Sunday, November 1, 2026

ARP405 Quasi-War Navy

In our last episode, we covered Congress’ decision during the Quasi War to authorize a huge provisional army to prepare for an invasion by France.  Since that invasion never happened, the army turned out to be a big nothing.  The Navy, on the other hand, saw some actual service.  This week, we look at the new US Navy and some of its first wartime actions.

USS Constellation vs L'Insurgente
Congress eliminated the Continental Navy in 1785.  There was no money to sustain a navy.  The government had begun building a few frigates during the Washington Administration due to attacks on commercial shipping from North African states.  But those ships took years to build. 

After things began heating up with France, the government renewed efforts to complete the ships in 1797.  The USS United States was completed in May, the USS Constellation in September, and the USS Constitution in October.  Even though the ships themselves were complete, they were not equipped and did not have a crew.  That would take another year.  The USS United States was finally ready to set sail in May 1798, weeks after the XYZ affair became public.  The other two were ready by mid summer.

Also over the spring and summer of 1798, Congress authorized the conversion and arming of merchant ships for naval use.

Benjamin Stoddert

The looming war with France also focused Congress on the need for better administration of the new Navy.  Secretary of War James McHenry hand handled all of the work up until 1798.  James Barry, the famous Revolutionary War naval hero who was overseeing the building of the USS United States in Philadelphia, complained about McHenry’s incompetence and lack of attention to the navy.  He suggested that the government needed a separate Secretary of the Navy.

Congress held hearings, conferred with McHenry, and agreed with Barry’s assessment that the navy needed its own civilian leader.  In May 1798 as the XYZ affair was bringing on war fever, Congress authorized a Secretary of the Navy.  President Adams chose Benjamin Stoddert for the job.

At first glance, Stoddert seemed like an odd choice, and was actually the president’s second choice after former Senator George Cabot refused the offer.  Stoddert had served in the Continental Army during the Revolution as a cavalry officer.  He had served on the Continental Congress’ Board of War for a few years, which is probably where Secretary of State Pickering got to know him.  After the war, Stoddert founded a mercantile company operating out of Georgetown.  He also founded the Bank of Columbia in 1794.

Despite Stoddert’s lack of naval experience, Pickering recommended Stoddert because as a capable financial administrator.  He knew something about ship building and maintenance, and their related costs.  He was also a Federalist, which was important to the rest of the cabinet.  

Navy’s First Steps

Even before Stoddert took his new position as Secretary, Congress tried to step up naval operations.  It authorized the navy to seize armed French vessels off the coast.  It approved the purchase of twelve additional ships of up to 22 guns each to supplement the three frigates that were just about ready.

Several cities, acting on their own, began building warships for use in the conflict.  Congress authorized the President to accept these ships as loans for use in the war.

By the end of May 1798, the first ship, a converted merchant ship, the Ganges, departed Philadelphia for the first naval operation of the US Navy.  Its Captain, Richard Dale had served under John Paul Jones during the Revolution.

On July 7, Captain Stephen Decatur, Sr. with his son serving with him as an aide, scored the first naval victory of the war.  Decatur commanded the USS Delaware, a converted merchant ship.  His crew captured the French privateer La Croyable, off the coast of New Jersey.  They renamed the captured ship USS Retaliation.  A few months later, the French would recapture the Retaliation, but the US would take it a second time in 1799.

Also in July, 1798, Adams signed a new law authorizing American ships to go after armed French vessels anywhere, not just off the coast of the US.  He signed another act, formally establishing the US Marine Corps on July 11.  The following day, Adams granted William Ward Burrows a commission as a major and commandant of the new Marine Corps.  Burrows had minimal military experience, serving in the South Carolina militia during the Revolution.  He had come to Philadelphia to work as a lawyer after the Revolution.

By the time of his appointment, marines had already enlisted for service aboard ships.  The corps consisted of 881 officers and men.  Among Burrows’ rules was a ban on any black or mixed race Americans joining the marines.

Privateers, which had been so important during the Revolutionary War, did not play a role in the Quasi War.  The Administration never granted letters of marque to go after French merchant ships. The reason for this policy was that the Americans were going after the ships that were threatening American commerce, that is navy ships or French privateers.  French merchant ships offered no threat.  Unless the two countries actually went to war, the administration considered that off the table. 

Without approval to attack merchant ships, American privateers did not go to sea.  American merchant ships, however, were free to arm themselves.  Many of these armed merchants were able to fend off attacks from privateers or other smaller French vessels.

Early Deployments

France had been permitting French privateers to attack American shipping for some time.  It was one of the primary reasons why the Americans began this fight in the first place.  

As the Navy was expanding from simple coastal defense, Navy Secretary Stoddert ordered Commodore Barry to take a small fleet down to the West Indies to interdict French privateers.  

Barry took his 44 gun ship, the United States, along with the 20 gun Delaware, the 18 gun Herald, and the 14 gun Pickering to sail in the waters around Barbados, Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Antigua, in search of French privateers.  Barry also carried diplomatic letters for the Spanish Governor at San Juan, seeking the release of captured American sailors.

Barry left Philadelphia at the end of July with only the United States and the Delaware, as the other ships were having problems.  A few weeks later, the ships captured a French privateer in the Martinique passage.  A few weeks later, they captured a second ship near Puerto Rico.

But that was about it for Barry.  Less than two months after he left Philadelphia, he returned on September 21.  Barry complained that his ships had rotten provisions, a lack of ballast, and that he did not want to get caught in the hurricane season.  He never managed to deliver the letters to San Juan.

The Navy also spent a fair amount of time escorting merchant ships.  Captain Thomas Truxton commanded the 36 gun Constellation, assisted by the 20 gun Baltimore, in the fall of 1798, escorted American convoys from Havana back home. 

Also in late fall, the Montezuma, the Norfolk and the Retaliation patrolled around Antigua and Guadalupe.  When French frigates recaptured the Retaliation during this patrol, it would be the only American loss of a naval ship during the Quasi War.

Later Deployments

In December, after Barry had time to take care of the problems of his fleet.  After hurricane season had passed, he returned to the West Indies, tasked with defending American shipping and patrolling for French privateers.  He would operate out of Prince Rupert Bay on the island of Dominica.  At the time, the British controlled Dominica, but were happy to have a friendly naval force there focused on attacking their French enemies.

Barry was part of a much larger force.  Stoddert deployed pretty much the entire US fleet to the region, 21 ships divided into four squadrons.

Barry’s squadron at Dominica was joined by the George Washington, and the 44 gun Constitution, commanded by Samuel Nicholson, which arrived in January, 1799.  Another seven smaller ships rounded out Barry’s squadron at various times over the winter.

American patrols managed to capture or sink a couple more French privateers.  Stoddert, however, remained frustrated when Barry failed to police some of the most popular American shipping lanes.  Then, in April of 1799, after being there for less than four months, Barry simply packed up and returned the fleet to Philadelphia, citing his own health, the need to refit ships, and to deal with expiring twelve month crew enlistments.

Suddenly, American merchant ships in the West Indies found themselves without any American naval support again.  Stoddert had left his captains with ambiguous orders.  He had told Barry the mission would last until some time between April and June.  Although he tried to send orders extending that, those orders did not arrive before Barry started back to Philadelphia.

The Constellation also headed a squadron around St. Kitts, with four smaller ships. They arrived in January, patrolling the leeward Islands before they also returned home in May, also dealing with expiring enlistments.

Havana also hosted a winter fleet comprised of the 20 gun USS Delaware, with Captain Decatur commanding, along with the USS General Greene and the USS Governor Jay.  These ships arrived in December or January, remaining until May. 

Several other single ships patrolled different waters in the region, trying to deter attacks on American shipping anywhere. Over the spring and summer of 1799, most of the American ships returned home, leaving only five smaller ships in the region.

These patrols continued on and off through the rest of 1799, 1800, and into 1801. In late 1800, Stoddert tried to push Barry into a desk job, but Barry refused and returned to the West Indies, arriving in January 1801.  Since peace talks were almost complete by this time, Barry had orders to remain on the defensive and not go after ships that were not actively attacking American shipping.  By the spring of 1801, announcements of a cessation of hostilities allowed the ships to return home for good.

British Interactions

Much of the American success in the West Indies was thanks to British cooperation.  The British Navy still dominated the Atlantic Ocean, and kept most of France’s larger navy ships from leaving port in France.

British convoys also regularly permitted American merchant ships to join with their convoys for safe passage to Europe.  In early 1798, this was mostly an informal offer of convenience. By the end of 1798 the practice of British ships allowing Americans to join convoys was formalized and extended to voyages into the West Indies.  US Navy ships also reciprocated when they could, offering escorts to British merchant ships.

The two navies coordinated on signals so that each side could recognize friendly ships at sea, and avoid needless chases.  British ports were opened up to American merchant ships and even permitted the purchase of military supplies.

Britain, however, was not always entirely friendly.  British ships, always in need of more sailors, continued to impress Americans into British service.  In the fall of 1798 the 20 gun Baltimore, commanded by Captain Isaac Phillips was escorting nine merchant ships from Charleston to Havana.  

On November 16, they crossed paths with a British squadron led by Captain John Loring and the 74 gun Carnatic.  The British fired a shot across the bow and forced a halt to the convoy.  

Captain Phillips, who had rushed to sea without his formal commission, tried to convince Loring that he was an American naval officer.  He showed his orders from the Secretary of Navy.  Loring took one look and sneered saying “who is Ben Stoddert?”  He then informed Loring that he needed crew members and would seize any British subjects aboard the Baltimore.

Given the overwhelming size of the British ship, Philips submitted his muster.  The British removed 55 sailors, a little over one-third of the entire crew.  Later that day, they returned 50 of the men, keeping only 5.  When word of the incident reached Philadelphia, Adams summarily fired Captain Phillips for his submission to the British.  Adams then released instructions to all naval captains commanding that they never permit their vessel to be searched or have crew members taken.  If confronted by an overwhelming force, they were ordered to fight to the death.  They could strike colors if overpowered in battle, but never give up men without giving up the vessel.

The Administration also protested the incident with Britain.  The British admiralty, hoping to maintain the naval alliance against France, transferred Captain Loring to another station and gave assurances that this would not be repeated.

This assurance would not be followed.  In March of 1799 the HMS Surprise confronted the Ganges and demanded to examine the crew’s papers. Captain Tingey responded, "A public ship carries no protection but her flag. I do not expect to succeed in a contest with you, but I will die at my quarters before a man shall be taken from the ship."  The Ganges crew took battle stations.  Not wanting to create another incident, the British backed off.

While navy ships were left alone, American merchant vessels were not.  An estimated 3000 American merchantmen were serving under duress in the Royal Navy by 1800.

While the impressment issue remained a sore spot, British-US cooperation in protecting merchant ships against French predators remained pretty solid throughout the course of the conflict.  It was a matter of mutual self-interest. Both the US and Britain benefitted from the trade and from hurting France’s ability to interdict that trade.

The Battle of Nevis

The Americans never had enough really large ships at this time to engage in traditional European line battles, but there was one pretty significant battle off the coast of Nevis on February 1, 1799, involving Captain Thomas Truxton of the USS Constellation.

Truxton had been raised on Long Island and went to work as a merchant seaman in the 1760s.  When the Revolution began, a British ship impressed him and offered him a position as midshipman. While, of course, he had no choice but to serve aboard the ship, he refused the offer of a commission.  After being wounded during an action with an American privateer, he was able to get out of British service.  He took command of an American privateer, and captured several ships.  After the Revolution went back working on commercial shipping.

Truxton was one of the first captains that President George Washington tapped when the US began building its first frigates.  Like each of the captains, he oversaw his ship’s construction, selected its crew, and finally went to sea with the USS Constellation just as the Quasi-War began.

Truxton was cruising in the waters near Nevis when he came across the French frigate L’Insurgente, under the command of Captain Michel-Pierre Barreaut.  The two ships were pretty evenly matched.  The Constellation had 36 guns, compared to 40 on the L’Insurgente, but the Constellation’s guns were mostly larger and could throw more lead at the enemy. The French ship had just over 400 men vs a little over 300 on the Constellation. 

The Constellation was spoiling for a fight, while the L’Insurgente seemed to want to avoid one.  Captain Truxton approached the vessel, which was flying an American flag.  But the US Navy only had two other frigate class ships, and this one didn’t really look like either of them.  Truxton flashed British and American signals to get a response, but did not receive one.  Instead, the L’Insurgente took down the American flag, raised the French flag and fired a cannon.

Just as the fight was about to begin, a storm blew in.  The French captain tried to keep up his sails in the high wind to get away, but ended up bringing down his topmast instead.

As the Americans closed in, the French captain attempted to hail the enemy to avoid a fight, but the Constellation responded with a broadside.  The two ships continued to fire on each other.  Since the L’Insurgente had smaller cannons, it focused on trying to take out the Americans’ masts and rigging.  The Constellation used its 24 pounder cannons to rip holes in the sides of the enemy ship.

After a little over an hour, the L’Insurgente struck its colors and surrendered.  The damage was very one sided.  The French suffered 29 killed and 41 wounded.  The Americans lost two casualties.  One sailor lost a foot.  The only American sailor killed was killed by his own officer.  Lieutenant Andrew Sterett ran him through with his sword after the sailor attempted to abandon his gun during the battle.

Truxton put aboard a crew to take control of the L’Insurgente and began removing French prisoners to the Constellation.  Another storm separated the two ships before they could complete the process.  

Lieutenant John Rodgers found himself commanding the French ship with only twelve other American crewmen and 170 French prisoners aboard.  To prevent the French sailors from retaking the ship, he forced them into the ship’s lower holds and sailed with his skeleton crew to St. Kitts where it caught up with the Constellation.  The French ship was sold as a prize with the prize money distributed to the crew.  The US Navy bought the ship, repaired it, and christened it the USS Insurgent.

Captain Truxtun was celebrated as a military hero in both America and Britain.  London merchants sent him a silver plate to commemorate his victory.

By contrast, the French Captain Barreaut returned to France to face court martial.  He was acquitted.  Barreaut protested the capture of his ship, arguing that France and the US were not at war.  The French governor of Guadeloupe made the same demand for the same reason.  When a return was not forthcoming, the governor ordered the seizure of all American ships and property in the colony, and declared that a state of war existed between the United States and Guadeloupe.

The French outrage at one of their ships by hollow.  By this time, Captain Barreaut had already seized the USS Retaliation.  France had been attacking US shipping for years, yet they seemed really upset that the US had captured one of their frigates.

At the end of his report to Secretary of Navy Stoddert, Truxtun added. "The French captain tells me, I have caused a War with France, if so I am glad of it, for I detest Things being done by Halves".

The naval war would continue through 1801, but I want to cover some other war measures from 1798.  

Next week: Congress Passes the Alien Enemies Act of 1798

 - - -

Next Episode 406 The Alien Enemies Act (coming soon)

Previous Episode 404 The Quasi-War Army

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Further Reading

Websites

Quasi War https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/quasi-war

Benjamin Stoddert and the Quasi-War with France: https://www.usni.org/magazines/naval-history-magazine/1999/february/benjamin-stoddert-and-quasi-war-france

Sechrest, Larry J. “Privately Funded and Built U.S. Warships in the Quasi-War of 1797–1801.” The Independent Review, vol. 12, no. 1, 2007, pp. 101–13. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24562745

Commodore Thomas Truxtun, U. S. Navy https://www.usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1932/april/commodore-thomas-truxtun-u-s-navy

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Adams, Charles F. The Life of John Adams, Vol. 2, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co. 1871.

Allen, Gardner Weld, Our Naval War with France, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1909. 

Brown, William L. An examination of the causes and conduct of the present war with France, London: T. Cabell, 1798. 

Morse, Jr. John T. John Adams, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 1884. 

Wood, John The History of the Administration of John Adams, Esq., Late President of the United States, New York: Barlas and Ward, 1802. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

DeConde, Alexander The Quasi War: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared war with France, 1797-1801, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1966.

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Kurtz, Stephen G. The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800, Literary Licensing,  LLC, 2011.

Leiner, Frederick C. Millions for Defense: The Subscription Warships of 1798, Naval Institute Press, 1999. 

Maloney, Linda The Captain from Connecticut: The Life and Naval Times of Isaac Hull Boston: Northeastern Univ. Press, 1986.


Stinchcombe, William The XYZ Affair, Praeger, 1980. 

Vaughn, Harold C. The XYZ Affair, 1797-1798, Franklin Watts, 1972.

Wood, Gordon S. Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815, Oxford Univ. Press, 2009.

 * As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, October 25, 2026

AR-SP55 Joseph Warren, with Salina Baker

Our October, 2026 Round Table invited special guest, Salina Baker, author of the historical novel: Act Worthy of Yourselves: A Novel of Dr. Joseph Warren and an American Rebellion.  Ms. Baker join us to discuss the life of Joseph Warren.  Below is a summary of our discussion.


Origins, Ancestry, and Academic Foundations (1741–1760)

Joseph Warren was born in 1741 in Roxbury, Massachusetts, where he grew up on his family’s apple farm. His father was notable for cultivating the "Roxbury Russet" apple, a fruit variety that remains commercially available today. Warren’s father died when Joseph was very young, leaving his mother and family to manage the farm. His family sent him to the Roxbury Latin School to prepare for higher education.

In August 1755, at fourteen years old, Warren was admitted to Harvard College. He graduated in 1759 and subsequently taught at the Roxbury Latin School for a year while completing a master’s degree, which at the time required a year of independent self-study.


Medical Apprenticeship, Innovations, and Clinical Practice

Following his education at Harvard, Warren undertook a medical apprenticeship under Dr. James Lloyd, a wealthy and prominent Boston physician who had received advanced medical training overseas in London and Scotland. During the colonial era, holding a formal doctorate degree was not required to practice medicine; standard entry into the profession occurred through college coursework followed by a clinical apprenticeship under a recognized master practitioner.

Under Dr. Lloyd, Warren learned modern European medical practices, including obstetrics. Male participation in obstetrics and delivering babies was a novel and innovative medical development for the era, as childbirth was traditionally handled almost exclusively by female midwives. Dr. Lloyd also instructed Warren on the social conduct expected of a "gentleman physician".

Warren’s clinical practice in Boston spanned a diverse patient base:

  • Prominent Patriots: He served as personal physician to Patriot leaders, including Samuel Adams and John Hancock.
  • Loyalist Officials: He treated high-ranking Loyalist figures, including Lieutenant Governor Thomas Hutchinson, prior to the outbreak of hostilities.
  • Vulnerable & Poor Populations: Warren provided medical services at the Boston Alms House and treated patients across all socioeconomic strata, maintaining a core belief that every individual deserved proper medical care regardless of status or wealth.

Smallpox Inoculation and Medical Controversies

In 1764, Warren directed smallpox inoculation operations at Castle William. During this initiative, he inoculated John Adams and Adams’s brother. Smallpox inoculation was controversial during the 18th century due to social, religious, and safety concerns. While inoculation carried approximately a 2% mortality rate, contracting naturally occurring smallpox carried a death rate approaching 40%.

Warren also participated in professional medical debates. While he practiced bloodletting when clinically indicated, he opposed excessive or uncalibrated bleeding. He engaged in a public newspaper dispute with Dr. Thomas Young over Young’s decision to bleed a patient suffering from consumption (tuberculosis), arguing that Young had applied bloodletting inappropriately without following established medical protocols.


Entry into Political Resistance and Patriotic Leadership

Warren’s political involvement began during the 1765 Stamp Act crisis. He published his first political editorials in local newspapers under the pseudonym "BW," voicing opposition to Parliamentary taxation.

Secret Committees and Freemasonry

Warren joined underground Patriot networks, attending secret planning sessions held above Boston distilleries and the printing offices of the Boston Gazette alongside Samuel Adams and John Hancock.

He joined St. Andrew’s Masonic Lodge in Boston, establishing close ties with fellow Masons Paul Revere and John Hancock. Freemasonry provided a vital political and social support network for young Patriots opposing British colonial policy. Warren rose rapidly through the Masonic hierarchy, eventually being appointed Grand Master of All Masons in North America—a title he held at the time of his death.

Recruiting John Adams

Warren was instrumental in bringing John Adams fully into the Patriot movement. While Adams sympathized with resistance to Parliamentary authority, he hesitated to join formal radical groups like the Sons of Liberty due to the erratic behavior and paranoia displayed by early Patriot figure James Otis Jr.. Warren nudged and teased Adams until Adams agreed to take an active role in political organizing.

Boston Massacre Orations

Following the March 1770 Boston Massacre, the town of Boston instituted annual commemorative orations. Official town records show that Warren was specifically requested to deliver the annual address twice:

  1. March 1772: Delivered at a time when British troops had been withdrawn from Boston proper to Castle William.
  2. March 6, 1775: Delivered under extreme personal danger inside Boston, as armed British redcoats under General Thomas Gage attended the gathering to monitor speeches.

In addition to his own speeches, Warren collaborated with Samuel Adams to help write John Hancock’s Boston Massacre oration.


Civil Governance, the Suffolk Resolves, and Provincial Leadership

When British Parliament passed the Coercive Acts (Intolerable Acts) to punish Massachusetts for the Boston Tea Party, the Massachusetts Government Act curtailed traditional town meetings and replaced elected colonial councilors with crown appointees.

Authoring the Suffolk Resolves

In response, Warren authored the Suffolk Resolves, a document containing 19 resolutions laying out explicit colonial defiance against Parliament. The resolves recommended forming an independent provincial congress to bypass the invalidated colonial government.

President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress

The Massachusetts Provincial Congress was established directly from the framework of the Suffolk Resolves. John Hancock initially served as its president; however, when Hancock departed for the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, Warren was elected President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress in early May 1775.

Concurrently, Warren headed the Committee of Safety and the Committee of Correspondence, effectively assuming executive administrative leadership over the armed rebellion across Massachusetts.


Espionage Operations, Security Concerns, and Family Life

Warren managed Boston’s intelligence and surveillance network, acting as Paul Revere’s direct organizational supervisor.

The Midnight Ride of April 18–19, 1775

On the night of April 18, 1775, Warren received intelligence detailing British military movements aimed at Concord. He dispatched Paul Revere and William Dawes on their midnight ride to alert the countryside and warn Samuel Adams and John Hancock in Lexington.

Personal Life and Family Protection

Warren became a widower in April 1773 when his 26-year-old wife, Elizabeth, died of unknown causes, leaving him to care for four young children. His mother and brothers (Samuel and Ebenezer) continued to reside on the family apple farm in Roxbury.

Prior to April 19, 1775, fearing that General Gage’s forces might seize his motherless children in retaliatory arrests, Warren evacuated them to Worcester under the care of Mercy Scollay and a medical colleague. Despite these personal risks, Warren remained inside occupied Boston to coordinate intelligence operations until the outbreak of fighting at Lexington.


Military Operations and Pre-Bunker Hill Skirmishes

Warren had no formal military training prior to 1775, outside of participating in informal student militia drills at Harvard at age fifteen or sixteen. Nevertheless, he took an active role in combat operations following the outbreak of war:

  • Battle Road (April 19, 1775): Following the engagements at Lexington and Concord, Warren joined Brigadier General William Heath and local militia forces harassing retreating British troops through Menotomy. During the skirmish, a British musket ball struck his head, shooting away a decorative hair curl directly above his ear.
  • Siege of Boston Skirmishes: During the ongoing siege, Warren joined militia forces in tactical engagements, including the Battle of Chelsea Creek, operations on Hog Island, and a coastal skirmish at Weymouth to prevent British naval sloops from harvesting island hay.

Major General Commission

Recognizing his administrative leadership and organizing role, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress commissioned Warren as a Major General in the Massachusetts Provincial Army shortly before the Battle of Bunker Hill. He served alongside overall provincial army commander General Artemas Ward.


The Battle of Bunker Hill and Warren’s Death (June 17, 1775)

On the morning of June 17, 1775, Warren attended administrative meetings of the Provincial Congress in Watertown while suffering from a severe migraine headache. He returned to Cambridge in the afternoon to rest. Upon learning that British troops were landing on the Charlestown Peninsula, he walked to Breed's Hill accompanied by his medical apprentice, David Townsend.

Refusal of Command

When Warren arrived at the battlefield, both General Israel Putnam (stationed on Bunker Hill) and Colonel William Prescott (commanding the redoubt on Breed’s Hill) offered to relinquish overall command to him due to his rank as Major General. Warren refused command, stating that he came to fight purely as a volunteer private soldier because he lacked practical battlefield command experience.

Combat in the Redoubt and Fatal Wound

Warren entered the earthen redoubt on Breed’s Hill and fought alongside the militia during the first two British frontal assaults. On the third British assault, American troops exhausted their supply of gunpowder and were forced into hand-to-hand combat using musket stocks, swords, and rocks.

Warren took position as the last defender inside the redoubt to cover the retreat of the militia forces. As British troops swarmed the redoubt, Warren was shot in the face and killed instantly.


Posthumous Revelations and Political Context

Prior to his death, Warren wrote repeated letters to Samuel Adams at the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia, pleading for Congress to adopt the Massachusetts Provincial Army and appoint a unified "generalissimo" to command all colonial forces. Warren maintained that the Massachusetts Provincial Congress lacked full civil legitimacy to run a multi-colony war effort.

Unknowing Sacrifice

On June 14, 1775—three days before Warren’s death—the Continental Congress officially created the Continental Army and appointed George Washington as Commander-in-Chief. Unaware of these events, Warren died at Bunker Hill believing the provincial army remained unadopted.

John Hancock, writing as President of the Continental Congress, dispatched an official letter to Warren informing him of Washington's appointment and asking Warren to receive Washington upon his arrival in Cambridge. The letter arrived after Warren had died.

Military Seniority and General Appointments

When Congress appointed the initial slate of Continental Army generals, Warren was not included. Appointments were allocated based on state quotas and prior military experience during the French and Indian War. Artemas Ward was appointed Major General, while senior Massachusetts militia officers John Thomas and Seth Pomeroy received Brigadier General commissions. (Pomeroy declined his commission, while Thomas subsequently died of smallpox during the Quebec campaign).


Subsequent Relocations of Physical Remains and Memorials

Following the battle, British forces buried Warren in an unmarked mass grave on Breed's Hill. The odyssey of his physical remains unfolded over the next century:

  1. First Recovery (April 1776): Following the British evacuation of Boston, Warren’s brothers located his grave on April 5, 1776. Paul Revere positively identified the remains using an artificial dental bridge he had crafted for Warren, combined with the distinct bullet entry wound through the skull.
  2. State Funeral and Granary Burying Ground: Warren’s remains lay in state at the Massachusetts State House for three days. On April 8, 1776, a formal funeral featuring Masonic rites was held at King’s Chapel. Because the Warren family did not own a private plot in Boston, he was interred in a friend's tomb at the Granary Burying Ground.
  3. Second Relocation (1825): Fifty years later, in 1825, Warren’s nephew, Dr. John Collins Warren, located his uncle's remains at the Granary Burying Ground. The remains were re-verified using Revere's dental work and transferred to St. Paul’s Church in Boston, where they rested for thirty years.
  4. Final Interments (1855 & 2016): In 1855, Dr. John Collins Warren purchased a family burial plot at Forest Hills Cemetery in Jamaica Plain, moving Warren’s remains to their permanent resting place. In 2016, the Grand Lodge of Masons erected a memorial statue over his grave.

Round Table Audience Q&A

During the audience Q&A segment, Selena Baker and host addressed specific historical inquiries:

  • Why General Gage Did Not Arrest Warren: Audience member Bob asked why General Gage refrained from arresting Warren prior to April 1775 despite Warren's known role in organizing resistance. Baker and Troy explained that Gage feared arresting high-profile Patriot leaders would trigger a popular armed uprising. In an earlier instance in Salem, when Gage attempted to enforce town meeting bans, over 2,000 armed militiamen gathered at the local jail, forcing authorities to back down. Gage consequently avoided arresting political figures, focusing military operations strictly on seizing military stores and armaments.
  • Medical Practices and Bloodletting: In response to a medical question regarding whether Warren practiced bloodletting similarly to Dr. Benjamin Rush, Baker confirmed Warren utilized bloodletting but far less aggressively than Rush. She reiterated his public feud with Dr. Thomas Young over inappropriate bloodletting treatments.
  • Masonic Burial Rites: Baker confirmed that while Warren was not initially buried in a Masonic apron in 1775, the April 1776 reinterment ceremony included formal Masonic processions, regalia, and a eulogy delivered by a fellow Mason at King's Chapel.
  • Distinction Between Joseph Warren and James Warren:  Major General James Warren—who succeeded Joseph Warren as President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress and was married to author Mercy Otis Warren—was not closely related to Dr. Joseph Warren

* * *  



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Sunday, October 18, 2026

ARP404 The Quasi-War Army


Last week we covered the XYZ affair.  France’s main complaint against the US was that it continued to trade with Britain while France and Britain were still at war.  President Adams sent a three member commission to France to resolve the matter diplomatically.  John Marshall, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Elbridge Gerry tried to discuss the matter, but Foreign Minister Talleyrand refused even to open formal discussions.  Instead, he used some backchannel efforts to get US concessions, including efforts by three intermediaries, identified as X, Y, and Z in the reports, to provide a bribe before any formal talks would begin.

The Commissioners arrived in Paris in October 1797, but Adams did not receive any substantive reports until March 1798.  Adams’ initial instinct was that America should go to war with France, but he thought better of it, and tried to bury the insults that France had hurled at the US diplomats.

The Democratic-Republicans in Congress thought Adams was hiding successful diplomacy and trying to force the US into a war.  They demanded the documents, which Adams released. Once the documents became public in April, 1798, most Americans demanded war.  Many Republicans, including Vice President Jefferson, were still trying to find a way to avoid war, but even they were afraid it was too late.

War Fever

The release of the reports kicked off war fever around the country.  Even the Democratic-Republicans were sympathetic to the view, or simply stayed silent.  College students began marching in favor of war.  Rallies around the country called for a war to defend the national honor.  One Federalist toast at the time became “Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute.”

Quasi-War Recruiting Poster
Taking advantage of war fever, the Federalists went on the offensive in Congress, pushing through bills that the Democratic Republicans had opposed for months or years.  On April 8, just days after Adams revealed the reports, Congress passed laws to approve arming American merchant ships and voting nearly $1 million for harbor fortifications and cannon foundries.  Remember that in 1797 total federal expenditures for the entire government were only around $6 million.

A couple of weeks later, Congress authorized the President to purchase twelve ships with up to 22 guns each.  A few days after that, it approved the formal establishment of a US Navy and a Marine corps. 

There are a whole bunch of measures which took place simultaneously over 1798 and 1799 as the country ramped up for war.  I’m going to cover separate issues in separate episodes.  Although the establishment of the Navy and the Marines is a really big deal, I want to focus this week on the US Army.

The army was a constant source of contention for Congress from the very beginning.  There essentially was no army when Congress first met under the Constitution.  The two main reasons were that there was no money to pay for an army, and that many Americans considered a standing army in times of peace to be a symbol of tyranny.  There was no reason for a free people to have professional soldiers.

Under President Washington, Congress had reluctantly authorized some increases in the army so that it consisted of about 4000 soldiers by the time Washington left office.  Almost all of these soldiers were stationed along the western frontier, either deterring or actively fighting Indian resistance to western settlements.

Following Adams’ speech during the special session of Congress in 1797, the Federalists proposed establishing a much larger provisional army to prepare for a war with France.  The Democratic Republicans voted it down.  Instead, Congress passed a resolution noting that the President could call up to 80,000 state militiamen if the need arose.  This eliminated any immediate cost and also reaffirmed the preference for the militia as the defenders of liberty rather than a standing army.

In May of 1798, a few weeks after the XYZ reports became public, with the public mood changed, Congress approved raising a Provisional Army of 10,000 men.  This was in addition to the 4000 man army in the west.  This Provisional Army would be focused on the potential threat from France.

Meet the New Boss…

It was up to President Adams to pick a commander who would lead this new provisional army.  The commander of the Legion of the United States, the army out in Ohio, had been General Anthony Wayne, up until December of 1796 when Wayne died rather suddenly and under suspicious circumstances.  Wayne’s second in command, General James Wilkinson, became the new commander.  Wilkinson was a paid Spanish agent, although that wasn’t proven - just a rumor.  There was also some suspicions that Wilkinson might have poisoned General Wayne.  In any event, no one seemed to think Wilkinson should play any role in this new Provisional Army.  He would remain in command of the Legion in the Ohio Territory.

Adams’ cabinet had already made their decision for a new commander in chief of the army: Alexander Hamilton.  As I mentioned in earlier episodes, even though Hamilton had retired from the government and was working as a private attorney in New York, the cabinet seemed to view him as their de facto leader.  

Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott had been Hamilton’s assistant before he left, and continued to view Hamilton as his superior.  Secretary of State Timothy Pickering and Secretary of War James McHenry also closely allied with Hamilton.  All three men regularly corresponded with Hamilton, keeping him informed of all matters related to the government.  This included sending him top secret information, such as the reports from the French Commissioners before they were given to Congress.  

These cabinet members often awaited Hamilton’s responses and repeated his thoughts as their own when advising President Adams.  All the cabinet members were holdovers from the Washington Administration and had no personal loyalty to Adams.

The irony is that Adams and Hamilton seemed to agree on a great many things politically. But Adams hated Hamilton.  There were many reasons, but the big one was that Adams thought that Hamilton had manipulated the 1796 elections in an attempt to keep Adams from winning the presidency.  Adams knew that his cabinet was close to Hamilton, but he probably did not understand at the time just how much Hamilton was controlling the government.

So when Adams’ cabinet recommended that he appoint Hamilton to command the new Provisional Army, Adams balked.  Adams noted that Hamilton wasn’t even a general in the American Revolution.  At a cabinet meeting he threw out names like Horatio Gates, Benjamin Lincoln, or Daniel Morgan, all top generals in the last war, who would be better candidates as a commander.  The cabinet shot down all of those ideas, and kept insisting on Hamilton.

The cabinet meeting ended without a decision, but later in the day, Adams decided on a leader who wasn’t Hamilton and who no one could criticize: George Washington.

Adams wrote to Washington, saying that he was considering appointing Washington as the military commander.  The former president, by this time 66 years old, and having thought he had finally retired for the last time must have thought: just when I thought I was out, they pull me back in!

Whatever Washington’s personal thoughts, and he did convey to others that he had no desire to come out of retirement again.  Washington’s response to President Adams, written on July 4, 1798 confirmed that if the president needed him, he would serve.

Adams did not wait for Washington to respond.  He nominated Washington and asked the Senate to confirm.  Adams then sent Secretary of War James McHenry to Mount Vernon to deliver Washington’s commission as lieutenant general.  Adams also asked McHenry to get Washington’s opinions on other key appointments, including inspector general, adjutant general and quartermaster general.  All three would hold the rank of major general, but they would have to decide a chain of command between the three.

Before McHenry left Philadelphia, Hamilton arrived in the city and met with him.  Hamilton gave several suggestions on how to approach several issues with Washington.  He also gave McHenry a sealed letter to give to the President.  Secretary of State Timothy Pickering also gave McHenry a letter for Washington.  Adams was kept in the dark about all of this.

Fight Over Officers

McHenry took two days to ride to Mount Vernon, arriving in the late afternoon.  Before Washington retired for the night, McHenry gave him the three letters.  When the two met the following morning, he found Washington having arisen before dawn and was already hard at work compiling a list of officers for the new army.

Over the next two and a half days, the men discussed how to organize the army.  Washington made clear that he did not plan to leave Mount Vernon unless France actually invaded.  Because of this, the inspector general would have practical command of the army as it prepared for an invasion.

The three men under consideration for the top jobs were Henry Knox, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Alexander Hamilton.  Knox should have been the favorite for the job.  He had been a capable officer throughout the war, serving as a major general.  He had fought with Washington in almost every major engagement and proved himself a highly valued officer.  He took over command of the Continental Army after Washington resigned his commission at the end of the war, and managed the army as the Secretary of War under both the Confederation period, as well as under President Washington.

By contrast, the other two contenders, Pinckney and Hamilton had not risen above the rank of colonel in the Continental Army during the war.  Pinckney’ main appeal was his political popularity in the South.  If France did attack, it would almost certainly start there.  Pinckney’s enthusiastic support for the army would help raise enlistments there and increase southern support.

McHenry, however, pushed hard for Hamilton to get the top job, as did Pickering via his letter to Washington.  Both men were devoted political supporters of Hamilton.  Even though they both knew Adams did not want Hamilton for a top job, they knew that if Washington recommended it, Adams would go along.  Hamilton’s letter to Washington did not recommend anyone since he knew he was in contention and did not want to seem overly ambitious.

McHenry reminded Washington that Knox had let him down during the Whiskey Rebellion.  Knox had to return home to handle some personal business while Washington was riding out to western Pennsylvania.  It was Hamilton who accompanied the president on that mission.  

McHenry also argued that Pickney would not mind serving under Hamilton and that his services would be just as valuable as the third or fourth ranked highest officer as they would as the second ranked.

After lengthy discussions, Washington and McHenry agreed to offer Hamilton the highest rank, Pinckney the next highest, and Knox the third.  Just in case Knox refused an appointment that would place him under the command of two former subordinates, Washington recommended Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee for the third major general in Knox’s place.

They also agreed on a number of other top appointments.  The only other possibly controversial nomination was William Smith as one of the brigadier generals.  Smith had served honorably throughout the war, spending its final years as Washington’s aide-de-camp.  What made him controversial was that, after that, he took an appointment as the secretary to the American legation in London, where John Adams was ambassador.  Smith then courted and married Adams’ daughter Nabby.  This made him the president’s son-in-law, which meant his appointment could invite charges of nepotism.

With the officer recommendations decided, McHenry returned to Philadelphia to brief the president, carrying with him Washington’s letter of acceptance. As expected, Adams expressed concerns over Hamilton’s rank.  McHenry and Pickering, however, strongly endorsed the idea.  They also stressed that this is what Washington wanted.  In the end the president went along with Washington’s proposal in full, including Hamilton and Smith.

Adams also suggested that Aaron Burr and Peter Muhlenberg, whose brother Frederick Muhlenberg had been Speaker of the House, be appointed as a way of including some Democratic Republicans among the military leadership.  The Federalists in his cabinet and in the Senate rejected these as well.  Washington personally said Burr would be a bad choice given his proclivities for political intrigue.  The notion of Burr serving under Hamilton also would have been fraught with problems.

The Senate confirmed most of the list.  Secretary of State Pickering lobbied hard to get Hamilton through, but did not fight for Smith.  Senators raised concerns about the president’s son-in-law’s qualifications and ultimately rejected him.  Smith would end up as a lieutenant colonel.

As many feared, Knox ultimately rejected his appointment.  He could not accept the insult of serving under two former subordinates after leading the army for so many years.  The discussion, however, that led to his final refusal, lasted for months.  After Adams returned home to Massachusetts, Knox visited him to discuss his concerns.  Adams admitted that he would have preferred Knox to be the senior officer but that he was acceding to Washington’s wishes on the matter.  

Adams also wrote to McHenry to say he was having second thoughts about Hamilton as the most senior major general. The Secretary of War panicked.  He reached out to Washington and Hamilton. Both McHenry and Pickering argued to Washington that Adams was considering these changes because of his personal animus toward Hamilton and that Washington should simply insist on his original decision to keep Hamilton at the top.

In the end, after both Hamilton and Washington threatened to resign if Knox was given seniority, Adams confirmed his approval of Hamilton at the top.  Knox refused his appointment under such insulting circumstances.  Light Horse Harry would end up serving as the third major general.

Reaching that conclusion took months.  The original proposals began in July, 1798, and were not resolved until October.

Recruitment

Organization of the army became a nightmare.  Secretary of War McHenry had to make most of the arrangements.  But he also had to run most major decisions by Washington, who remained home in Mount Vernon, and Hamilton, who remained home in New York, meaning that time-consuming correspondence slowed every major decision.

While all this was going on things were made even more difficult by outside events.  In Quincy, President Adams was distracted by his wife Abigail’s illness which lasted for months and was very severe.  Adams stayed by her sick bed almost constantly. The government in Philadelphia also had to flee the city again during the summer of 1798 when yellow fever returned to the city.

Meanwhile Congress continued to fight over the larger army.  While it had agreed on a provisional army of 10,000, The House passed another bill later in July that raised the size of the army to 50,000.  This would be far larger than the Continental Army ever was during the Revolutionary War.  There were also proposals, at Hamilton’s urging, for a national conscription to achieve the enlistment goals.

Divisions

These proposals, along with other measures, caused the Democratic-Republicans to recoil from any support.  First, there was no good evidence that France even intended to land a large invading army.  Britain still dominated the Atlantic Ocean, and there was no easy way for France to bring an army to America.  Also, all of the army leadership were Federalists, which was a huge concern for the other party.

Republicans viewed the army as part of  a Federalist plot to seize more power and crush opposition. They began referring to the proposed army as the presidential army and argued that this large standing army would be used primarily to quash political dissent

They also accused the Federalists of plans to engage in an offensive war, capturing Louisiana and the Floridas. There were even claims that the US would join Britain in taking control of all of South and Central America.

As it turned out, one of the opponents of the enlarged army was President Adams himself.  Adams believed that if there was fighting, it would take place at sea, meaning the US needed to focus on building a navy, not an army.  He told McHenry that there was “no more prospect of seeing a French army here, than there is in Heaven.”

Also the taxes and loans required for such an army would break the country. Treasury Secretary Wolcott agreed on this point - a rare departure from supporting Hamilton. President Adams also feared that Hamilton might use this army to trigger a civil war and take control of the United States and perhaps build an empire expanding into South America.

Adams’ fears were not unfounded. There is evidence that Hamilton was particularly interested in invading Louisiana and the Floridas, despite the fact that these were Spanish possessions and that the war was directed at France.  Hamilton reached out to the commander of the western army for support with such a plan - General James Wilkinson.  Recall that Wilkinson remained a paid secret agent for the Spanish.  He complied with Hamilton’s instructions but attempted to slow walk Hamilton’s orders and prevent any possibility of success.  In the end, Hamilton thought he could not take the offensive without Washington’s approval.  Washington refused to go along with any of this and the plans for any offensive actions collapsed.

Adams also slowed down efforts to build the new army. He rejected the idea of national conscription.  Pay was set at $5 per month, which was less than soldiers were paid during the Revolutionary war and about one-third of what a man could make as an unskilled laborer or in the Navy.

Hamilton’s insistence that officers be Federalists led to problems finding sufficient numbers of qualified officers, particularly in the south, where the Democratic-Republicans were more predominent.

When recruitment began in early 1799, no one seemed ready to enlist.  Although Congress had authorized an army of 10,000, Only 2000 men enlisted over the summer.  More would dribble in, but the army never reached half of its goal.

Logistics proved perhaps even worse than during the Revolution. Soldiers didn’t get paid.  They often didn’t get fed.  There were not even enough barracks, weapons, or basic equipment.  As a result, many recruits deserted.

Thanks to partisan games, political opposition, and some very real incompetence, the Provisional Army never really amounted to much of anything.  Adams continued to focus on peace negotiations with France, over Hamilton’s objections. In February, 1800 Congress ended recruiting, and the army was disbanded a few months later.

Next week, we will look at the efforts to build and use a Navy during the Quasi War. 

 - - -

Next Episode 405 The Quasi-War Navy (coming soon)

Previous Episode 403 The XYZ Affair

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Further Reading

Websites

Quasi War https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/quasi-war

Coleman, Aaron N. “‘A Second Bounaparty?’ A Reexamination of Alexander Hamilton during the Franco-American Crisis, 1796-1801.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 28, no. 2, 2008, pp. 183–214. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/30043587

Murphy, William J. “John Adams: The Politics of the Additional Army, 1798-1800.” The New England Quarterly, vol. 52, no. 2, 1979, pp. 234–49. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/364841 

PERL-ROSENTHAL, NATHAN. “Private Letters and Public Diplomacy: The Adams Network and the Quasi-War, 1797–1798.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 31, no. 2, 2011, pp. 283–311. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41261613

“John Adams to George Washington, 22 June 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0270

“George Washington to John Adams, 4 July 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0290

“George Washington to James McHenry, 4 July 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0295

“George Washington to John Adams, 13 July 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0314

.“George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, [14 July 1798],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-22-02-0002-0002

“Henry Knox to George Washington, 29 July 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0374

“Henry Knox to George Washington, 26 August 1798,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/06-02-02-0438

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Adams, Charles F. The Life of John Adams, Vol. 2, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co. 1871.

Bowers, Claude G. Jefferson and Hamilton: The Struggle for Democracy in America, London: Constable and Co. 1925.

Brown, William L. An examination of the causes and conduct of the present war with France, London: T. Cabell, 1798. 

Godfrey, Carlos E. Organization of the Provisional Army of the United States in the Anticipated War with France, 1798-1800, [publisher unknown] 1914. 

Morse, Jr. John T. John Adams, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 1884. 

Wood, John The History of the Administration of John Adams, Esq., Late President of the United States, New York: Barlas and Ward, 1802. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Brown, Ralph A. The Presidency of John Adams, Univ. of Kansas Press, 1975. 

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. Making the Presidency John Adams and the Precedents That Forged the Republic, Oxford Univ. Press, 2024.

DeConde, Alexander The Quasi War: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared war with France, 1797-1801, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1966.

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Kurtz, Stephen G. The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse of Federalism, 1795-1800, Literary Licensing,  LLC, 2011.

Malone, Dumas Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, Little Brown & Co. 1962 (borrow on archive.org).

McCullough, David John Adams, Simon & Schuster, 2001.  

Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012

Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton and the Growth of the New Nation (or Portrait in Paradox), Harper & Brothers, 1959 (borrow on archive.org) 

Nester, William The Hamiltonian Vision, 1789-1800, Potomac Books, 2012 (Chapter 19 on XYZ available at JSTOR)

Palmer, Michael A. Stoddert's War: Naval Operations During the Quasi-War with France, 1798-1801. Naval Institute Press, 1987 (borrow on archive.org).

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

Shaw Peter The Character of John Adams, Univ. of NC Press, 1976. 

Smith, Jean E. John Marshall: Definer of a Nation, Henry Holt & Co. 1996. 

Staloff, Darren Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson: The Politics of Enlightenment and the American Founding, Hill and Wang, 2005. 

Stinchcombe, William The XYZ Affair, Praeger, 1980. 

Vaughn, Harold C. The XYZ Affair, 1797-1798, Franklin Watts, 1972.

Wood, Gordon S. Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789-1815, Oxford Univ. Press, 2009.

 * As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.