The commissioners then insisted that every male age 18 or older sign an oath of submission on September 11.  Turnout was dismally low, in some cases because people believed they would face retribution from their neighbors if they signed the oath.

The commission reported back to President Washington that they did not believe the region would submit and that order could not be restored without military coercion.  This seemed to be the expected result since the militia army was already gathering and preparing during this time.  Bradford used his time as a commissioner to gather intelligence on the leadership, numbers, and locations of rebels to provide to the federal army.

The Army Marches

By September 25, the army was ready to march.  Washington personally led the militia army.  He appointed as military commander of the army the Governor of Virginia, and Washington’s old cavalry commander, Light Horse Harry Lee.  The right wing of the army was made up of militia from Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and commanded by their governors.  Pennsylvania Governor Mifflin had been a Continental General.  Governor Richard Howell of New Jersey had only risen to the rank of captain during the war. 

The left wing, made up of militia from Maryland and Virginia was under the command of Maryland Congressman Richard Smith, a former Continental Colonel, and General Daniel Morgan of Virginia.

Alexander Hamilton also travelled with the army.  Secretary of War Henry Knox, missed the expedition, choosing instead to attend to personal business in Maine.

The Pennsylvania and New Jersey militia used Carlisle as a staging area.  The Maryland militia camped at Williamsport, Maryland.  The Virginia militia made camp at Cumberland Maryland. Washington reviewed the troops in early October, before leaving the army at Bedford, to return to Philadelphia.  He turned over full military command to General Lee.

As the armies reached western Pennsylvania.  Then nothing.  All the rebels went home and simply said, what rebellion? Nothing to see here.  No one wanted to take on the federal militia army.

This left the soldiers without a war to fight.  The leaders believed that the violence would only reappear after they left.  Instead they opted to make arrests.  Coordinated squads of cavalry were deployed on the night of November 13th to arrest the alleged leaders of the rebellion.  The army rounded up around 300 men, who were held in various places, many simply herded together into open pens.  Complaints began almost immediately that the arrests were done without warrants, that the army had disregarded amnesty promises already given, that many of the arrests seemed arbitrary and included people who had actually supported the government’s efforts to restore order.

Because there was no army to fight, General Lee dismissed most of the militia by November 17, just four days after the mass arrests.  Only 1500 volunteers under General Morgan remained to ensure that no problems flared up again over the winter.

The next problem was that armies don’t do a very good job doing law enforcement.  Officers interrogated the prisoners, but were unable to do much with them.  No one was willing to confess to anything or provide witness testimony against anyone else.  

In the end, they released almost all of their prisoners.  They took about 20 men back to Philadelphia for trial.  These men were marched through the streets of Philadelphia with the sign "insurgent" hung around their necks.  But actually convicting any of them for treason or sedition proved nearly impossible.  In the end, only two men were ever convicted.  Neither of them were considered leaders in the movement.  They were described as simpletons or insane, probably not bright enough to refuse giving incriminating testimony against themselves.  In the end President Washington pardoned both of the men.

The government faced criticism as there was some looting by the militia army, and destruction of property. Most of the complaints came from the Democratic Republicans.  The militia army however, had its intended effect. Farmers still effectively evaded the excise tax by hiding their distilleries.  Several thousand rebels moved further west into Ohio territory to avoid further interactions with the government. But the open violent attacks on government officials doing their jobs came to an end.  

 - - -

Next month's Round Table Book: The Banker Who Made America: Thomas Willing and the Rise of the American Financial Aristocracy, 1731-1821, by Richard Vague - Go to https://bookshop.org/shop/ARP. Find the book in my bookshop and use the code ARP15 to save 15% off the price.

Next Episode 387 The Jay Treaty 

Previous Episode 385 The Whiskey Rebellion

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

The Whiskey Rebellion https://www.ttb.gov/public-information/whiskey-rebellion

The Whiskey Rebellion https://www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-first-president/whiskey-rebellion

BRIGADIER GENERAL JOHN NEVILLE 1731 - 1803 https://www.oldsaintlukes.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/BRIGADIER-GENERAL-JOHN-NEVILLE-1731-1803.pdf

Cooke, Jacob E. “THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION: A RE-EVALUATION.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies, vol. 30, no. 3, 1963, pp. 316–46. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27770195.

Davis, Jeffrey A. “Guarding the Republican Interest: The Western Pennsylvania Democratic Societies and the Excise Tax.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies, vol. 67, no. 1, 2000, pp. 43–62. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27774247

 Kohn, Richard H. “The Washington Administration’s Decision to Crush the Whiskey Rebellion.” The Journal of American History, vol. 59, no. 3, 1972, pp. 567–84. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1900658.

Krom, Cynthia L., and Stephanie Krom. “THE WHISKEY TAX OF 1791 AND THE CONSEQUENT INSURRECTION: ‘A WICKED AND HAPPY TUMULT.’” The Accounting Historians Journal, vol. 40, no. 2, 2013, pp. 91–113. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43486736.

Long, Ronald W. “THE PRESBYTERIANS AND THE WHISKEY REBELLION.” Journal of Presbyterian History (1962-1985), vol. 43, no. 1, 1965, pp. 28–36. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23325997

Nester, William. “The Whiskey Rebellion.” The Hamiltonian Vision, 1789-1800: The Art of American Power During the Early Republic, University of Nebraska Press, 2012, pp. 72–74. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1djmhp3.17.

Rich, Bennett M. “Washington and the Whiskey Insurrection.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 65, no. 3, 1941, pp. 334–52. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20087395.

Whitten, David O. “An Economic Inquiry into the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794.” Agricultural History, vol. 49, no. 3, 1975, pp. 491–504. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3741786.

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Brackenridge, H. H. Incidents of the Insurrection in the Western Parts of Pennsylvania, in the year 1794, Philadelphia: John McCulloch, 1795. 

Brackenridge, H.M. History of the Western Insurrection in Western Pennsylvania: Commonly Called the Whiskey Insurrection, 1794, Pittsburgh: W.S. Haven, 1859.  

Davidson Robert A Sermon on the Freedom and Happiness of the United States of America, Preached in Carlisle, on the 5th Oct. 1794, Philadelphia: Samuel H. Smith, 1794. 

Wiley, Richard T. Sim Greene, a Narrative of the Whisky Insurrection; being a setting forth of the memoirs of the late David Froman, Philadelphia: John C. Winston Co. 1906. 

Wiley, Richard T. The Whisky Insurrection: A General View, Elizabeth, PA; Herald Printing House, 1912.  

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Baldwin, Leland D. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising, Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1968. 

Boyd, Steven R. The Whiskey Rebellion: Past and Present Perspectives, Greenwood Press, 1985. 

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020. 

Crytzer, Brady J. The Whiskey Rebellion: A Distilled History of an American Crisis, Westholme Publishing, 2023. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Hogeland, William The Whiskey Rebellion: George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and the Frontier Rebels Who Challenged America's Newfound Sovereignty, Scribner, 2006. 

McDonald, Forrest, The Presidency of George WashingtonUniv of Kansas Press, 1974.

Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012.

Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton and the Growth of the New Nation, Routledge, 2017.

Myrsiades, Linda Backcountry Democracy and the Whiskey Insurrection: The Legal Culture and Trials, 1794-1795, Univ. of Ga. Press, 2024.

Nester, William The Hamiltonian Vision, 1789-1800, Potomac Books, 2012. 

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

Slaughter, Thomas P. The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution, Oxford Univ. Press, 1986. 

Unger, Harlow G. "Mr. President": George Washington and the Making of the Nation's Highest Office, Da Capo Press, 2013.

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