ARP206 George Washington in Philadelphia

 

Last week I covered the issues facing the Continental Congress over the winter of 1778-79.  The government was facing problems and divisions, not only from the Silas Deane investigations, but also chronic shortages for the army and disputes over new strategies.

General Washington traveled to Philadelphia to consult with Congress on some of these matters. This week, I want to focus on Washington’s visit to Philadelphia during this important time.  

Washington Enters Philadelphia

On December 21, 1778, Washington left the army under the command of Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling.  He noted to Stirling that Congress had requested his attendance, and that he would be gone for a few days.  After a hard 60 mile ride, Washington arrived in Philadelphia late on the evening of December 22.  A local newspaper noted his arrival:

Too great for pomp, and as if fond of the plain and respectable rank of a free and independent citizen, his excellency came in so late in the day as to prevent the Philadelphia, troop of militia lighthorse, gentlemen, officers of the militia, and others of this city, from shewing those marks of unfeigned regard for this good and great man, which they fully intended, and especially of receiving him at his entrance into the State, and escorting him hither.

As we’ve seen up until this time, Washington rarely left the army for any reason.  As a leader, he wanted to be present as often as possible.  However, since Congress was trying to develop military strategy for the coming year, he felt that he had to provide some input in person.  Some of these confidential discussions could not be relegated to correspondence.

Second St. Philadelphia

The party that accompanied Washington Philadelphia included his wife Martha.  Also, with him was his secretary Robert Hanson Harrison as well as his aides-de-camp Alexander Hamilton, John Laurens, Richard Kidder Meade, and Tench Tilghman.

Philadelphia’s biggest political dispute at this time was the open feud between Silas Deane and Congress.  There was also a major fight brewing between the new President of Pennsylvania (and Washington’s former aide) Joseph Reed, and the Military Governor of Philadelphia, Benedict Arnold, something I will discuss in more detail in a future episode, but it was a big source of tension at the time.  Congress was still trying to dispose of the charges against General Thompson, who has allegedly shown disrespect to Congress, something I also talked about in more detail last week.

John Laurens

Also, the same day Washington entered Philadelphia, the Continental Army issued its final orders suspending General Charles Lee from command for one year.  This was after Congress had approved the court martial decision against Lee.  Washington’s aide, John Laurens, fought a duel with General Lee the following day.  Lee had continued to criticize Washington.  Many of Washington’s supporters felt the need to fight for the commander’s honor.  Laurens’ second, and Washington’s other aide, Alexander Hamilton, called for an end to the duel after the first shot left General Lee with a minor wound.

A year earlier, Washington had been fighting for leadership of the army as the Conway Cabal threatened to remove him from command.  By this time, pretty much everyone either supported Washington, or at least had the political savvy to keep quiet about any reservations they might have had.  General Lee was still oblivious to that and had to fight the duel with John Laurens  the reality in Philadelphia was that Washington had become universally respected and was seen as a source of stability in an increasingly chaotic world.

Meetings with Congress

On December 24th, Congress passed a resolution to invite the Commander in Chief to give testimony.  Washington held meetings with a committee.  However, the committee discussions were secret and no record of the discussions was made.  That same day, Washington met with the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, again, with no record of the discussions.

We do know that one of Washington’s primary reasons for his visit was to quash any plans to engage in another invasion of Quebec.  France seemed very interested in the idea.  Washington did not want to offend America’s only European ally.  At the same time, he saw the establishment of a French-controlled Quebec as a long term problem for the United States.  Washington was all too familiar with France’s prior efforts to keep the British colonies limited to the coast while France claimed all of the inland areas west of the Appalachian mountains for the King of France.

On Tuesday, Congress resolved not to plan any invasion of Quebec for the following year.  Having resolved that question, and having planned to be in Philadelphia for only a few days, One would expect Washington would have returned to the army in New Jersey.  Instead, Washington remained in Philadelphia for over a month.  During those weeks that he remained, he noted in several letters that he planned to return to the army within a few days.  It’s not entirely clear what caused him to change his mind and remain.

Washington did, however, continue to meet with the committee through January.  A note written by Washington on January 8 suggests that continued discussion was needed over “recruiting; a plan for the next campaign; prospects of further aid from Europe; clothing and supplies; changes in the ordnance, clothing, hospital, and engineering departments; establishment of an inspectorship; paper currency.”

Proposed Strategies

A week later, Washington provided a more detailed report to Congress (in Hamilton’s handwriting) which outlined various options for offensives in 1779.  This report was likely the result of Washington’s conversations with the Congressional Committee.  In the report, Washington evaluated three options.  

Continental Congress

The first option was an all-out assault on the British garrisons at New York and Newport.  To expel the British which, Washington noted, was the most desired goal, the army would have to be increased in size to at least 26,000 effectives, which was a far larger army than the Continentals had ever managed to put in the field.

Washington observed because there were other economic opportunities in the states and life in the army was so poor that they could not hope to recruit such a large army.  Even if they could, Congress was unable to feed and clothe the existing army, let alone one that was two or three times the size of the current army.  Given these limitations, Washington concluded that an all-out assault was simply off the table.

The second operation under consideration was an assault on Niagara, which would serve as a defense against any future raids from Canada.  For such an operation, Washington argued the army would still need to leave about 13,000 men near New York to prevent any British actions from its main forces in New York and Newport.  The Continentals would need another 7000 or 8000 soldiers for the action against Niagara.  Those numbers were nearly as large as those estimated for an all-out assault on British forces and with not nearly as important a goal.  Washington believed that a Niagara offensive would be even more expensive than an all-out assault on New York since it would involve moving massive amounts of supplies through the remote and hostile territory in upstate New York where loyalists and native tribes still conducted raids.  Again, the US simply did not have the resources for such an offensive.

That left the third option: stay almost entirely on the defensive: The Continentals would remain in northern New Jersey and New York, preventing the British in New York City or Newport from having any room for offensive operations.  Given the army’s resources, Washington considered this the best option.  The Continental Congress could not afford a significantly larger army.  Instead, they could focus on increasing the national output of food by leaving more men on the farms.  Washington urged that diplomatic efforts should continue to obtain more loans in order to take more actions further into the future.  In short, Washington was telling Congress there was no way to end the war anytime soon.  Congress would need to find a way to come up with more resources before anything would change.

Washington did refer generally to taking some actions against hostile tribes in upstate New York and further to the west.  He noted that the army needed to secure the frontier, but he left vague his actual intentions in handling that problem.

There were some sections in a draft version of the report which speculated that Britain might pull out on its own due to internal political pressures and the need to focus on the war with France.  The draft also speculated that Britain had an incentive to hold onto garrison in North America because it gave the king a place to hold large numbers of troops near to its island colonies in the West Indies, but still in a climate where soldiers did not die in great numbers from tropical diseases.

Joseph Reed 

The draft went on to discuss the role of France and possibly Spain in future efforts.  It expressed a belief that Spain’s entry into the war might tip the naval balance sufficiently that Britain would pull out of the United States entirely. 

It appears that Hamilton removed several pages of the report about all this speculation.  He may have done so because Washington did not agree with his assessment.  It may also be that Washington did not want to speculate on the actions of our enemies and allies, but wanted to keep the focus on the resources and capabilities of the Continental army at this time.

The other big issue left out of the report entirely was the defense of the southern colonies.  It is likely that word of the British capture of Savannah had not reached Philadelphia by the time Washington submitted his report.  He did not seem to envision any major operations in the southern colonies for the coming year.

Congress had sent General Benjamin Lincoln to take over the southern command.  But there were no plans to increase the troop levels in those regions.  Any soldiers would need to be recruited locally.  Lincoln did not write to Washington about the capture of Savannah until January 5 or 6.  If he did not send an express rider, news might not have arrived for several weeks.  Washington's report appears to have been delivered on January 8th, and the first mention in the Congressional Record of the capture of Savannah appears on January 20.  Washington’s report gave no consideration to any expanded warfare in the southern states and anticipated no focus on a southern campaign for 1779.

Enlistment Efforts

Washington’s biggest concern about maintaining the Continental Army was that he would have an army to maintain.  In the written report, Washington only talked about the general difficulties of supplying the current army, and the fact that many enlistments would end in the coming months.  

In the field, soldiers were grumbling about being unpaid, underfed, ill-clad, and left in such a state of deprivation that the army might disband on its own.  Washington urged Congress to offer large signing bonuses to keep the soldiers enlisted for the duration of the war.  Congress agreed that men would receive a signing bonus of $200 to continue in service for the course of the war.  It also offered generous bonuses to recruiters who enlisted soldiers.  

With the optimistic tone, at least publicly, that 1779 would probably be the final year of the war, as the Continentals pushed the British out with French assistance, Congress hoped the soldiers would turn out in sufficient numbers to finish the job.  In truth though, no one expected the war to end in 1779.

Officer compensation was also a problem.  Many officers were tired of the miserable conditions, and unlike many enlisted men, often had more attractive options back home.  The lack of any major military operations meant that they would be sitting in camp, fighting boredom and thinking about all the deprivations they were suffering while away from home, and while civilians were prospering.  Officers, as much as the enlisted men, were eager to return home.

Washington urged Congress to agree to pay officers a pension of half-pay for life if they remained until the end of the war.  That was what British officers could count on.  Congress thought that was too expensive.  Instead, it agreed to half-pay for officers for seven years following the end of the war.  That was enough time for them to get back on their own feet and return to work.  

Washington did not believe that was sufficient inducement for many, as it put their old age into great risk.  But that was what Congress was willing to offer, so that is what he got.

Events in Philadelphia

There is no record of Washington having met with General Arnold during his visit.  This is not to say that the two men did not meet. There are a great many days when there is no record for what Washington was doing.  However, the lack of any public meetings with the military governor, while holding several meetings both official and social with his chief rival, Joseph Reed, may indicate that Washington was concerned about the charges of greed and corruption being levied against Arnold.

Juan de Miralles

On Christmas Day, General Washington and his wife  Martha accepted an invitation to dine at the home of Joseph Reed, president of Pennsylvania’s Supreme Executive Council.  Also in attendance were Washington’ aide John Laurens, New York delegate and President of Congress John Jay, Massachusetts delegate Samuel Holten, and Juan de Miralles, a Spanish arms dealer who the Governor of Cuba had sent as an observer to the Continental Congress.

The following Monday, December 28, Washington attended a celebration at the festival of St. John the Evangelist, hosted by the local Society of Free and Accepted Masons.  He was given the place of honor in their procession.

On December 30, Washington wrote to Benjamin Harrison about his concerns for the country and the war effort.  While these comments don’t seem to be directed specifically at Arnold, Washington likely had heard a great deal from Joseph Reed on the topic.  Washington may also have had in mind the Deane Affair, which had led to the resignation of Henry Laurens as President of Congress and which was still a divisive issue.  His thoughts probably applied to a great many leaders.  It does express Washington’s concerns about men looking more to their private interests rather than those of the country.

If I was to be called upon to draw a picture of the times and of Men, from what I have seen, and heard, and in part know, I should in one word say that idleness, dissipation & extravagance seems to have laid fast hold of most of them.-That speculation-peculation-and an insatiable thirst for riches seems to have got the better of every other consideration and almost of every order of Men.-That party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day whilst the momentous concerns of an empire-a great and accumulated debt-ruined finances -depreciated money-and want of credit (which in their consequences is the want of everything) are but secondary considerations and postponed from day to day-from week to week as if our affairs wear the most promising aspect-after drawing this picture, which from my Soul I believe to be a true one, I need not repeat to you that I am alarmed and wish to see my Countrymen roused.

On January 4, 1779, General and Mrs. Washington dined at the home of Robert Morris, another delegate who was under investigation for self-dealing at the time.  Two days later, Washington attended a party at the home of Elizabeth Willing Powell, a prominent socialite.  Washington noted that it was his and Martha’s 20th wedding anniversary that night.  

Several weeks later, on January 18, Washington attended a banquet hosted by Congress in honor of the French minister Gerard.  It was a celebration of the alliance with France and an effort to repair relations after the US decided not to work with France on the conquest of Quebec.

Washington once again delayed his return to the army after the Supreme Executive Council requested that he sit for a portrait by Charles Willson Peale.  The painting was commissioned to hang in the Council Chamber.

Washington Returns to the Army

On January 29, wrote to President John Jay to inform Congress that he would finally be leaving Philadelphia: 

My long and unexpected stay in this City being attended with many inconveniences to the common business of the army, and in other respects, I feel myself under the necessity of requesting the permission of Congress to return ; and, if consistent with their views, I should be glad to set out for the camp at Middlebrook on Monday next.  

G. Washington, 1779 by Peale

Despite his announced departure, the following Monday found Washington still in Philadelphia, sitting for another portrait.  Jay had requested he sit for a medal that Jay wished to create.  Finally on Tuesday, February 2, Washington departed the city.  

A local article noted the departure. 

Tuesday morning, His Excellency General Washington set off from Philadelphia to join the army in New Jersey. During the course of his short stay (the only relief he has enjoyed from service since he first entered into it), he has been honored with every mark of esteem which his exalted qualities as a gentleman and a citizen entitle him to. His Excellency's stay was rendered the more agreeable by the company of his lady, and the domestic retirement which he enjoyed at the house of the Honorable Henry Laurens, Esquire, with whom he resided.

With that announced departure, Washington finally returned to his army.  Although no one may have fully appreciated it yet, Washington was transitioning from a field commander into more of a political leader.   He remained with the army in the field.  But he largely remained near New York City for most of the remainder of the war.  Major combat operations in that area had come to an end.  Washington’s main focus changed from attacking the British, to keeping his army properly supplied and his ranks properly filled. He left most of the combat to his major generals, who pursued the war in the south.

Next week, we will take a look at British and French plans for 1779.

- - -

Next Episode 207 British Opposition, French Distraction 

Previous Episode 205 Congress Enters 1779

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Further Reading

Websites

“From George Washington to Major General Stirling, 21 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0548.

“Account of a Duel between Major General Charles Lee and Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, [24 December 1778],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-01-02-0687

“From George Washington to Joseph Reed, 24 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0562

“General Orders, 25 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0564

“From George Washington to the Magistrates of Philadelphia, 25 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0566

“George Washington to the Committee of Conference, 8 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-0003

“From George Washington to the Continental Congress Committee of Conference, 8 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0660

 “From George Washington to the Continental Congress Committee of Conference, 13 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0689

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of Congress, Vol. 5 [1779], Philadelphia: David Claypoole, 1787. 

Baker, William Spohn Itinerary of General Washington from June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783, Philadelphia, J.B. Lippincott Co. 1892. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Burnett, Edmund Cody, The Continental Congress, Macmillan Co. 1941 

Chernow, Ron Washington: A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Flexner, James Thomas Washington: The Indispensable Man, Little, Brown & Co. 1974. 

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

ARP193 Deane Hearings

A few weeks ago, I mentioned that Silas Deane returned to America with the French fleet that arrived in July 1778.  Congress had recalled him, sending a letter in December 1777 to report on the affairs in Europe.  Deane had received the letter in March, then took a few weeks to wrap up his affairs and plan his return to Philadelphia.

Deane in France

By the time he returned, Deane had spent about two years in France.  Congress requested that he go there to serve as an advocate before the French Court in March, 1776.  The inexperienced merchant from Connecticut took up the task without knowing a word of French or even having any personal contacts in France  Despite these limitations, Deane had managed to make personal contact with key leaders at Versailles and to begin a partnership with Pierre Beaumarchais to begin sending arms and supplies back to America.  He accomplished all this despite being on his own in France for nearly a year.  

Silas Deane

At the end of 1776, Congress appointed Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee to work with Deane in France.  Together, the Commissioners had not only sent shiploads of arms and supplies, dozens of French officers, but also managed to finalize two treaties with France and bring their new ally into the war with Britain.  Deane’s mission had been a success and any return home should have been in triumph.

That, however, was not the case.  Almost since Deane’s arrival in Europe, Arthur Lee waged a campaign to attack Deane’s character and behavior in the hopes of having him recalled. Arthur Lee had been living in London when the war began.  He was a member of the powerful Lee family of Virginia, with two brothers sitting in the Continental Congress.  His legal practice in London helped to establish him as a colonial agent.  

Lee had attempted to work with Pierre Beaumarchais to get French military supplies to America after the war began.  But Beaumarchais ended up forming a partnership with Deane to further those ends.  That seems to have been the origin of Lee’s hostility toward Deane. Lee began a covert letter-writing campaign to powerful people in America, asserting that Deane was defrauding Congress by demanding payment for aid that the government of France intended to be given free of charge.  This was not the case. France did provide several generous loans to get the project started.  However, French officials expected the assistance program to become self-sustaining as America paid back those loans with the delivery of tobacco.

All of these deals were secret, of course. Congress only got information on them from Deane. Lee, and Franklin.  Since the commissioners were sending back Contradictory reports, Congress wasn't sure who to believe.  Congress, always desperate for cash, was receptive to accusations that one of its agents was unjustly enriching himself on these secret agreements.  

Deane Loses Allies

Deane also lacked political allies in Congress.  Deane had been a member of the Continental Congress before his appointment.  At the time of his appointment, the members of the Secret Committee who entrusted him with the mission to France were:  Benjamin Franklin, John Dickinson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Johnson, John Jay, and Robert Morris.

Franklin in Paris 

Franklin, of course, had left Congress to serve alongside Deane in France.  Franklin still supported Deane, but was no longer in Congress to be his advocate there.

John Dickinson famously left Congress shortly after passage of the Declaration of Independence.  He took a commission in the army, but his opposition to independence in Congress and his expressed doubts about the war effort had damaged his reputation.  By 1778 he was living as a private citizen in Delaware.

Benjamin Harrison had left Congress shortly after passage of the proposed Articles of Confederation.  Harrison had opposed equal representation, which left a large state like Virginia greatly under-represented.  He had also opposed General Washington over the appointment of Lafayette to a command position.  He had engendered the anger of many radicals by supporting the rights of Quakers to avoid compulsory military service.  As a result of all this, he had resigned his seat and returned to Virginia.

Thomas Johnson had left Congress and was by this time Governor of Maryland.  John Jay had left to become Chief Justice of the New York Supreme Court.

The only member of the committee that supported Deane when he departed for France, who was still in Congress, was Robert Morris.  Even Morris had been on a leave of absence at the time Congress recalled Deane. However, he had returned in May 1778.  But Morris was no ally of Deane.

Morris had secured the appointment of his half-brother Thomas Morris as an American agent in France. Thomas was supposed to deal with prize ships that were captured, and other financial matters.  Unfortunately, Thomas did not share his brother’s business acumen or attention to duty.  Thomas Morris spent most of his time in France drinking and partying.  Deane had reported this behavior to Congress.  While Congress was still trying to sort out this mess, Thomas Morris fell ill and died in January 1778 at the age of 26.

Robert Morris took great offense, in part not believing the accusations that Deane levied against his brother, and also that Deane had made the issue public to Congress rather than writing to Morris privately.  The result was that Morris was hostile to Deane and Franklin at this time.

Arthur Lee had levied charges against both Deane and Franklin. But Franklin was seen as a success in France and still had many supporters in Congress.  Because of this, Deane, rather than Franklin, became the focus of concern. So, after two years abroad, and without any support among the delegates.  Congress recalled Deane to answer questions about the accusations against him.

In its letter to Deane, however, Congress did not mention the charges of financial mismanagement and fraud.  Instead, Deane simply received a letter saying he was being recalled for consultation about the situation in Europe. Deane was savvy enough to realize this was more than just fact-finding, that Congress would not be recalling him unless they had reason to question his performance. However, he had no idea what the details of those questions would be.

France Supports Deane

Before he left France, Deane consulted with Franklin, with Beaumarchais, and with Vergennes about his recall and let everyone know that he was returning to Philadelphia. Franklin’s letter to Congress gives the best description of what Deane did or didn’t know about the situation.  Franklin gave Deane a letter dated March 31, 1778 to the President of Congress.  

My colleague, Mr. Deane, being recalled by Congress, and no reasons given that yet appeared here, it is apprehended to be the effect of some misrepresentations from an enemy or two at Paris and at Nantes. I have no doubt that he will be able clearly to justify himself; but having lived intimately with him more than fifteen months, the greatest part of the time in the same house, and a constant witness of his public conduct, I cannot avoid giving this testimony, though unasked, that I esteem him a faithful, active, and able minister, who to my knowledge has done in various ways great and important services to his country, whose interests I wish may always by every one in her employ be as much and as efficiently promoted.

Lafayette, Dekalb & Deane in Paris

At the same time, after discussing the matter with Deane, Beaumarchais wrote a blistering confidential memo for the French foreign ministry critical of Lee’s attacks on Deane.

By character and by ambition Mr. Arthur Lee was first jealous of Mr. Deane. He finished by becoming his enemy, which always happens to small minds, more occupied in supplanting their rivals than in surpassing them in merit.

The connections of Mr. Lee in England, and two brothers whom he has in Congress, have made him recently an important and dangerous man.

His plan has always been to prefer between France and England the power which would most surely bring him to fortune. England has some advantages for him. He has often explained himself on the subject in his libertine suppers. But to succeed, it was necessary to get rid of a colleague so formidable by his patriotism as Mr. Deane. This he has accomplished by causing him to be suspected in several points of view by Congress. 

Beaumarchais’ memo went on to outline Lee’s attacks on Deane’s appointment of French officers, and Lee’s accusation that the covert military aid was a gift from France, not a sale.  Beaumarchais concludes by noting: 

To-day Mr. Deane, loaded with grief, finds himself suddenly and harshly recalled. He is ordered to go to give an account of his conduct and to justify himself from many faults which they do not designate.

Also in support of Deane, Foreign Minister Vergennes sent a letter to Deane in late March attesting to France’s appreciation of his work as a diplomat.  In part, it read:

The king, desirous of giving you a personal testimony of his satisfaction with your conduct, has charged me to inform M. the president of Congress of it; this is the object of the letters which M. Gerard will deliver you for Mr. Hancock. He will also deliver you a box with the portrait of the king.

The box, which was a gift to Dean, had a portrait of the King, and was made of gold and encrusted with diamonds.  It was a show of gratitude and support for Deane’s service in France.  Further, the King of France directed that Deane be a guest aboard the French fleet that would sail to America, along with the new French Minister to America, Conrad Alexandre Gerard.

In the view of France and of Deane’s personal views, he was returning to America in success.  He had secured the French alliance, sent many successful officers and had been the source of much needed military aid sent over the previous year.

Arrival in Philadelphia

Upon his arrival in Philadelphia in July, Deane met with President Henry Laurens.  Laurens was cordial and congratulated Deane on his many successes.  Deane made clear he was eager to make his reports to Congress and return to France and his diplomatic work.

Congress, however, was in no hurry.  Deane sat in Philadelphia for over a month, waiting for an audience with Congress. He finally received orders to appear several times in mid-August.  Then again, nothing.  Finally on September 8, Deane wrote that he was growing impatient and that if Congress did not want to hear from him further, that he would like to return to France. Ten days later, a Congressional committee reported that Arthur Lee and Ralph Izard had accused Deane of financial mismanagement and misappropriation of public money.  Congress began calling witnesses, but did not call Deane.

Titus Hosmer

Shortly after that, Connecticut delegate Titus Hosmer, who had been in Congress for only a few months and who was returning home, informed Deane that he had overheard other delegates sought to destroy Deane.  Since they had no evidence, they did not want to bring specific charges against him.  Instead, they would simply drag out the matter and allow the cloud of accusation to hang over Deane’s head for as long as possible.

Again, Deane wrote to Congress, asking for the charges against him and to see the letters of his accusers so that he could respond. He said that after spending more than three months in Philadelphia, he needed to get back to France to manage his financial affairs there.  

Deane never got to see the letters containing accusations against him, but he did learn more generally of some of the charges.  Lee had accused Deane of giving offense to everyone he worked with in France.  There is no doubt that Deane offended Lee, but Deane argued that his success spoke for itself.

Deane noted that in 1777 he had shipped 30,000 small arms, a similar number of uniforms, over 250 pieces of brass artillery and numerous other supplies that were critical to the cause and which had been vital to opposing the Burgoyne campaign.  There were also all those letters of support from Franklin and various French officials which Deane had delivered to Congress.

Lee also made some minor accusations like that Deane had opened and read all of Lee’s correspondence, which Deane simply denied.  Lee accused Deane of leaving him out of negotiations, to which Deane responded that Lee was too querulous and that they did not always trust him with confidential matters under negotiation.

The more significant charge was that Congress had spent millions but that almost everything sent to America still had to be paid for. The obvious implication was that Deane had used that money for other purposes and that Congress will still have to repay all of those loans.

Deane could deny those charges generally, but all of his financial records were still in France.  He had no idea that he would be called to answer these specific charges and had left the financial records with his associates who were trying to continue these business dealings in France. Instead, Deane had to cool his heels in Philadelphia, living at his own expense, waiting for Congress to continue its investigation.

Arthur Lee

Meanwhile, back in France, Arthur Lee, having successfully removed Deane from Europe, then turned his attention toward Franklin.  Lee continued to write to Congress about how Deane was guilty of all sorts of financial crimes, that he had grown rich on embezzling government money and that his calls for a hearing were just a bluff.  Lee also wrote that Franklin was similarly guilty of wasting government funds to support a lavish lifestyle.

Congress was still receptive to Lee’s accusations.  At one point, they came within one vote of voting to recall Franklin from France as well.  Lee wanted to remove both of his fellow commissioners so that he could take control of the American delegation in France.

One of Deane’s greatest defenders was French minister Gerard.  Gerard was concerned about openly supporting one political faction against another in America.  After all, his job was to maintain good relations between France and America regardless of who was in charge in Philadelphia.  But Gerard did speak with delegates when he could, defending the motivations and actions of both Franklin and Deane.

In a letter to Vergennes, Gerard wrote: "The stories of Arthur Lee are but an absurd tissue of falsehoods and sarcasm, which can only compromise those who have the misfortune of being obliged to have anything to do with him."

Dispute Goes Public

Despite all this support, the Deane hearings dragged on.  By December, Deane had grown increasingly frustrated with Congress. He had left Europe in a hurry expecting to be gone for only a few months.  He had left many matters incomplete in France, and had even left his thirteen year old son there in the care of others.  After spending nine months waiting for Congress to decide anything about his case, he wrote a public letter outlining his situation, attacking Arthur Lee and Lee’s political allies, and which was highly generally critical of Congress.

This public revelation of the infighting between the American Commissioners and the internal disputes within Congress set off a political firestorm.  Virginia delegate Francis Lightfoot Lee responded in the press to defend his brother Arthur Lee.  This led to follow up articles by Deane.  Then, a couple of weeks later, Thomas Paine entered the fray.

Thomas Paine

Paine published a series of articles savaging Deane.  His first article primarily criticized Deane for making this whole matter public and revealing divisions among the leadership.  That, Paine, believed, damaged the war effort and the patriot cause generally.  Over the next few weeks and months, Paine published articles attacking Deane for his failure to bring his financial records with him and for what Paine seemed to believe were unsubstantiated attacks on Arthur and William Lee.  Paine strongly implied that Deane was corrupt, or at least hopelessly naïve in the way he managed affairs in Europe. 

Paine’s attacks largely reflected the views of a faction, possibly a majority of Congress who distrusted Deane and thought that his publicizing this dispute only made things worse.

Over the winter, as the articles raged back and forth, Deane remained in Philadelphia without Congress making any effort to continue its investigation or hold hearings.  In April, and again in May of 1779, more than a year after Congress first recalled him, Deane wrote to Congress to say that he planned to depart the city.  He wrote to the President of Congress that “it was the design of those who wished to sacrifice me to family interests to wear me out, by delays, and, without any direct charges, to ruin me in the opinion of my countrymen by insincere hints and innuendoes.”  Upon receiving the letter, President Laurens’ comment was only that “If Deane goes in defiance of Congress, it will be a confession.”

Finally in August 1779, Congress discharged Deane from further attendance and requested that all the commissioners submit their accounts and vouchers for final settlement.  Congress reached no ruling on the charges against Deane or anything else. It simply announced that the investigation had ended.

Congress finally offered to pay for his costs for the more than a year that Deane had remained in Philadelphia, but the amount offered was so small, and to be paid in nearly worthless Continental paper dollars, that a disgusted Deane refused to accept the payment entirely.

Perhaps his one small victory was that Robert Morris once again supported Deane.  Morris, upon receiving the full information about his brother Thomas’ failures in Europe, accepted that Deane had only been trying to resolve a problem, not attack him politically.  Morris commented that Deane had rendered essential services for his country and that he had been “ill-used” by his enemies.  In a letter after everything had ended, Morris wrote, “I consider Deane to be a martyr in the cause of America” and that the attacks on him were “shameful.”  

Deane finally did return to France in 1780 where Franklin greeted him as a friend.  Deane returned, though, as a private citizen.  Having so many enemies in Congress, he would not receive another appointment to anything.  French officials also received him warmly in appreciation of his past service.  

Deane was also reunited with his son Jesse, by this time a young man of sixteen.  Deane was also heartened to learn that just weeks before his arrival in France that Arthur Lee had departed for America, to be called to account for his own activities while abroad.

Even with the matter behind him though, Deane would carry a resentment toward Congress for the rest of his life.  His experience also left him with serious doubts that the American cause would succeed when led by the conspiring politicians with whom he had interacted during his time in Philadelphia.

Next week, the French and British fleets have their first major encounters at the battle of Ushant.

- - -

Next Episode 194 Battle of Ushant 

Previous Episode 192 Wyoming Valley Massacre

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Further Reading

Websites

The Rise and Fall of Silas Deane, American Patriot: https://connecticuthistory.org/the-rise-and-fall-of-silas-deane-american-patriot

Hoadley, Charles J. “Silas Deane.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 1, no. 1, 1877, pp. 96–100. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20084263

Abernethy, Thomas P. “Commercial Activities of Silas Deane in France.” The American Historical Review, vol. 39, no. 3, 1934, pp. 477–485. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1840146

Covart, Elizabeth “Silas Deane: Forgotten Patriot” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/07/silas-deane-forgotten-patriot

The Affair of Silas Deane, Thomas Paine Historical Society: https://thomaspaine.org/essays/american-revolution/the-affair-of-silas-deane.html

Address of Silas Deane to the Free and Virtuous Citizens of America, https://docs.google.com/document/d/e/2PACX-1vQrAIUZiKFv5_cKX4NCwqayfFIftj_3BJeHjFxlrOm6Y_6iOR46CAStc3LfVTRQtZ80LCBzc3nvap1i/pub

Parton, James The Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, Boston: James R. Osgood, 1864, (excerpt) Part 6, Chapter 3, Beginning of Arthur Lee’s Mischief: http://www.public.coe.edu/~theller/soj/ttl/franklin/b603.htm

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Clark, George L. Silas Deane, New York: G.P. Putnam's sons, 1913. 

Deane, Silas The Deane Papers, Vol. 3, New York Historical Society, 1889. 

Ingraham, Edward D. Papers in Relation to the Case of Silas Deane, Philadelphia: Seventy-Six Society, 1855. 

Lee, William Reply of William Lee to the charges of Silas Deane, 1779, Brooklyn: Historical Printing Club, 1891.  

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 1: Silas Deane’s Correspondence, Boston: Hale, 1829. 

Sparks, Jared The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 2: Arthur Lee’s Correspondence, Boston: Hale, 1829. 

Stillé, Charles J. Beaumarchais and the "Lost Million" A chapter of the secret history of the American Revolution, Philadelphia, Priv. print, 1887. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

James, Coy Hilton Silas Deane, Patriot or Traitor, Michigan State Univ. Press, 1975

Paul, Joel Richard Unlikely Allies: How a Merchant, a Playwright, and a Spy Saved the American Revolution, Riverhead, 2009. 

Van Vlack, Milton C. Silas Deane, Revolutionary War Diplomat and Politician, McFarland, 2013 (book recommendation of the week). 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Episode 149 Lafayette Comes to America

In late July 1777, the Continental Congress was worried about the northern British Army that had just captured Fort Ticonderoga and was marching southward toward New York City.  The main Continental Army was still waiting for the larger British Army in New York City to make its move, most likely against Philadelphia.  At this same time, a nineteen year old boy arrived in Philadelphia, speaking almost no English.  He asked Congress to commission him as a major general in the Continental Army.

I mentioned a few weeks ago that the Marquis de Lafayette had received a commission at the end of July.  But how this came to pass deserves a bit more background.  Lafayette is probably one of the most recognized names from the Revolution.  How a teenager not only gained such a high military command command and became one of the most famous men of the era needs some explanation.

Lafayette’s Early Years

Lafayette obtained his position in French society in the traditional way.  He was born into an important family with great wealth and power.  His family had served the King since at least the twelfth century.  One of his ancestors had been Marshall of France during the Hundred Years War and had served under Joan of Arc.

His father had served as a colonel, killed in 1759 at the Battle of Minden when his son was less than years old. Fun fact, the British general in charge of the artillery that killed his father, was General William Phillips, who was now marching south in New York with General Burgoyne.  In 1781, Philips would die in Virginia while being bombarded by artillery under the command of General Lafayette.

Marquis de Lafayette
(from Wikimedia)

Lafayette’s mother was from an even wealthier noble family and had come with a dowry including extensive land holdings in Brittany.  When her husband was killed, the family title and fortune fell to their only child.

The boy was raised with the best private education French nobility could provide.  He was also raised with stories of French military glory.  In 1770 his great-grandfather, uncle, and mother all died, leaving Lafayette with an even greater fortune.  His estate produced the inflation-adjusted equivalent of well over $1 million per year to support him.  The boy was still only twelve years old.

His great-grandfather, before his death, had arranged for Lafayette to receive a lieutenant’s commission in the Black Musketeers, the unit responsible for the King’s security.  He had also arranged for Lafayette to marry into another noble family with a direct blood relationship to King Louis.  The marriage did not take place until 1774 when the couple were a little older.  By the time of their marriage Lafayette was sixteen and his bride Adrienne was fourteen.  Adrienne’s father, the Duc d’Ayen, was not only a wealthy noble, but also a general in the French army.  As a wedding gift, his new father-in-law promised Lafayette command of one of his cavalry companies when the boy turned eighteen.

Lafayette lived with his wife’s family and became close to the royal family, particularly Queen Marie Antoinette.  Although he had been raised in wealth and luxury, Lafayette was not comfortable with court life.  He wanted to fulfill his dreams of becoming a military officer.

Marie Adrienne Francoise
de Noailles (from Wikimedia)

The thought of fighting for the colonies came from a very unlikely source.  In 1775 King George III’s younger brother, the Duke of Gloucester, had visited France.  The Duke and his wife attended a dinner hosted by the Comte de Broglie, who was at the time Lafayette’s commander.  Captain Lafayette attended the dinner where the Duke criticized his brother’s handling of the American colonies and numerous other things.  The two brothers had been at odds for years.  The King had disapproved of the Duke’s marriage years earlier.

At the time of the dinner, word had only recently reached Europe about the battles of Lexington and Concord.  Both the Duke and de Broglie were also masons, and spent much of the evening talking about masonic notions of equality and the rights of man.  Lafayette listened attentively and said later that it was that night he decided to fight for the American cause.

In June 1776, as part of a general military restructuring to save money, Lafayette was moved to the reserves, meaning he had no military duties.  His career in the French army was going nowhere.  This only increased his desire to go fight in America.  Because of his age, he could not leave without the permission of his father-in-law, who refused to let him go.  Adrienne had just given birth to the couple’s first child.  The Duc d’Ayen did not want to see the boy get himself killed on some military adventure before the family even got started.  Lafayette also sought the support of his old commander the Comte de Broglie, who also counseled against going to America.

Going to America

None of this deterred him though.  Lafayette received an audience with Silas Deane and somehow convinced him to grant a commission as a major general in the Continental Army.  At this time, Lafayette was only 19 years old, and held a commission as only a captain in the French Army.  That commission was only the result of his family’s wealth and social status, not any actual military experience.

Lafayette, Dekalb & Deane in Paris
(From Wikimedia)

Even so, Lafayette convinced Deane to grant him a commission.  Part of it was his willingness to serve with no pay.  Lafayette also convinced Deane that his service would increase French public support for the American cause. Lafayette would encourage the French government to become more involved in the American cause.  Deane also granted General Johann de Kalb a commision as a major general as well.

By the end of 1776, news of the British capture of New York had reached France.  Officials feared that the rebellion might be crushed and that sending French officers to their aid might only start another war with Britain.  Besides, Lafayette’s wife was now pregnant with their second child.  His father in law still had no interest in letting Lafayette abandon his new family.

Instead, the Duc d’Ayen convinced Lafayette to go to London and visit the Duc’s brother who was at the time the French Ambassador to Britain.  Lafayette complied, gaining an introduction to British society.  On his three week trip, he met General Henry Clinton, Lord George Germain, and even had an introduction to King George III.

None of this changed his mind though.  When he returned to France, he did not go home.  Instead, he planned to use the ship he had purchased, to sail to America with General de Kalb and a number of other French officers ready to join the Continentals.

At Bordeaux, the men boarded the ship, now named Victoire.  In signing papers with French emigration officials, he used his name, Gilbert du Mortier, thinking the use of his better-known title Marquis de Lafayette would set off alarms.  He did send a note to his wife letting her know what he was doing.  Rather than sail to America though, the ship first docked at a port in Spain.  By this time Lafayette’s wife had received his note and alerted her father.  The Duc d’Ayen went straight to the King who issued orders that all French officers, especially Lafayette, should not go to America and should return to France if they had already left.

le comte de Broglie
(from Wikimedia)

Lafayette received word of these orders while in Spain and returned to Bordeaux.  Lafayette wanted to go to Paris, but was instructed to go to Marseilles where his in-laws were staying at the moment.  Lafayette planned to obey, until he got a message from his old Commander, the Comte de Broglie.

De Broglie thought he might convince the Continental Congress to give him full command of the Continental Army.  Remember, I discussed back in Episode 115 that the French thought that the Americans, without any trained officers, might be willing to hand over command of the Continental Army to French officers.  The American colonies would come under France’s control and would possibly end up becoming French colonies.

The Comte de Broglie wanted de Kalb, who was on Lafayette’s ship, to go to America and see if this was a possibility.  De Kalb had instructions to negotiate such an agreement with the Continental Congress.  Lafayette was not a part of these negotiations.  He was just the rich kid who was providing the ship to take them to America.  In fact, it was de Broglie’s aide, de Kalb, who had introduced Lafayette to Deane and helped him to get his commission, obtaining a major general’s commission for himself at the same time.  Also joining the ship was the Viscount de Maury, who had also been promised a commission as major general.

Broglie sent an aide to Bordeaux to tell Lafayette that the government actually did want him to go to America, but had to forbid it publicly in order to avoid war with Britain.  It is not clear that this was true.  In fact, there were many within the government who held differing views on how France should get involved, and no one was certain about the true feelings of the King or Foreign Minister Vergennes.

Arrival in America

With Broglie’s assurance, Lafayette pretended to depart for Marseilles, then set sail for America on April 20, 1777.  During the voyage, Lafayette got to know the other officers planning to fight in America.  He realized that not all of them had particularly ideological motives.  De Maury in particular seemed relatively hostile to the idea of a republic that would be independent of Europe.  In one diatribe to his fellow passengers, de Maury summed up his view of the Americans:

Fanaticism, insatiable greed, and poverty, these are unfortunately, the three causes that incessantly drive to these shores masses of immigrants, who come to slay the natives and destroy in a wasteful spirit, forests as old as the world itself; they drench a still virgin soil with the blood of the aborigines and fertilize it with thousands of corpses scattered over fields seized by force.  In this picture, which is only too true, do you see fewer horrors than could be shown in the continent which we are leaving.

French ships ordinarily did not sail straight to America.  Doing so risked seizure by the British Navy.  Instead, they would travel to a French colony in the West Indies, then make a quick dash to the continent from there.  Lafayette, however, was having none of that.  He wanted to sail directly to America. He was in a hurry to arrive.  Besides stopping at a French colony would give only another opportunity for government officials to stop them and send them home.  The ship Victoire had no significant cannons as defense.  If they had been stopped, they would have no chance of defending themselves.

Memorial in Bordeaux where Lafayette left for America
(from Wikimedia)

The gamble paid off, as the ship made it across the Atlantic without incident. After two months, the party landed in South Carolina in mid-June, 1777.  The crew first encountered a group of slaves working to collect oysters along the shore.  These men guided them to the nearest plantation owned by Major Benjamin Huger.

The landing party was met with barking dogs and guns pointed at them.  Huger thought they were a British landing party.  Once they convinced him of who they were, he invited them into his home and welcomed them.  After obtaining local pilots, the ship then made its way to Charleston.  Lafayette, de Kalb, and a few other officers opted to travel overland, some on horseback, some walking.

The group reached Charleston on June 17.  When the group first arrived after their march, they probably looked rather scruffy.  Many other French would-be officers had passed through Charleston.  Many had been failures, without any real military abilities, looking for opportunities in America.  At first, Charleston gave this group the cold shoulder.  But after their ship arrived the following day, they realized these were men of substance who could be a real help to the cause.  The group enjoyed eight days of feasts and celebrations with the town’s elite.

There, Lafayette donated most of the supplies he had brought with him to the South Carolina militia.  The French officers  met with John Rutledge, then President of South Carolina.  They also inspected the defenses with General William Moultrie.  Both men, like Lafayette, were also freemasons, which helped to create an instant bond between the men.

After that, the French officers made their way overland to Philadelphia, a trip taking many more weeks.  Along the way, they stopped in North Carolina to meet with governor Richard Caswell.

Philadelphia

On July 27, the group finished its 650 mile journey to Philadelphia.  They arrived on a Sunday, when Congress was not in session.  Still eager to make contact, they sought out President John Hancock at his home.  Hancock blew off the group and said they should seek out Robert Morris, who headed the committee that dealt with French relations.

Johann de Kalb
(from Wikimedia)

On Monday morning, the French delegation put on their dress uniforms and presented their credentials to Congress.  Their welcome was less than expected.  The three would-be major generals were, in Lafayette’s words, “treated like dogs.”  They were left standing out in the street in front of Independence Hall for some time.  Eventually two delegates, Robert Morris and James Lovell (who spoke French) came to speak with them outside.  Morris informed them that Deane had exceeded his authority in offering them commissions as major generals.  Congress was interested in getting a few officers with engineering experience, but that was it. They gave the group, who had expected to be greeted as heroes, a nice thanks but no thanks and asked to leave.

Congress was simply in no mood for more French officers at this time.  The two french officers who had already received commissions as generals in the Continental Army, de Borre and Fermoy had both proven disasters.  You may recall General Fermoy had run away from the enemy at first site near Trenton, leaving his regiment on its own, and had just recently set his cabin on fire at Mount Independence, thus revealing the secret retreat from Fort Ticonderoga.

A few months before Lafayette had arrived in Philadelphia, Charles Tronson du Coudray had come with another commission from Dean promising to make him a major general as well.  Courdray had proven arrogant and demanding, insisting that he be made commander of artillery, along with an expensive salary.  American generals, who by this time had combat experience and were leading their armies, were offended by the idea that a bunch of Frenchmen could be given command over them.  Several of them, including generals Knox, Sullivan, and Greene, threatened to resign.

Washington and Lafayette Meet (from Wikimedia)

In late July, Congress was still in negotiations with du Coudray over what position he could get.  They were not interested in his leadership, but also did not want to offend France by telling him to pound sand.  In the middle of all this, these three additional would-be major generals showed up on Congress’ doorstep demanding their promised commissions as well.  So this background explains the cold shoulder that Lafayette and his companions received.  Congress was in no mood to have its army led by a bunch of French adventurers.

Lafayette was not ready to take no for an answer.  He met with several delegates, including Robert Morris who was focused on building an alliance with France. Lafayette convinced them of his ardor for the cause, but also made clear he would serve as a volunteer, without pay.  Not only that, he would pay the salaries of the French officers who served as his aides.  It also helped that Benjamin Franklin had sent a letter to Congress saying that given Lafayette’s position and his family’s importance in France, this commission was important to America’s relationship with France.  On July 31, three days after his arrival in Philadelphia, Congress changed its tune and agreed to assign the new volunteer major general to Washington’s staff.

A few days later, General Washington came to brief Congress on the British army, then approaching Philadelphia.  Washington and Lafayette met at a dinner and hit it off immediately.  The commander invited new officer to inspect the city defenses that evening, which thrilled Lafayette.  The two men walked and talked that evening.  One could almost hear them say I think this is the beginning of a beautiful friendship.

Cont. Maj. Gen. Lafayette
(from Wikimedia)

For the other would-be generals, the beginning was not quite so smooth.  A few weeks after Lafayette’s appointment, Congress gave du Coudray a commission as Inspector General, which gave him his generalship, but left him outside the immediate command structure.  In doing so, Congress merely put off what was going to be a major confrontation for control of the Army’s artillery.  Du Coudray conveniently ended this potential confrontation a month later when his horse fell into a river and he drowned.

General de Kalb was offended not only by the rejection, but also the fact that Congress honored Lafayette’s commission despite the fact that Lafayette was a far lower ranking and less experienced officer.  De Kalb advised Lafayette to take his commission, even though the young man offered to resign out of protest for Congress denying a commission to de Kalb.  After his rejection, de Kalb simply asked that Congress pay for his return trip to France.

Over the next couple of months, Congress kept de Kalb cooling his heels.  During that time, de Kalb proved to be not quite so arrogant and argumentative as du Coudray.  Several members began to warm up to the idea of granting him a commission.  In mid-September, about the time du Coudray drowned and the British were moving in on Philadelphia, Congress offered a commission as major general to de Kalb. At that point, de Kalb put several conditions on his acceptance.  One being that he be given retroactive seniority to be ahead of Lafayette.  Another was an appointment of his aide as a major, and finally that his wife would receive a pension if he died during the war.  Finally, Congress accepted his terms.  By October, de Kalb joined Washington’s army in the field shortly before the army retreated to Valley Forge.

The Viscount de Mauroy never received his promised commission.  He returned to France, embittered by his experience and had nothing good to say about the Continental Congress or America generally.

Next week: General Howe begins his campaign to take Philadelphia.

- - -

Next Episode 150 Howe Leaves New York

Previous Episode 148 Murder of Jane McCrea

Click here to donate

American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.

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Further Reading 

Websites

Continental Generals by Date of Commission: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1iOYFGKDt4O_EaKd30KnSx69u3_gHEVCyJZD-ZRVPul4

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 1, 1934, pp. 1–32. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209160

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire(Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 2, 1934, pp. 144–178. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209168

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 3, 1934, pp. 212–245. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209175

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued)” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 4, 1934, pp. 275–311. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44209181

Letter, John Adams to Abigail Adams, August 24, 1777, Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/04-02-02-0263
.

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Adams, John Quincy Life of General Lafayette, Napis & Cornish 1847.

Crow, Martha Foote Lafayette, The MacMillan Company, 1918.

Headley, P. C. The Life of the General Lafayette, Marquis of France, General in the United States Army, etc., C. M. Saxton, 1860.

Howe, Archibald Murray Colonel John Brown, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, the Brave Accuser of Benedict Arnold, Geo. H. Ellis Co. 1908.

Kapp, Friedrich The Life of John Kalb, Major-General in the Revolutionary Army, H. Holt & Co. 1884.

Lowery, Robert A Complete History of the Marquis de Lafayette, self-published, 1826.

Smith, John Spear Memoir of the Baron de Kalb, Maryland Historical Society, 1858.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Beakes, John De Kalb: One of the Revolutionary War's Bravest Generals,  Heritage Books, 2019

Leepson, Marc Lafayette, Lessons in Leadership from the Idealist General, Palgrave-MacMillion, 2011.

Aurichio, Laura The Marquis: Lafayette Reconsidered, Knopf, 2014 (book recommendation of the week).

Unger, Harlow Giles Lafayette, Wiley, 2002.


* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.