Sunday, March 15, 2026

ARP380 The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793

Last week we covered the elections of 1792, which gave us the Senators and Representatives for the third Congress, and also the reelection of George Washington.

The new Congress could have begun its session in March of 1793. In fact, the new Congress did not meet until December of that year.  Following the December 1792 elections, the second congress continued to meet and pass legislation.

Fugitive Slave Act

In February, it took up the Fugitive Slave Act.  Before we get into the substance, I need to make clear that the law was not called the Fugitive Slave Act.  That is what everyone called it later.  In fact, the text of the statute does not even use the word slavery.  

Escaping Slaves
The statute was entitled, An Act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters.  The first part of the law dealt with returning fugitives who were facing criminal charges.  The second party referred to “a person held to labour in any of the United States, or … territories”  This included both slaves and indentured servants.

The Constitution had already authorized this power.  The Constitutional Convention had added a clause:

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

In other words, if a person was a slave or under an indenture in one state, and they escaped to another state where they were free, that state would still be obligated to return them to the state where they were being held to service.  In other words, they had to be returned to slavery or to complete their indenture, depending on the status of the person.  The Constitution did not explain all the details, like how the process would work, what proof would be required to take the accused into slavery, or who would pay for all of this.

The incident that brought this to the attention of federal officials actually predated the ratification of the Constitution.  In 1780, Pennsylvania passed its gradual abolition act, something we discussed back in Episode 241.

The law permitted slave owners to retain any slaves that they owned prior to the law’s passage. To comply, owners had to register their slaves with the state, and pay a $2 fee. The point of registration was to prevent slave owners from claiming that children of slaves born later were actually born before the date of the legislation, and also to prevent new slaves from being imported into the state.  Any slave who was brought into Pennsylvania after the law’s passage, and remained there for at least six months, was automatically emancipated under the law.

A Maryland slave owner named Davis moved to the northern tip of Virginia, in what is today the northern panhandle of West Virginia, near Pittsburg.  The border between Virginia and Pennsylvania was unclear at the time.  It eventually was determined that Davis’ farm was over the line in Pennsylvania.  Because of the confusion, Pennsylvania extended the deadline for registering slaves in that area for people in that area, who had thought they were living in Virginia. Davis still failed to register his slaves, and instead continued to keep his slaves working on his farm in Pennsylvania.  Under Pennsylvania law, they were free.  I guess no one told the slaves there at the time.

It did not become an issue until 1788. It’s not clear what happened, but there was a local chapter of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society becoming active in the area, so Davis might have become concerned that his enslavement was illegal at this point.  He took his slave John back over the line a few miles to the west into Virginia and rented him to a neighboring farm.

Several of John’s neighbors were upset by this.  They traveled into Virginia, found John, and brought him back to Pennsylvania where he was a free man under the law.  The Virginia farmer who had rented John then hired three Virginians to cross back into Pennsylvania and bring John back to his farm as a slave.  He then moved John to another part of the state where it would not be easy for the Pennsylvanians to get him back.

For Pennsylvania, this was a case of kidnapping.  John had lived in Pennsylvania for years, and under state law was a free man.  Officials indicted the three Virginians on charges of kidnapping.  Governor Mifflin of Pennsylvania sent a request to Virginia to extradite the accused men for trial.  The Abolitionist Society also hired an attorney to have John returned to freedom in Pennsylvania.

Virginia refused to act on the extradition requests.  The three alleged kidnappers remained free in Virginia.  John remained enslaved in the eastern part of the state.  Three years after the kidnapping, nothing had changed. Virginia refused to turn over anyone, while the case of a free black man who had been kidnapped and enslaved in Virginia was drawing more attention in Pennsylvania.

Virginia’s attorney general refused to take any action, writing that the kidnapping of a free black man was not a felony in Virginia and would not be considered for extradition.  The kidnappers had not violated Virginia law nor federal law.  Therefore, Virginia had no authority to arrest them or extradite them.

Both Pennsylvania and Virginia sent their legal arguments to President Washington, who turned them over to his Attorney General Edmund Randolph.  The attorney general found issues with the claims of both states.  The Pennsylvania faults were mostly technical, not providing an authenticated copy of the law that had been broken.  Randolph also rejected Virginia’s claim that it could not arrest someone who had broken a law in another state, even if the act would have been legal in Virginia.  Randolph recommended to Washington that he tell the Pennsylvania Governor to correct the technical errors with their extradition request and then resubmit their claim to Virginia.

Virginia still refused to turn over the kidnappers.  Local Virginians in the area accused the Pennsylvania Abolition Society of stealing other slaves and carrying them to freedom in Pennsylvania.  The case was becoming a politically charged issue in both states.

In the fall of 1791, Washington sent the whole mess to Congress, with a request that they come up with some laws that would cover the extradition of accused criminals as well as the return of fugitive slaves.

By this time all of New England, as well as Pennsylvania had either abolished slavery or passed a law that would gradually abolish it.  Among northern states only New York and New Jersey had not passed any abolition law.  While there was a growing abolition movement in many states, the overall consensus still favored slave ownership and the return of escaped slaves.

Still Congress had to come up with an acceptable law that detailed how extraditions would be handled.  Congress did what they always did: form a committee to study the matter.  The committee consisted of two members from Massachusetts, one of whom was Theodore Sedgwick, who years earlier had litigated the cases that ended slavery in Massachusetts.  Also on the committee was Virginia Slave owner, Alexander White.

The committee came up with a process for the return of either accused criminals or suspected runaway slaves.  Someone would have to file a valid application for an arrest warrant to the governor of the state.  The governor would then issue warrants to law enforcement to have them arrest the fugitive.  If arrested, the accused would be turned over to the purported owner of the slave, or to state authorities in the case of accused criminals.  There was no right of due process for the accused before extradition, and those making the claim that a person was enslaved did not even have to submit a claim under oath.  The bill also imposed heavy fines on anyone who interfered with the return of a slave or for officials who refused to act on warrants. The House ended up never considering the committee recommendation and instead waited for the Senate to propose its own bill.

Congress adjourned for the year, and returned in March of 1792.  The Senate appointed its own committee, but that committee never reported back before the session ended in May.  The Senate reappointed the committee in November, after its return.  

By this time it was more than a year since Congress began considering the matter.  The first Senate bill, offered on December 20, 1792, was even more in favor of the slave owners.  It required all citizens to participate in the capture of fugitives, and imposed fines and jail time for anyone who refused to help.  It permitted the return of slaves based on the deposition of just one credible person, without even requiring it to be under oath.  It also proposed a daily fine for anyone who harbored or concealed a fugitive.  That fine would be paid to the slave owner.

Senators threw out that bill and began consideration of a second bill. This second bill did not require people in the free state to participate in the capture of an alleged fugitive.  Slave owners or their agents were free to seize someone themselves, without obtaining a warrant. However, they would be required to bring the captured person before a judge or magistrate before trying to leave the state and to prove to the satisfaction of the judge that this person was still bound to service.  This would require sworn testimony or affidavits.  The bill also proposed a statute of limitations.  If a black person had lived in a free state as a free person for a certain number of years, the exact number was not added, removal would not be permitted.

Senators from slave states were unhappy with his bill after more than a week of debate.  So they submitted a third bill for consideration.  This bill removed the statute of limitations restriction.  While it did not require locals to help capture the alleged fugitive, it did restore fines for anyone who actively tried to obstruct or hinder the capture.  It allowed slave owners to sue for damages in federal courts for anyone who tried to prevent the capture of their slaves.  In addition to civil damages, those who hindered a capture could be fined $500.

Local law enforcement could not be forced to help capture fugitives, but it gave private slave catchers a pretty free hand in capturing anyone they wanted without hindrance.

The Senate passed the bill and sent it to the House, which made a few minor technical changes.  Both the House and Senate approved the bill overwhelmingly.  After both houses passed the final bill, it went to President Washington, who signed the bill on February 12, 1793.

As for the incident that started this whole matter - none of the kidnappers from Virginia were ever extradited for trial, and John remained enslaved for the rest of his life in Virginia.

Other business

With the fugitive slave act complete, Congress turned to other business. One bill that they took up just days after completing  the fugitive slave act was an amendment to the patent process.  Under the law passed in 1790, Thomas Jefferson had to make a determination about whether a patent application was sufficiently important or useful to justify receiving a patent.  

Jefferson hated this work.  He did not have enough time to evaluate each application properly and was essentially forced to make a decision without really knowing enough to make an informed decision.  Jefferson wanted the process changed so that he did not have to spend so much time on this.

The patent act signed into law on February 21, 1793 granted patents pretty much automatically.  It became a clerical function that did not require much research or deliberation.  If someone wanted to challenge a patent, they could take it to court and let a judge decide.

Another issue before Congress was the fact that states, and even private individuals, were buying Indian land to open up more lands for settlers.  Congress approved a new law requiring that no sale of lands would be valid unless it was conducted through public treaty by the federal government.  Since land sales made under questionable authority could lead to more war with the Indians, Congress wanted to control this process.  President Washington signed the bill into law on March 1.

Congress also took up amendments to the Judiciary Act.  I mentioned last week Chief Justice John Jay was considering quitting because of the miserable experience of having to ride around the country on circuit to hear appeals.  Jay and other justices petition both President Washington and members of congress to eliminate what one justice called “exile from our families” for half of each year.  In January, 1793, Justice Thomas Johnson resigned, citing the hardship of riding circuit.

At the end of 1792, Washington gave another State of the Union Address calling for judicial reform.  What the justices wanted was more judges to hear cases.  They wanted appellate judges, who could hear appeals, then the Supreme court could be a secondary appeal.  Under the current system, circuit justices would hear appeals and rule on them, then if the case got appealed to the Supreme Court, they would have to rule on it again.  Having the same person rule on the same case twice was something that many justices considered unconstitutional.

Congress considered the idea of adding appellate judges, and rejected it.  Members of Congress thought circuit riding was important so that the justices were forced to have more of a connection to the localities across the country.  They also did not want to pay for a whole new level of judges.  Instead, they reduced the circuit riding a little by no longer requiring that three justices ride together on each circuit.  Rather, one Justice would hear cases, thus the work could be spread out a little more.

Congress did take one thing off their plate.  Justices were also expected to review and rule on pension claims for Revolutionary War veterans.  They had to evaluate whether a veteran was destitute and disabled enough to qualify for a pension.  A fight over this took place during 1792 when a circuit court held that the Pension Act was unconstitutional and refused to consider any applications. Attorney General Randolph argued this point to the Supreme Court, but the Court then had a problem with half the justices arguing that the Attorney General could not seek a writ of Mandamus unless the president explicitly authorized him to do so.  Randolph got around that problem by leaving the court, and coming back a few hours later saying he had received authorization to argue this case, not as attorney general, but as the personal attorney for one of the pension applicants.  The Court refused to rule on the case and held it over to the next session.

Before the next session met, Congress acted.  The new law moved responsibility for pension applications from the circuit courts to the federal district courts, and also authorized the appointment of several commissioners to assist with the processing of pension applications.

The bill also put some limits on federal courts, including preventing them from issuing injunctions related to state court activities.  The House and Senate both passed bills, which President Washington signed into law on March 2, 1793.

Washington’s Second Term Begins

On that same day, the Second Congress concluded its business and adjourned.  The new Congress could have started the next day, but instead would not meet for another nine months.  President Washington’s second term, however, began immediately.  The President took the oath of office to begin his second term on March 4.  

Unlike his first inauguration, which included ceremony, public celebration, and a parade, the second inaugural was a low key affair.  Washington rode in a coach to Congress Hall.  At noon, in the Senate chamber, Associate Justice William Cushing issued the oath of office as Vice President Adams, Thomas Jefferson and members of the House and Senate watched.

Washington then gave the shortest inaugural speech in history.  It is so short, I’ll read it in full here: 

Fellow-Citizens:

I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of United America.

Previous to the execution of any official act of the President, the Constitution requires an Oath of Office. This Oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly, or knowingly, the injunction thereof, I may (besides incurring Constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

That was it.  After that, Washington left the building.  A small crowd had gathered and gave the President three cheers as he climbed back in his carriage.  He was back home by 1:00.  With that, Washington’s second term as President began.

Next Week: we will begin discussion of the first crisis of Washington’s Second term: the Citizen GenĂȘt Affair.

 - - -

Next Episode 380 Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 (coming soon)

Previous Episode 378 Kentucky Joins the Union

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to ad-free episodes, podcast extras, and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Signup for the AmRev Podcast Mail List

* indicates required

Further Reading

Websites

Fugitive Slave Acts: https://www.history.com/articles/fugitive-slave-acts

Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 [text of statute] https://docsteach.org/document/fugitive-slave-act-1793

Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 [text of statute] https://www.mountvernon.org/education/primary-source-collections/primary-source-collections/article/fugitive-slave-act-of-1793

First Fugitive Slave Law: https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/history/first-fugitive-slave-law

“Enclosure: Statement of Conflict between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 20 December 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-22-02-0398.

“George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 27 October 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-09-02-0068

David, C. W. A. “The Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 and Its Antecedents.” The Journal of Negro History, vol. 9, no. 1, 1924, pp. 18–25. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2713433

Finkelman, Paul. “The Kidnapping of John Davis and the Adoption of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793.” The Journal of Southern History, vol. 56, no. 3, 1990, pp. 397–422. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2210284

Sebok, Anthony J. “Judging the Fugitive Slave Acts.” The Yale Law Journal, vol. 100, no. 6, 1991, pp. 1835–54. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/796788

An Act to Regulate Trade and Intercourse With the Indian Tribes. https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/STATUTE-1/pdf/STATUTE-1-Pg329.pdf

“Supreme Court Justices to George Washington, 9 August 1792,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-10-02-0425

Creating the Federal Judicial System: https://www.fjc.gov/sites/default/files/2012/Creat3ed.pdf

The Judiciary Act of 1793 [text] https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/United_States_Statutes_at_Large/Volume_1/2nd_Congress/2nd_Session/Chapter_22

Second Inaugural Address https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/march-4-1793-second-inaugural-address

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

The Rendition of Fugitive Slaves: The Acts of 1793 and 1850, and the Decisions of the Supreme Court Sustaining Them, National Democratic Campaign Committee, 1860. 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Finkelman, Paul Slavery in the Courtroom: An Annotated Bibliography of American Cases, Washington: Library of Congress, 1985. 

McDougall, Marion G. Fugitive Slaves (1619-1865), Boston: Ginn & Co. 1891. 

Spencer, Ichabod S. Fugitive Slave Law. The Religious Duty of Obedience to Law; a sermon preached in the Second Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn, Nov. 24, 1850, New York: M.W. Dodd, 1850. 

Spooner, Lysander. A Defence for Fugitive Slaves, Against the Acts of Congress of February 12, 1793, and September 18, 1850. Boston: Bela Marsh, 1850. 

Pellew, George John Jay, Houghton, Mifflin, and Co. 1890. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Campbell, Stanley. The Slave Catchers: Enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, 1850-1860. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1970.

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. His Excellency. George Washington, Alfred A. Knopf, 2005. 

Finkelman, Paul Slavery and the Founders: Race and Liberty in the Age of Jefferson, Armonk, 2001.

Hunger, Harlow Giles Mr. President: George Washington and the Making of the Nation's Highest Office, De Capo Press, 2013. 

Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012

Morris, Thomas D. Free Men All: The Personal Liberty Laws of the North, 1780-1861. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974.

Newman, Richard S. The Transformation of American Abolition: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2002.

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

Wilson, Carol Freedom at Risk: The Kidnapping of Free Blacks in America, 1780–1865, 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, March 8, 2026

ARP379 Election of 1792

1792 was an election year.  This would be the third election for the new federal government, and only the second time they would select a president.

Washington Reelection

The first question for everyone was whether George Washington would run for reelection.  Washington’s reluctance to serve at all was genuine.  Before the Constitutional Convention, Washington considered himself retired.  The only reason he ran for president at all was because so many leaders begged him to serve, believing the union would fall apart without him as a uniting figure.

George Clinton
By the spring of 1792, Washington figured he had gotten the new government off to a good start and could finally return to retirement.  He asked James Madison to draft his farewell address.

A few months earlier, Washington had confided in Thomas Jefferson that he planned to retire.  At that time, Jefferson did not discourage the idea at that time, but told the president that he also planned to retire.  A few months later, though, concerns over secession and other conflicts changed Jefferson’s view.  He began to argue that Washington needed to remain or the union would collapse.  He told Washington “North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on.”

By this time Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton agreed on almost nothing, but on the issue of Washington remaining as president, they were both on the same page.  Hamilton said that the greatest evil that could befall the country would be if Washington left the presidency.  The rest of the cabinet, Henry Knox and Edmund Randolph, also felt the same way.  Washington stepping down would likely mean the collapse of the union and the end of the new federal government.

Even beyond the cabinet, just about everyone felt the same way, even opposition members in Congress.  James Madison also strongly urged the president to remain in office.  Perhaps the only person who wanted him to retire was his wife Martha.  She was less concerned about the nation and more about the fact that the president was getting on in years and that the job was too stressful for him.

Washington had turned 60 in 1792.  He was having health problems.  He suffered from rheumatism and grew tired much more quickly that he used to do.  He expressed concerns that his memory was beginning to fail and that his hearing problems were getting worse.  

Washington had suffered two near-fatal illnesses during his first term.  He also had concerns about dying in office.  It was not just that he wouldn’t get to enjoy Mount Vernon in his final years.  He felt that it would harm his reputation of walking away from power after the Revolutionary War.  He also did not want to set any sort of precedent that a president should remain in office for life.

Washington also saw the same divisions in the country that other people did.  Unlike others, Washington did not think he was the lynchpin to hold the country together.  Rather, he thought someone with better legal qualifications could better handle the tough constitutional questions that were welling up.  Growing divisions would also inevitably harm his reputation.  As president, Washington would have to pick a side on some of these contentious issues, inevitably alienating him from those who disagreed with his decision.  He felt the sting of growing newspaper attacks and simply thought he wasn’t well suited for the rough and tumble of national politics.  

He pushed back on those who told him that he was the only person who could hold the Union together.  If that was the case, he would really be more like a king, something he and the others had always fought against.

By September of 1792, Washington had at least shown some willingness to consider the idea of remaining for a second term based on the unanimous pleas of just about everyone who discussed the issue with him.  But even by November, only a few weeks before elections, Washington had not committed either way.  He still had a draft farewell address that he considered giving.  No one was really sure if Washington would serve a second term, even if they elected him.

Some historians believe that the tipping point was a letter that Washington received in early November from Elizabeth Powel.  The Powels were a prominent Philadelphia family who had become socially close to the Washingtons during the war, and remained close afterwards.  Elizabeth and her husband Samuel had stayed at Mount Vernon during a southern trip after the war.  George and Martha frequented regular parties at Powel's home in Philadelphia.

Elizabeth wrote a lengthy letter to Washington in the weeks before the election, urging him to remain for a second term.  The crux of her argument was that she knew Washington wanted to go home and enjoy life on Mount Vernon, but that leaving office would be shirking his duty to the country.  His legacy would be destroyed if the Union collapsed because he simply wanted to walk away from it.  He needed to remain in office for the good of the country.

The general argument that the Union depended on Washington remaining, was similar to what everyone else was telling him.  But the notion that he was being selfish by leaving and going back to retirement seemed to strike a chord with the President.  After that, there was no further discussion about leaving office that year.

Vice President

Once Washington determined that he would not announce his retirement, his reelection was considered a given by all Americans.  No one seriously posed any challenge to him.  The Vice Presidency was another matter.  The Democratic-Republicans were especially not fans of John Adams, who seemed to be more monarchical than they liked and tended to support the federalist policies that they disliked.  In fact, the Federalist Party supported Adams, despite the fact that Adams refused to call himself a Federalist, or associate himself with this nascent group that was largely headed by Alexander Hamilton.  Adams and Hamilton did not get along much either.

While the Federalist and Democratic-Republican factions were beginning to organize politically, there still were no organized political parties as we know them today. There were Democratic-Republican clubs that met in various states to coordinate efforts related to policies and candidates.  They wanted to put up someone to run against Adams. Because the Constitution still had no election for Vice President, any candidate would be running for president, knowing that finishing second to Washington secured the Vice Presidency.

The leading contender among the Democratic Republicans should have been Thomas Jefferson, probably followed by James Madison.  The problem with both men was that they were Virginians.  Electors could not cast both votes for people from the same state if they were also from that state.  That would have meant that Virginia Electors could not vote for both Washington and Jefferson.  Since Virginia was the largest state, with 16% of all electors, that would have put a Vice Presidential run from anyone from Virginia at a huge disadvantage.

Instead, they settled on George Clinton, the Governor of New York.  Clinton had been the governor of New York ever since the state created the office in 1777.  Before that, he had served in the Continental Congress and as a general in the Continental Army.  During the war, Governor Clinton had been aggressive in confronting New York tories and seizing their property.  He had a good working relationship with George Washington, both during and after the war, despite their diverging political views.

Clinton was also a staunch political opponent of Alexander Hamilton and many of Hamilton’s intiatives as Secretary of the Treasury.  Clinton has also been an opponent of ratification of the Constitution.  Because of his skepticism of a powerful federal government and his many years as Governor of New York, he received wide support from Democratic-Republicans across the country.  He had even received three electoral votes in the first presidential election, even though New York did not cast any votes in that election.

You might think that Hamilton would become a high profile political attack dog against Clinton’s campaign, but Hamilton had a bigger fight at the time.  Another New Yorker also threw his hat into the political ring: Aaron Burr.  Hamilton and Burr really hated each other, so Hamilton spent most of his time directing his wrath at keeping Burr’s campaign from gaining any traction.

The campaign was pretty short.  Clinton did not get the Democratic Republican endorsement until October, just weeks before the election.  It really didn’t matter since candidates considered it unseemly to campaign.

As had been the case in 1789, the 1792 election was also not an election as we know it today.  Twelve of the fifteen states did not hold popular votes for president.  Some states that held popular elections in 1789 had taken away that process. State legislatures chose the electors.  Even in the states that held elections, only a few hundred eligible voters actually went to the polls and voted for electors.  

Washington was reelected unanimously.  He had also been elected unanimously in 1789, but in that election only ten states participated, giving him 69 electoral votes.  In 1792, fifteen states participated,  and Congress had significantly enlarge, meaning a larger Electoral College so Washington received 132 votes.

Adams came in second with 77 votes, returning him as Vice President. Voting became much more sectional.  Adams won all of New England, as well as the mid Atlantic states: Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland.  Clinton, of course, won New York, but the rest of his support, which totaled 40 votes, came from the South.  He won Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia.  South Carolina was the only outlier, going for Adams.  Kentucky cast its three votes for Thomas Jefferson, while Aaron Burr managed to win a single electoral vote in South Carolina.

Despite the strong vote of confidence for the President and Vice President, the elections showed a growing concern over many of the administration's policies. The federal assumption of debt and the creation of the Bank of the United States remained controversial, as were the high tariffs that were recently passed.  They saw all of this as protecting the interests of the wealth investor class at the expense of farmers and tradesmen.  Many feared that the wealthy were becoming a new aristocracy.

As a result, there was a major shift in the Congress. It had been overwhelmingly Federalist.  The Democratic-Republicans won a majority in the House and made gains in the Senate for the third Congress.  The new Senator from New York, Aaron Burr quickly became a leading opponent of Hamilton’s policies in the Senate.

New York Controversy

One of the bitterest and most controversial elections did not take place at the federal level that year.  The fight was over the reelection of George Clinton in New York.  Clinton was being run for Vice President while also seeking reelection as governor.  These state elections actually took place before the federal elections.  The NY election took place in the spring, while federal elections were in the fall of 1792.

Clinton had been in office for fifteen years.  His opponents called out his efforts to remain in office for life.  They also criticized his opposition during the fight over ratification of the Constitution.  Beyond that, there was a scandal over land sales.  Clinton had allowed cronies to buy huge amounts of state land.  One of the sales was for a plot of land larger than the state of Connecticut.  The opposition argued that the land should have been sold in smaller lots so that regular people could become land owners.

Politics in New York were always heated, but the Federalists saw an opportunity to unseat Clinton.  One of the earliest opportunists to consider a run against Clinton was Aaron Burr.  Hamilton, however, quashed that and prevented Burr from making any headway.  So before the election even got going, Burr gave up the idea and backed Clinton.

The Hamiltonians tried to recruit Robert Yates, who was actually more of an anti-federalist than Clinton was.  He had also opposed ratification of the Constitution.  But the Federalists saw taking out Clinton as the primary goal and would back any popular candidate to go against Clinton.  Yates wisely declined and continued to serve on the state Supreme Court.

Another potential competitor was Stephen Van Rensselaer.  He was only a State Senator and still in his late twenties.  But he came from one of the wealthiest families in New York.  He became Hamilton’s brother in law when he married Peggy Schuyler.  However, he did not have enough background to run for governor.  Hamilton added him to the ticket for lieutenant governor.

John Jay became the new favorite contender among the anti-Clintonites.  Jay was well known for his work in the Continental Congress, for helping to negotiate the peace treaty that ended the Revolution, and for his advocacy in adopting the Constitution.  He had bene one of the writers of the Federalist papers.  The problem was that Jay was also serving as Chief Justice in the US Supreme Court.  Would he choose to step away from the court to run for governor?

As it turned out Jay was not happy serving on the Court.  Justices were required to be on the road most of the year, riding circuit.  Jay had a new baby at home and wanted to get back to a job that did not require riding around the country all year.  While Jay would not campaign for governor, he allowed his name to be put forward.

While Jay was well respected in New York and around the country, that did not mean his opponents could not find dirt to throw at him.  One attack was over slavery. Jay was a slave owner.  Slavery was still legal in New York, although it was not nearly as common as it was in the south.  Jay, however, was not criticized for owning slaves.  Rather , his opponents attacked him as a closet abolitionist.  Jay had joined the New York Manumission Society and had clearly begun to oppose slavery as an institution.  Jay’s opponents claimed that if he was elected governor, he would end slavery and take this valuable property away from slave owners in the state.  Jay responded that he thought that men of all colors had a right to freedom, but that he advocated for the gradual abolition of slavery over time, in a solution that would protect the property rights of slave owners.  Given his moderate position, this issue did not seem to catch on with the voters.

One of the most effective issues that did prove to stick was his close relationship with William Duer.  I’ve mentioned Duer in the past. He was working as a treasury official under the Articles of Confederation, and at the same time, trying to organize land deals in the Northwest Territory that would make him rich.  

Duer left the Board of Treasury in 1789, when it shut down along with the rest of the Continental Congress. There was an unaccounted for shortage of around $240,000 for which Duer had been responsible.  Despite this hanging over his head, Duer went to work with the new US Treasury Department, helping to oversee the trade of government securities during Hamilton’s Assumption plan.  Duer personally invested heavily in securities and also passed along insider information to his friends, helping them all to get rich in speculation.  Duer was particularly heavily invested in Bank of the United States stock.  To get the money from his scheme, he borrowed from just about anyone, including offering deals to shopkeepers, and other relatively poor working class people who hoped to get rich through this insider’s speculation.  Duer seemed to engage in all sorts of underhanded dealing, cheating his business partners, and just about everyone else.  It worked for a time.  

Seeing this paper bubble form, another group of investors led by the Livingston family withdrew large sums of gold and silver from all the banks.  This triggered a credit freeze that made it impossible for Duer to continue paying his debts with more loans.

Duer could not make his promised debt payments, and ended up going to debtor’s prison owing money to just about everyone in the state.  As a result, he had become just about the most unpopular man in New York.  An angry mob surrounded the jail where he was being held, trying to pull him out so they could lynch him.  One wealthy investor showed up with a pair of pistols, demanding a duel if Duer could not pay him what he owed.

Duer's collapse led to a massive financial panic and the first major stock market crash in US history.  Hamilton was eventually able to restore the markets by having the government make massive purchases of government securities in order to restore liquidity and confidence in the markets.  But it came at the cost of many fortunes lost to this speculation.  Dozens of wealth investors went bankrupt..  All of this was fresh in the minds of New Yorkers who were ready to take their revenge on anyone who could be associated with Duer in any way.

Jay was a friend and a business associate of Duer.  While Jay was not implicated directly in the securities scandal, his association with Duer was enough for many people to not want anything to do with him.  Robert Livingston, who had been Jay’s former friend and law partner, and who had played a major role in crashing Duer’s scheme, wrote considerably about Jay’s relationship with Duer. 

Jay was away in New England for the final weeks of the campaign, riding circuit with the Supreme Court.  He was unable to respond to any of the allegations made against him.  Despite all this, when the election finished in late April of 1792, it appeared that Jay had won.

Clinton’s supporters, however, were not ready to give up.  When the votes were counted, they disputed the results of three counties upstate.  Otsego, Tioga, and Clinton counties had voted heavily for Jay.  State law required that the ballots be delivered to the Secretary of State by the county Sheriff.  Each of these three counties failed to follow the law to the letter.

In Tioga County, the sheriff gave the ballot box to a deputy.  But the deputy got sick during his journey and had a clerk carry the box the rest of the way.  In Clinton County, the sheriff forgot to deputize the person who he had deliver it.  In Otsego county, the newly appointed sheriff received the ballot box several days before he received his formal commission of appointment as sheriff.

The Clinton faction challenged these three counties and argued that the ballots should not be counted.  The board of canvassers voted along party lines to reject the ballots from these three counties.  They would not be counted.  

The refusal to count the ballots led to wails of protests from the Jay supporters.  Even Thomas Jefferson wrote privately that Clinton should refuse to take office under these circumstances.  When Jay returned to the state a few weeks later, his supporters urged him to contest the decision.  Several mobs had formed, leading to bloody riots in several towns as competing groups challenged the results.  Jay certainly did not want to lead a mob to the capital.  Instead, he called on the state legislature to form a convention to resolve the issue.  A majority of the legislators, however, supported Clinton and voted down the idea of a convention.

While Jay considered the result an injustice, he opted to accept the result.  Continued fighting would only harm the state.  Clinton would return to office for another three years.

Next week, we will take a look at one of the more controversial acts of Washington’s second term: The Fugitive Slave Act of 1793.

 - - -

Next Episode 380 Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 (coming soon)

Previous Episode 378 Kentucky Joins the Union

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to ad-free episodes, podcast extras, and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Signup for the AmRev Podcast Mail List

* indicates required

Further Reading

Websites

Presidential Election of 1792 https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/presidential-election-of-1792

“James Madison to George Washington, 20 June 1792,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-14-02-0294

“Elizabeth Willing Powel to George Washington, 17 November 1792,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-11-02-0225

1792 Electoral College Results https://www.archives.gov/electoral-college/1792

The Disputed Election of 1792 [Editorial Note] https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jay/01-05-02-0191

The High Crimes and Misadventures of William Duer: The Founding Father who Swindled America: https://www.forbes.com/sites/abrambrown/2019/07/04/the-high-crimes-and-misadventures-of-william-duer-the-founding-father-who-swindled-america

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Kaminski, John P. George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the New Republic, Madison House, 1993 (borrow only).

Pellew, George John Jay, Houghton, Mifflin, and Co. 1890. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bordewich, Fergus M. The First Congress: How James Madison, George Washington, and a Group of Extraordinary Men Invented the Government, Simon & Schuster, 2016. 

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. His Excellency. George Washington, Alfred A. Knopf, 2005. 

Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation, Knopf, 2000.

Ferling, John Jefferson and Hamilton: The Rivalry That Forged a Nation Hardcover, Bloomsbury Press, 2013. 

Heidler, David S. & Jeanne T. Washington's Circle: The Creation of the President, Random House, 2015. 

Hunger, Harlow Giles Mr. President: George Washington and the Making of the Nation's Highest Office, De Capo Press, 2013. 

Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr. (ed) The Elections of 1789 & 1792, Mason Crest, 2003 (borrow on archive.org). 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.