Sunday, June 7, 2020

Episode 152 Fort Stanwix and Oriskany


Last week we left the British army under General Barry St. Leger, comprised mostly of New York Loyalist militia and Iroquois warriors under Sir John Johnson and Joseph Brant, preparing to besiege Fort Stanwix.  They faced a garrison commanded by Colonel Peter Gansevoort and Lieutenant Colonel Marinus Willett with about 750 Continentals and militia.  St. Leger’s force far outnumbered the garrison and there did not seem to be any hope of the retreating Continental Army sending any relief anytime soon.

This, however, is where home-court advantage really matters.  There were still a great many local patriot militia in the area.  General Nicholas Herkimer mustered his militia at Fort Dayton, in what is today known as Herkimer, New York, about thirty miles from Fort Stanwix.

Battle of Oriskany

General Herkimer assembled a militia force of a little over 700 men to march to Fort Stanwix and relieve the siege.  With the militia were several dozen Oneida warriors, perhaps as many as one hundred.  While the Oneida continued to profess neutrality, they were on friendly terms with the local patriots and deemed the invasion of their land by the St. Leger Expedition as an act of war against the Oneida tribe.

Herkimer was reluctant to advance. Even if his relief force reached Fort Stanwix and combined with the garrison already there and under siege, their combined force was still smaller than the nearly 2000 enemy soldiers, many of whom were fearsome native warriors who fought ferociously and did not take prisoners.  Of further concern, he had tried to send instructions to the fort to signal the relief column.  The plan was that the garrison would sally out and attack the besieging force at the same time the relief column was attacking.  If the garrison did not get his message, Herkimer’s relief column might have to face the much larger enemy force on their own.

General Herkimer at Oriskany (from Wikimedia)
They could very well be marching into a slaughter.  During a council of war held at daybreak on August 6, Herkimer cautioned that it would make sense to halt and await the arrival of more Continentals so that the larger force could overwhelm and defeat the enemy, or at least wait until they heard a signal from the fort that they had received his orders.

His officers and men, however, would have none of that.  These men were ready for a fight.  Waiting around, possibly for weeks might allow the fort to fall.  Even worse, native warriors loyal to the crown were already beginning to launch small raids on isolated farmhouses and villages where their wives and children lived.  These raids would only get worse if the militia did not act now.  The militiamen pushed back at Herkimer, implying that he was a coward or a traitor if he did not attack.  By some accounts, they brought up the fact that Herkimer’s brother was fighting with the enemy and that he perhaps shared his brother’s loyalist tendencies.  In the end, Herkimer probably realized that his men were marching forward with or without him, so he led his men forward.

Back in the British lines, Joseph Brant received word from his sister, who was still living among the patriots, that a group of about 800 had marched to relieve Fort Stanwix.  General St. Leger kept most of his regulars around the fort, but sent most of his army’s Tory militia and native warriors to attack the relief column.  Sir John Johnson was given command of this force, but Joseph Brant effectively commanded the bulk of the force made up of native warriors.

The British identified a spot along the King’s Highway from Fort Dayton, about six miles from Fort Stanwix.  The highway itself was a rough dirt trail cut through the heavily wooded area.  The location they chose was a point where the trail dipped into a ravine, and where two streams created a low marshy area.  This was near the Oneida village of Oriskany.

The plan was to wait until the patriot column was entirely in the ravine.  Johnson’s Royal Yorker militia would remain hidden in the center of the line and would stop the enemy column.  Native warriors would be hidden in the woods on both sides of the trail and would fall on the patriot militia in hand to hand combat.  Brant would take another small force of natives behind the column to capture the baggage wagons and cut off retreat.  With this, the British force would have effectively surrounded the enemy and would gradually wipe them out in a battle where they would take no prisoners.

By mid-morning the British ambush was in place and the American column was beginning to enter the ravine.  Many of the newly appointed Indian chiefs were relatively young warriors without much experience, at least in larger battles.  They did not wait for the signal, but instead gave a battle cry and rushed their warriors against the head of the column before all the Americans had entered the ravine.  This prevented the British from surrounding the entire column and cutting them off from retreat.

Battle of Oriskany (from Old Print Shop)
For the next hour or so, brutal hand to hand fighting took place.  The militia on both sides were rough frontiersmen who knew the brutality of Indian fighting.  At the initial attack, some of the patriots turned and ran.  Almost all of these men were chased down, killed, and scalped by the attacking warriors.  Those who held their ranks quickly formed into small defensive circles to engage with the enemy.  Most of the fighting was hand to hand, with both sides armed with tomahawks and hunting knives.  Many used their rifles and muskets as clubs to beat the enemy to death.

The brutality was not simply between natives and militia.  Many of the militia on both sides knew each other.  Both had lived together in Tryon County as neighbors before the war.  Many of them even had family in the enemy camp.  For many, the years of fighting, bullying and atrocities by both sides had grown into a red hot hatred of their opponents.  The battle brought out years of frustrated anger at the other side.  The combat took on a ferocity rarely equaled in this war, and the idea of surrender or taking prisoners was not a consideration.

Early in the fighting, General Herkimer took a shot in the leg.  To make matters worse, his horse was also shot and fell on his injured leg.  Herkimer refused to be carried from the field, but instead lay under a tree on a nearby hill and continued to direct his men.

As the battle raged, a fierce thunderstorm poured onto the battlefield.  This forced both sides to take shelter temporarily and created a lull in the fighting.  The Americans took advantage of the lull to regroup on a small hill where they could form a better defensive perimeter.  They also adapted their tactics.  Many of the American militia were armed with rifles and had been shooting independently.  The Indians took advantage of this tactic by waiting until a soldier fired and identified his position by a puff of smoke from his rifle.  An Indian warrior would then charge the soldier and kill him in hand to hand combat before he could reload.  The officers instructed their militia to stay in pairs, so that only one man would fire at a time.  The other would always have a loaded weapon so that if an Indian rushed them, they could shoot down the attacker.

At one point, several dozen loyalist militia arrived as reinforcements.  British officers instructed them to turn their coats inside out and pose as patriot militia and march into the enemy lines.  This almost worked, until one of the patriot officers recognized a former neighbor who he knew to be a loyalist and had his men open fire on them.

Raid from Fort Stanwix

As the battle of Oriskany, as it was later called, raged, the garrison inside Fort Stanwix had received Herkimer’s orders and could hear the gunfire a few miles away.  The fort’s second in command, Colonel Willet, organized a raiding party of his own.  About 250 men left the fort to raid the nearby enemy camps.

The Americans found the camps nearly abandoned.  They chased off the guards as well as the wives and children of the native warriors. The Americans plundered the camps for food, supplies, and anything of value. They stole or destroyed everything they could.  The British regulars did engage with the raiding force and there was some considerable gunfire.  The sound of gunfire near the camp concerned the British forces engaged at Oriskany that another battle was taking place back at the fort while their forces were divided.

By early afternoon, word of the raids on their camps reached soldiers still fighting at Oriskany.  The native forces at Oriskany began to fade back into the forest and make their way back to the fort.  The loyalist militia, seeing their allies leave the field, pulled back themselves.  This allowed the patriot forces to withdraw as well.  The bloodied remnants of Herkimer’s militia army returned to Fort Dayton.

Hanyery, Oneida Chief at Oriskany
(from Oneida Nation)
In terms of percentages of casualties for the Americans, the Battle of Oriskany was one of the bloodiest of the Revolution.  The British had been successful in their ambush, inflicting massive casualties on the patriot militia.  Of roughly 800 Americans engaged, about half were killed, another hundred or so were wounded, captured, or missing.  Very few of those were captured.  Anyone wounded or trying to surrender was typically killed and scalped on the spot.

The British casualties were relatively light, and mostly among the Indians.  The British only listed seven killed, with a few dozen wounded, captured or missing.  It is likely that most of the missing were dead as the British left the field in a hurry and could not look for bodies in the heavily wooded underbush.  The native casualties were not reported but were likely in the dozens.

So the battle of Oriskany was a tactical victory for the British. Although they did not entirely wipe out the relief column, they had inflicted massive casualties and forced it to withdraw.  St. Leger could continue his siege of the beleaguered and isolated Fort Stanwix.

The battle, however, did not go over well with the Indian forces that made up the majority of St. Leger’s army.  The warriors had joined with the understanding that the British regulars and provincial militia would do most of the fighting and that the natives would be in more of a support role.  At Oriskany, St. Leger had kept his regulars at Fort Stanwix and allowed the natives to do most of the fighting.

Probably of greater significance was the raid on their camps while they were fighting.  Many of the Indians had lost most of their possessions in that raid.  This was a matter of life and death.  Warriors who spent the summer season fighting relied on what they captured to provide them and their families with food and other necessities to get through the next winter.  The loss of their possessions could very well mean their death from starvation or exposure if they could not replace them before winter.

Further, the siege of the fort did not seem to be ready to end anytime soon.  Brant had recommended that they pursue and continue to attack the retreating American relief column.  St. Leger refused to accept the recommendation and ordered the natives back to besieging the fort.

Mohawk Valley (from Rev War US)
Indians were not happy to sit around and wait for something to happen at the fort.  They preferred to be plundering less well-defended enemies elsewhere, where they could collect booty and scalps.  As a result several hundred of the Indian warriors left St. Leger in search of other opportunities.  Despite the departure of some Indians, the majority remained with St. Leger and continued the siege.

The battle of Oriskany would have a greater long term impact on the Iroquois more generally.  Brant, as a Mohawk chief, was upset that the Oneida, his fellow Iroquois, had fought with the patriots against his warriors in the battle.  Brant sent the Oneida a bloody hatchet, indicating he considered his Mohawk at war with his former allies.

The Mohawk would burn an Oneida village in retaliation.  The Oneida dropped their neutrality completely and threw in with the patriots, attacking Mohawk and Seneca villages in Western New York.  Eventually, the smaller number of Mohawk and Seneca in New York would have to move north to Canada where there were larger tribes that could defend against Oneida raids.  This civil war, however, marked the end of centuries of Iroquois cooperation and confederation.

Arnold’s Relief

On August 8, two days after the battle of Oriskany, General Schuyler received word that  Herkimer’s relief column had failed to take the fort and had retreated with heavy casualties.  Schuyler held a council of war to discuss the fate of Fort Stanwix.  The majority of the Continental leadership present believed that Fort Stanwix would go the way of Fort Ticonderoga and fall to the British.

You have to remember, at this time Schuyler and his Continentals were trying to find some way to stop General Burgoyne’s much larger army from reaching Albany.  Schuyler’s army was already smaller than Burgoyne’s.  He could not afford to divide his forces and send thousands of Continentals off to the west to rescue the outpost at Fort Stanwix.  Most of his officers agreed.
Gen. Herkimer at Oriskany
(from Wikimedia)

Among the dissenters was the newly arrived Major General Benedict Arnold, whom Washington had sent to supplement the leadership in the northern army.  Arnold had arrived at Fort Edward on July 24.  Schuyler had given him command of one wing of the northern army, while retaining command of the other wing for himself.  Over the next couple of weeks, Arnold had used his men to chop down large trees to cover the road from Fort Ann, forcing the British to spend days clearing the roads, and reducing the British advance to about one mile per day as the Continentals awaited more reinforcements.

At the council of war, Arnold argued that if St. Leger took Fort Stanwix, the British would capture the Mohawk Valley and their Indian allies would ravage the people there.  St. Leger’s advancing army would inevitably force the Continentals to divide their defenses to prevent St. Leger from joining up with Burgoyne.  Better to do it now when they could rely on the help of the Fort Stanwix garrison to defeat St. Leger.

Schuyler asked for a brigadier general to lead a relief force.  When none of them volunteered, Arnold offered to give up the command of his wing of the army in order to lead the relief force himself.  On August 13, Arnold set out with 900 Continentals to relieve Fort Stanwix.

His first stop was German Flatts, a small down a few miles south of Fort Dayton and a little over thirty miles from Fort Stanwix.  There, he tried to recruit a larger army by reaching out to the local militia and to the Tuscarora and Oneida tribes.  But this was just a week after the Battle of Oriskany, and these groups were still licking their wounds.  Arnold remained in German Flatts for a few days, attempting to recruit a larger army, but only collected about 100 militia.

Aronold could not wait forever.  St. Leger was slowly digging zig zag trenches ever closer to Fort Stanwix’s walls.  Within a few days, his guns would be close enough to take down the walls and breach the fort itself.  If Arnold was going to save the fort, he would have to act soon.

On August 20, Arnold tried a bit of bluster to get St. Leger to give up the siege.  First he issued a proclamation that, in light of what the British had done at Oriskany, if St. Leger did not surrender within ten days, his army would receive no mercy.

Benedict Arnold
(from Wikimedia)
There were several loyalist prisoners at German Flatts who had been sentenced to death for attempting to stir up a loyalist revolt in and join St. Leger.  Among them was a man named Han-Yost Schuyler (no relation to General Phillip Schuyler) who was described as a half-wit.  His mother and brother begged Arnold to spare his life.

Arnold agreed, on the condition that Schuyler go into the American lines and warn them that the Americans were coming with thousands of soldiers to wipe out the British garrison.  They took Schuyler’s jacket, shot it full of holes and then sent him to Fort Stanwix.  To ensure he went through with his mission, Arnold held his brother as a hostage and sent an Oneida scout to follow Schuyler to the fort.

Many of the local Mohawk knew Schuyler.  According to some stories they already thought he was protected by the gods.  I guess anyone who could survive as a half-wit in that rough country must have some divine protection.  When they saw his bullet ridden coat and not a mark on him, this only furthered their view.  True to his word, Schuyler told the Mohawk that Arnold, who they called Dark Eagle and already feared as a military leader, said that he was approaching with a large army with as many men as there were trees in the forest.  The warriors took him to St. Leger where he said Arnold had a force of about 2000, or more than double his actual numbers, and that he would be at Fort Stanwix within 24 hours.

To follow up, the Oneida scout that had followed Schuyler to the fort also talked to the Mohawk warriors, convincing them that Arnold was focused on the British regulars and the militia, that he would not take out his vengeance on the Mohawk if they stood down.  The Mohawk also brought this warrior to St. Leger.  He not only confirmed Schuyler’s story that Arnold would arrive within a day, but that his force was much larger than the 2000 men Schuyler had said were under Arnold’s command.

With this news, the Mohawk, who were already unhappy with the siege, insisted that they leave immediately.  St. Leger attempted to get them to stay another day so that he could verify the stories, but the Indians would have none of it.  They were going to leave immediately.

As they departed, the Mohawk felt the British promises made to them had fallen short.  Many turned against their allies.  Since the Americans had looted the Indian camps, the warriors looted the British camps, stealing liquor, clothing, and other supplies.  Fear of Arnold’s approaching army and the attack of their own Mohawk allies, led the rest of St. Leger’s army to panic and run away.  This was not just a retreat, the army abandoned its tents, most of its supplies, and its field artillery as the frightened soldiers fled back to Fort Oswego on the shore of Lake Ontario.  As the army fled, drunken Mohawk warriors killed and scalped any of their former allies who fell into their hands.  Some of the besieging army, fearing for their lives, ran to Fort Stanwix and surrendered as prisoners.

Thus ended the Siege of Fort Stanwix on August 22.  St. Leger tried to make the best story out of what happened.  He reported later that his army withdrew in the face of 3000 Continentals sent to break the siege.  He said they would retrace their advance back to Montreal, and then move down Lake Champlain to rejoin Burgoyne’s army from that direction.

Arnold was still more than a day’s march away when he received word that St. Leger’s army was fleeing in disarray.  He pushed his men to arrive on the evening of August 23.  Arnold immediately sent out a 500 man force to pursue the fleeing British, but heavy rains slowed the pursuit.

Although St. Leger soon learned that Arnold had nowhere near the number of soldiers that had been reported, there was no way at that point to re-engage since the native allies were in no mood to go back and his regulars and militia had abandoned their artillery and supplies.

Arnold left about half the garrison at Fort Stanwix.  He took the rest along with his relief column and rushed back to Fort Edward to join the main northern army in its efforts to halt Burgoyne’s Army.

But before we can get to that next chapter of the Saratoga campaign, we are going to return south next week as General Sullivan attacks the British garrison at Staten Island.

- - -

Next Episode 153 Staten Island and Satauket

Previous Episode 151 The St. Leger Expedition

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Further Reading

Websites

Sawyer, William The 1777 Siege of Fort Schuyler:
https://www.nps.gov/fost/learn/historyculture/the-1777-siege-of-fort-schuyler.htm

Sawyer, William The Battle at Oriska https://www.nps.gov/fost/learn/historyculture/the-battle-at-oriska.htm

Bleiweiss, Sam “The Downfall of the Iroquis” Emery Endeavors in History, 2013:
http://history.emory.edu/home/documents/endeavors/volume5/gunpowder-age-v-bleiweis.pdf

Iroquois History: https://www.tolatsga.org/iro.html

Nicholas Herkimer: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/biographies/nicholas-herkimer

Shannon, Thomas The Palatine Roots of an Early American Hero, October 3, 2016:
http://hudsonriverzeitgeist.com/home/2016/10/3/the-palatine-roots-of-an-early-american-hero

Scott, John Albert. “JOSEPH BRANT AT FORT STANWIX AND ORISKANY.” New York History, vol. 19, no. 4, 1938, pp. 399–406:. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/23134619

Jacobson, Edna L. “THE HERKIMER FAMILY AND BATTLE OF ORISKANY PORTFOLIO.” New York History, vol. 29, no. 3, 1948, pp. 342–348. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43460298

Bryce, P. H. “SIR JOHN JOHNSON: BARONET; SUPERINTENDENT-GENERAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 1743-1830.” The Quarterly Journal of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 9, no. 3, 1928, pp. 233–271. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43565223

Walker, Mabel Gregory. “Sir John Johnson.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 3, no. 3, 1916, pp. 318–346. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1892244

Nare, Joshua Fort Stanwix: Untenable, or the Key to Defending the Mohawk Valley? Lynchburg: Liberty University Master's Thesis, 2010:
https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1161&context=masters

Drums Along the Mohawk: https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0031252

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bird, Harrison March To Saratoga General Burgoyne And The American Campaign 1777,
Oxford Univ. Press, 1963

Brandow, John H. The Story of Old Saratoga; the Burgoyne Campaign, to Which is Added New York's Share in the Revolution, Brandow Printing, 1919.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website):.

Digby, William The British Invasion from the North: The Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1887.

Hudleston, Francis J. Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne: misadventures of an English general in the Revolution, Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1927.

Luzader, John Decision on the Hudson, National Park Service, 1975.

Robertaccio, Joseph (ed) Documents Relating to the Battle of Oriskany and the Siege of Fort Stanwix, self-published, 2013 (PDF from Fort Plank).

Roberts, Ellis H. The Battle of Oriskany: Its Place in History, Utica: Roberts H. Ellis & Co. 1877.

Stone, William Leete (ed) Orderly book of Sir John Johnson during the Oriskany Campaign, 1776-1777, Albany: J. Munsell's Sons, 1882.

Stone, William Leete, The Campaign of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne  and the expedition of Lieut. Col. Barry St. Leger, Albany, NY: Joel Munsell, 1877.

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe Historical Considerations on the Siege and Defence of Fort Stanwix, in 1776 [1777], New-York Historical Society, 1846.

Stone, William L. Border Wars of the American Revolution, Vol. 1, Harper & Brothers, 1845.

Tracy, Marion Emma Fort Stanwix and our Flag, Utica, N.Y., The Utica Deutsche zeitung printing house, 1914.

Walworth, Ellen H. Battles of Saratoga, 1777; the Saratoga Monument Association, 1856-1891, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1891.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Boehlert, Paul A. The Battle of Oriskany and General Nicholas Herkimer: Revolution in the Mohawk Valley, History Press, 2013

Cooney, Michael Neither Rebel Nor Tory: Hanyost Schuyler & The Siege of Fort Stanwix, Createspace Publishing, 2007.

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Kelsay, Isabel Thompson Joseph Brant, 1743-1807, Man of Two Worlds, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1984.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk, The Saratoga Campaign and the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2010.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk. Volume II: The Mohawk Valley Campaign in the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2012 (book recommendation of the week).

Lowenthal, William Days of Siege: A Journal of the Siege of Fort Stanwix in 1777, Eastern Acorn Press, 1983.

Luzader, John F. Saratoga: A Military History of the Decisive Campaign of the American Revolution, Casemate Publishers, 2008


Mintz, Max. M. Seeds of Empire: The American Revolutionary Conquest of the Iroquois, NYU Press, 1999.

Randall, Willard Sterne Benedict Arnold Patriot and Traitor, Dorsett Press, 1990.

Ranzan, David A and Matthew J. Hollis (eds) Hero of Fort Schuyler: Selected Revolutionary War Correspondence of Brigadier General Peter Gansevoort, Jr., McFarland, 2014.

Watt, Gavin K. Rebellion in the Mohawk Valley: The St. Leger Expedition of 1777, Dundern, 2002.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 31, 2020

Episode 151 St. Leger Expedition


For the last couple of weeks, our attention turned to Philadelphia.  But before that we were following General Johnny Burgoyne as his army moved into New York and reached the Hudson River.  Burgoyne has also sent a second force on a different route led by General Barry St. Leger.  Today we are going to take a look at St. Leger’s campaign.

St. Leger Leaves Montreal

I gave a little background about General St. Leger back in Episode 143. Barrimore Matthew St. Leger was an Irish born son of a noble protestant family.  He had extensive experience in Canada during the French and Indian War and had risen to Lieutenant Colonel by the beginning of the Revolutionary War.  On this mission, he had a temporary rank as brigadier general and an independent command.

St. Leger movements in green. (from Rev War US)
General Burgoyne had been moving the main army from Canada down Lake Champlain to Fort Ticonderoga and then on to the Hudson River, where he planned to move on Albany.  At that same time, General St. Leger would take his smaller force up the St. Lawrence River to Lake Ontario.  From there, his force would move east through the Mohawk Valley with the intent of linking up with General Burgoyne’s army at Albany.

St. Leger’s smaller force consisted of two regiments of British Regulars, about 80 German Jaeger’s and about 100 French laborers.  But the bulk of his army consisted of local loyalists and Native Americans.

Sir John Johnson

Accompanying St. Leger was Lieutenant Colonel Sir John Johnson.  For Sir John, this trip was a homecoming. He was the son of Sir William Johnson who I had mentioned in earlier episodes. William Johnson had been the Indian agent in the region for many decades.  Sir William was an adopted member of the Iroquois tribe and had an Iroquois mistress.  He was also a large landholder in western New York and a major general in the Tryon County militia.

Sir John had been born and raised in New York.  He had close relationships with the Iroquois as well as his fellow colonists.  At the age of thirteen Sir John had gone off to war with his father, in the French and Indian War.  He also helped his father with the treaty negotiations following Pontiac’s Rebellion.  In 1768 he was present at Fort Stanwix when his father, as British agent, negotiated a treaty with the Iroquois defining borders for both the natives and colonists.

Sir John Johnson
(from McCord Museum)
Sir John had also visited England for several years and was knighted by George III.  When Sir William died in 1774, Sir John inherited his father’s vast estate in the Mohawk Valley.  He also inherited Sir William’s command of the Tryon County militia.  Sir John also assisted his cousin Sir Guy Johnson who inherited Sir William’s position as Superintendent of Indian Affairs in North America.

Like his father, John Johnson was an outspoken Tory and a supporter of the King.  As the patriots began to take power in 1775, Sir John remained in New York but kept a low profile.  He had to abandon his estates and flee to Canada in early 1776, escaping a patriot militia party sent to arrest him.

From Montreal, he organized the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, sometimes called the “King’s Yorkers.” This loyalist regiment comprised mostly fellow New York Loyalists who had fled their homes when the patriots took over the state.  Now, these soldiers hoped to reclaim their homes and secure the colony for the King.  About 350 loyalists joined St. Leger in his effort to take back western New York from the rebels.

Joseph Brant

Also joining the expedition was Joseph Brant, also known as Thayendanega, a Mohawk Chief who was the brother-in-law of John Johnson’s father. Sir William’s Iroquois mistress / common law wife was Molly Brant, Joseph’s older sister.

Brant fought in several battles during the French and Indian war under the leadership of Sir William.  Since his father had died when he was an infant and his stepfather died when he was a young teenager, Joseph became close to Sir William.  He was about the same age as William’s son John, so the two men grew up together.

Joseph Brant, 1776
(from Wikimedia)
Brant attended in Indian school in Connecticut, where he learned the English language and customs.  He also taught the Mohawk language to a missionary.  He had planned to attend King’s College in New York (later Columbia University) but just after Pontiac’s Rebellion, relations between Indians and colonists were not the best.  Instead, he opted to return to upstate New York.  Brant fought in several more military campaigns under Sir William, mostly against tribes that defied Iroquois rule.  During this same period, Brant took an Oneida wife and spent time translating the bible into Mohawk language.  With the support of Sir William, Brant became a Mohawk Chief in 1774.

In 1775, Brant traveled to London to meet with Lord Germain.  Their talks focused on the colonial encroachment onto Iroquois land.  Germain promised Brant and the Iroquois the support of the British government against the colonial land grabs.  While in London, Brant met with King George III and joined the Freemasons.  Confident in the support of the government, Brant returned to America in 1776 with the British fleet that was headed to New York.  Brant fought at the Battle of Long Island.

After that, Brant made his way back to Iroquois territory.  There, he raised an army of about 300 warriors and 100 loyalists who opposed patriot movements in their territory.

After about a year of this, Brant participated in an Iroquois council to determine whether the Iroquois Confederation would remain neutral in the war between the British and colonists, or whether they would support the British government.  Brant was a strong supporter of the latter, arguing that sitting out the war would mean the government would be less inclined to protect tribal lands later.  The colonists were taking land.  The British government vowed to protect their land.  Brant thought supporting the British was an easy call.  The Council could not really come to any agreement.  In the end, some of the tribes, particularly the Mohawk and Seneca fought with the British.  The Oneida and Tuscarora for the most part threw in their lot with the patriots.

Brant departed the conference in time to bring hundreds of Mohawk warriors to the St. Leger expedition.  He caught up with the expedition after it had left Montreal.

With Brant’s arrival, the native warriors made up more than half of the roughly 2000 man force under St. Leger.  Because of the close relationships between native and colonial leaders like Johnson and Brant, there was a much better level of cooperation between the two groups than we would see in Burgoyne’s army.  St. Leger had little experience commanding native warriors, but relied on his colonial officers to keep the diverse collection of soldiers working and fighting together.

Indian Warfare in the Northwest

Before St. Leger’s army reaches its goal, I think it is important to give a little more attention to the role of Native Americans in the fighting.  As the examples of John Johnson and Joseph Brant provide there were many men who were comfortable living in both the provincial and native cultures. In many ways these two cultures were greatly intermingled.  Both relied on trade with the other.  There was a great deal of interaction.  Neither group lived in isolation of the other.  Many got along quite well and even intermarried.

Fort Detroit (from Detroit Public Library)
At the same time, there was a reasonable amount of fear and distrust of the other. Native tribes were continually in fear of settlers taking more of their land, despite treaties to the contrary.  Many settlers lived in fear of Indian attacks, sometimes as part of a larger campaign, other times just isolated renegades looking to rape and pillage.

As the rebellion grew, both sides attempted to get local tribes to ally with their side, or at least not join into an alliance with the enemy. As I mentioned earlier, Guy Johnson served as Superintendent of Indian Affairs.  Guy came to America from Ireland as a young teenager to join his Uncle William in the Mohawk Valley.  He married Sir William’s daughter whose mother was one of Sir William’s many Iroquois mistresses.

Guy is critical to British-Native relations in this region, but was sidelined for the coming events.  He had traveled to London a couple of years earlier along with Joseph Brant. He had gone because another British Indian agent in Canada, John Campbell, claimed jurisdiction as Superintendent there.  Guy went to plead his case to officials in London, but they upheld that Sir Guy’s authority covered only New York, not Canada.  When he and Brant returned with the British fleet to New York City in 1776, the patriots had taken over upstate New York.  Guy was asked to remain in New York City rather than go back to Canada for fear of getting into a leadership tussle with Campbell.  So Guy was stuck in New York City while the entire Burgoyne and St. Leger armies were deployed in upstate New York.

I mention all this to underscore the fact that native support was not simply an afterthought.  The British gave great attention to maintaining good relations with the native tribes in times of peace and encouraging their cooperation in times of war.  We mostly hear about the natives when they are serving alongside British soldiers, as they were in the St. Leger Expedition.  But this was only one small part of much larger British efforts to make use of their Indian subjects.

British agents in the western frontier had spent much of 1776 encouraging native tribes to attack colonists living in their territories.  Traditionally, warriors had avoided larger attacks on towns for fear that the British would send armies of devastation and take even more tribal land.  This had been a common trend as I’ve discussed previously.  See, Episode 15 the Anglo-Cherokee War, Episode 19 response to Pontiac’s Uprising, Episode 44 Lord Dunmore’s War, and Episode 102 The Cherokee War as examples.  Most tribes knew that going to war against colonists usually would end badly for the tribes.

But with the British government encouraging war now, many warriors were emboldened to act, at least in smaller raids.  A great many Shawnee, Mingo and Delaware warriors began attacking settlers in outposts throughout the Ohio Valley.  This includes modern day West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and even parts of western Maryland and Pennsylvania.  The Americans had considered sending in armies of retaliation, but were concerned that doing so might only encourage the much larger numbers of warriors who had remained neutral to take up arms against the patriots.

By early 1777 Congress deployed newly promoted Brigadier General Edward Hand, who had fought with distinction in the Princeton campaign, to go to Fort Pitt in Western Pennsylvania.  They also deployed several regiments and much-needed munitions and supplies in preparation for raids into the Ohio Valley if necessary.

Around this same time, Lord Germain was sending orders to General Carleton about Burgoyne’s mission and orders to Carleton to encourage friendly tribes to engage in raids along the Pennsylvania and Virginia frontier so that the Continentals would have to divert more men and resources there and away from upstate New York.

In 1775 London had created civil offices for lieutenant governors for western outposts.  These  included Detroit, in what is today Michigan, Vincennes, in what is today Indiana, and Kaskaskia in what is today Illinois.  The main job of these officials was to encourage tribes in their areas to support the King and go to war against the rebels.

Sir Henry Hamilton
(from Wikimedia)
In June 1777, Henry Hamilton, who was stationed in Detroit, convened a council of tribes to encourage warriors to attack the rebels.  He provided weapons and gifts.  Some of these warriors went to Montreal to join up with Burgoyne and St. Leger, but most would attack outposts in the Ohio Valley.  To encourage this, Hamilton offered to pay for rebel scalps, a practice for which he later became known among the Indians as “hair buyer.”

While these attacks became a terror for settlers living on the frontier, they remained an irritant to the American war effort overall.  The Americans would eventually have to respond, but that will be at a later time.  I will cover those more in future episodes.

The patriots also attempted diplomatic efforts with various tribes, although they did not have the diplomats and ability to provide gifts and incentives that the British did.  As a result, the patriots focused mostly on encouraging only the tribes who lived most closely among them to ally themselves, or at least agree to remain neutral in the fighting.

General Philip Schuyler had spent a great deal of his command meeting and negotiating with the Iroquois and other tribes in upstate New York.  The patriots were on fairly good terms with the Oneida tribe, which was one of the smaller Iroquois tribes, but whose land would be the main area where St. Leger’s army would confront the Americans.

Fort Stanwix

The first target of the St. Leger’s army was Fort Stanwix, which the Americans had renamed Fort Schuyler.  The fort sits in what is today known as the town of Rome, NY.  British General Stanwix had built the fort during the French and Indian War to protect access to the Mohawk and Hudson Rivers from a western attack.  After the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768, the fort was abandoned as it was inside Iroquois territory.

The unoccupied fort fell into disrepair over the next decade.  The patriots reoccupied the fort in 1776 as part of their efforts to prevent a British invasion from Canada.  By early 1777, the fort still was not in terribly good condition.  The garrison attempted to rebuild defensible walls and brought back cannons from Fort Ticonderoga to use for the fort’s defenses.

Peter Gansevoort

In May 1777, Continental Colonel Peter Gansevoort took command of the fort.  Gansevoort was a young officer in his twenties.  He had come for a Dutch family that had lived in New York for generations.  His brother served as a member of the New York Provincial Congress as a strong advocate for the patriot cause.

Peter Gansevoort
(from Wikimedia)
Before the war began, Peter had joined the Albany County Militia.  Because of his commanding presence and his family connections, General Schuyler had recommended him for a commission as a major in the Continental Army when it began in 1775.  Major Gansevoort participated in the Quebec campaign, but was one of the thousands of soldiers who fell ill and was lying in a sick bed in Montreal when General Montgomery launched the failed attack on Quebec.

After the withdrawal of the American forces in Canada, Gansevoort took command of Fort George in New York.  In November 1776, Congress promoted him to colonel and gave him command of the Third New York Regiment.  Gansevoort had recruited the regiment himself.  In May 1777, Gansevoort took command at Fort Stanwix, which again, the patriots had renamed Fort Schuyler, but I’m going to continue to call Fort Stanwix.

Gansevoort commanded a garrison consisting of his regiment plus other local militia and anyone else they could find, totalling about 550 soldiers at Fort Stanwix.  His second in command was Lieutenant Colonel Marinus Willett, who you may recall played a key role during the Peekskill Raid a few months earlier, see Episode 133.  The Americans had received intelligence about the British expedition to Lake Ontario, and expected that the expedition would attempt to take Fort Stanwix.

Siege of Fort Stanwix Begins

The fort received word of the loss of Fort Ticonderoga and the retreat of the Continental Army.  In June and July, there were several attacks near the fort, including two soldiers who were shot and scalped.  One of them, Captain Gregg, feigned death while being scalped.  After the raiding party had left, Gregg’s dog ran off and found help, getting two civilians fishing nearby to come to his rescue and bring him back to the fort.  A few weeks later, a group of Indians fired on a group of young girls picking berries in the woods, killing two of them.  These attacks were by warriors who had not joined the St. Leger expedition, but were operating on their own, preying on isolated individuals or small groups rather than larger or entrenched garrisons like the fort itself.

Fort Stanwix (modern reconstruction) (from Wikimedia)
Fort Stanwix was in Oneida territory.  The Oneida were friendly toward the patriots, and still maintained their neutrality in the war.  The Oneida were in regular communications with the fort garrison and were just as outraged by these attacks as the garrison itself.  It was believed that these attacks were from other tribes who were working in concert with the British who were scouting the territory.  However no one ever identified any of the attackers.

By July 27, 1777 St. Leger’s expedition had reached Lake Ontario and launched its force inland toward Fort Stanwix.  Less than a week later, on August 2, the advance of the column came within sight of Fort Stanwix.  They arrived just in time to see the last of a supply train enter the fort, raising the garrison’s numbers to over 700 defenders and with enough arms and ammunition to withstand a siege of up to six weeks.  The fort had sufficient food and ammunition, although limited gunpowder would restrict use of the cannons.

On the morning of August 3, General St. Leger demanded the surrender of the fort. After being refused, he began his siege.  Without sufficient cannons to take down the fort walls from a distance, St. Leger relied on his Indians to surround the fort and pick off defenders with their rifles.  Similarly, the defenders used rifles to pick off attackers, leading to a contest of sharp shooters over the following days.

The fort was in a good position to hold out, but ultimately, it would have to fall to the superior force unless a relief column came to its aid.  At this point General Burgoyne had chased most of the American forces to the Hudson River where the Americans were still trying to regroup and defend against this attack by the larger army. The Continentals did not have forces to spare to send to Fort Stanwix.

With neither side able to defeat the other in a direct attack, the two sides settled into a siege.

- - -

Next Episode 152 Fort Stanwix and Oriskany

Previous Episode 150 Howe Leaves New York

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Further Reading

Websites

THAYENDANEGEA (Joseph Brant): http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/thayendanegea_5E.html

Mary Brant: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mary-Brant

Sawyer, William The Six Nations Confederacy During the American Revolution: https://www.nps.gov/fost/learn/historyculture/the-six-nations-confederacy-during-the-american-revolution.htm

Henry Hamilton: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/hamilton_henry_4E.html

Peter Gansevoort: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/biographies/peter-gansevoort

Scott, John Albert. “JOSEPH BRANT AT FORT STANWIX AND ORISKANY.” New York History, vol. 19, no. 4, 1938, pp. 399–406:. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/23134619

Bryce, P. H. “SIR JOHN JOHNSON: BARONET; SUPERINTENDENT-GENERAL OF INDIAN AFFAIRS 1743-1830.” The Quarterly Journal of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 9, no. 3, 1928, pp. 233–271. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43565223

Walker, Mabel Gregory. “Sir John Johnson.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 3, no. 3, 1916, pp. 318–346. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1892244

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Anbury, Thomas Travel through Various Parts of North America, Vol. 1, William Lane, 1789.

Bird, Harrison March To Saratoga General Burgoyne And The American Campaign 1777,
Oxford Univ. Press, 1963

Brandow, John H. The Story of Old Saratoga; the Burgoyne Campaign, to Which is Added New York's Share in the Revolution, Brandow Printing, 1919.

Burgoyne, John A Brief examination of the plan and conduct of the northern expedition in America, in 1777, T. Hookham, 1779.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website):.

Digby, William The British Invasion from the North: The Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1887.

Hudleston, Francis J. Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne: Misadventures of an English General in the Revolution, Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1927.

Luzader, John Decision on the Hudson, National Park Service, 1975.

Nickerson, Hoffman The Turning Point of the Revolution; or, Burgoyne in America, (Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1928 (Hathitrust.org).

Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe Historical Considerations on the Siege and Defence of Fort Stanwix, in 1776 [1777], New-York Historical Society, 1846.

Stone, William Leete (ed) Orderly book of Sir John Johnson during the Oriskany Campaign, 1776-1777, Albany: J. Munsell's Sons, 1882.

Stone, William L. Border Wars of the American Revolution, Vol. 1, Harper & Brothers, 1845.

Stone, William Leete, The Campaign of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne  and the expedition of Lieut. Col. Barry St. Leger, Albany, NY: Joel Munsell, 1877.

Tracy, Marion Emma Fort Stanwix and our Flag, Utica, N.Y., The Utica Deutsche zeitung printing house, 1914.

Walworth, Ellen H. Battles of Saratoga, 1777; the Saratoga Monument Association, 1856-1891, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1891.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Boehlert, Paul A. The Battle of Oriskany and General Nicholas Herkimer: Revolution in the Mohawk Valley, History Press, 2013

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Kelsay, Isabel Thompson Joseph Brant, 1743-1807, Man of Two Worlds, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1984.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk, The Saratoga Campaign and the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2010.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk. Volume II: The Mohawk Valley Campaign in the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2012 (book recommendation of the week).

Luzader, John F. Saratoga: A Military History of the Decisive Campaign of the American Revolution, Casemate Publishers, 2008

Mintz, Max M. The Generals of Saratoga: John Burgoyne and Horatio Gates, Yale Univ. Press, 1990.

Mintz, Max. M. Seeds of Empire: The American Revolutionary Conquest of the Iroquois, NYU Press, 1999.

Ranzan, David A and Matthew J. Hollis (eds) Hero of Fort Schuyler: Selected Revolutionary War Correspondence of Brigadier General Peter Gansevoort, Jr., McFarland, 2014.

Watt, Gavin K. Rebellion in the Mohawk Valley: The St. Leger Expedition of 1777, Dundern, 2002.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 24, 2020

Episode 150 Howe leaves New York


In July 1777, General Howe remained in New York City after the Continentals and militia had pushed his army out of New Jersey six months earlier.  Everyone had expected him to begin to do something by this time.  Typically, campaigns began in the spring.  Most people expected Howe to capture Philadelphia, the largest city in American and the seat of the Continental Congress.  In June, the British had made a couple of feints into Northern New Jersey, resulting in the battle of Short Hills that I talked about back in Episode 140.

But all the real action was happening in upstate New York as General Burgoyne marched his army through the Hudson Valley.  In New York City, General Howe did not make any significant deployments anywhere, not toward Philadelphia, and not up the Hudson Valley toward Burgoyne.  He left everyone to wonder what he was waiting for, and where he would go?

Clinton Returns

On July 5, General Henry Clinton returned to New York from London.  Recall that General Clinton had sailed for London months earlier with the intent of resigning his commission.  General Howe had refused to make use of him and had him sitting in Rhode Island without sufficient forces to take any offensive actions.  When the King refused to accept his resignation, refused to give him the independent command that went to Burgoyne, and ordered him to return to serve as Howe’s second in command for another year, Clinton did as ordered, but was not happy about it.

Sir Henry Clinton
(from Wikimedia)
The day following his arrival in New York, Clinton met with Howe to discuss what he had planned.  Clinton had expected Howe to send a force up the Hudson Valley to support Burgoyne.  When he learned that there was no such plan, the two men argued over that and a range of other things.  Clinton accused Howe of bad mouthing him to people in London for incompetence in his Rhode Island command.  In response, Howe angrily accused Clinton of badmouthing him to people in London for the entire prior year’s campaign.

The two men went back and forth at each other for hours.  It ended with Clinton announcing that he still wished to resign once this campaign was over.  Howe responded that he would be happy to allow him to resign once Howe returned from Philadelphia.

In the meantime, Clinton would be left in command at New York City.  Howe would take the bulk of his army with him, leaving Clinton with a few thousand Hessians and loyalist militia.  Clinton was concerned that it was barely enough to defend New York City from an attack, let alone send any sort of relief force to assist Burgoyne’s army.  That, however, did not seem to be a concern for General Howe.

Heister Leaves

Another general who had clashed with General Howe was Lieutenant General Phillip von Heister, the commander of all Hessian Auxiliaries in America.  Heister had arrived a year earlier when the British were still in Newfoundland.  He had been part of the landing at Staten Island and the subsequent capture of New York City and the surrounding area.

Heister and Howe had never really gotten along well.  The 70 year old German general had performed well at the Battle of Long Island, but repeatedly clashed with Howe over issues of command and the use of the Hessians.  Heister thought that Howe mostly used the Hessians as cannon fodder, causing unnecessary casualties among his men.  The two generals also butted heads over how much independence the Hessians had over the command of British officers.

Phillip Leopold von Heister
(from Wikimedia)
After the capture of the Hessians at Trenton, Heister and Howe exchanged words and blamed each other over responsibility for the loss.  Howe sent word back to London that he could not work with the general and wanted him dismissed.

This was a touchy issue since the British most certainly did not want all of the Hessians to pack up and go home.  Dismissing their commander could have caused real problems.  Intead, officials in London conferred with the leadership in Hesse.  The Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel soon sent notice that General Von Heister was being recalled temporarily for reasons of his health and age.  In truth, despite the attempted face saving, everyone knew he was being blamed for Trenton and being removed from command as a result.

Heister boarded a ship for London in late June and eventually made his way back to Hesse-Cassel.  He would die later that same year a dejected and frustrated man.

The new commander of Hessian forces was General Wilhelm Von Knyphausen, who had been Heister’s second in command.  Von Knyphausen and much of his Hessian army would join General Howe on the Philadelphia Campaign.

Departure

On July 8, two days after his meeting with Clinton, Howe began boarding his army of somewhere between 16,000 and 18,000 soldiers, and another roughly 5000 civilians, aboard a fleet of 267 ships commanded by his brother, Admiral Richard Howe.  The army disembarked from Staten Island, where they had first landed almost exactly one year earlier.  Although the army began boarding ships on July 8, the fleet went nowhere.  Soldiers sat aboard ship for days in the sweltering July heat.  The temperature, the lack of fresh air or fresh food, and seasickness made the time aboard ship unbearable for the soldiers.

 General William Howe
(from Wikimedia)
A week later, on July 15, General Howe received word that General Burgoyne had taken Fort Ticonderoga.  To Howe, like many others, it seemed like the hardest part of Burgoyne’s mission was complete.  The Americans were scattering and Burgoyne should be well on his way to Albany.  Confident that Burgoyne would not need his help, Howe continued his preparations to set sale.  Two days later, he wrote Burgoyne to congratulate him on his success and to confirm that no one would be marching north to meet him.  Howe was confident that Burgoyne could complete his march without assistance.

Around this same time Howe also tried to send a little disinformation to the enemy.  He arranged for a letter to be captured by the Continentals discussing his plans to sail for Boston.  Howe figured that if they believed it, the enemy would move far away from both Burgoyne’s army and his own.  Washington believed none of it.  He was still certain that Howe would send a force up the Hudson river to assist Burgoyne.  Despite intelligence to the contrary, he did not think Howe was stupid enough to abandon Burgoyne in the wilderness of upstate New York with no support.
Finally, on July 20, after leaving his soldiers aboard ship for nearly two weeks, the fleet began to sail out of New York Harbor.  Over the next three days, foul weather and poor winds meant that the fleet went exactly nowhere.  By July 23, they still had not cleared Sandy Hook, New Jersey.  The fleet slowly made its way out to sea, trying to sail beyond the horizon so that no one on land could determine where they were headed.

Where did they go?

With the British fleet out of sight, the Americans had to figure out where they were going so that Washington could march his army to meet them.  Philadelphia remained the best guess for many, although Washington still was not convinced that the fleet was a ruse to get him to march south so that the fleet could return and sail up the Hudson river virtually unopposed.  The famous Culper Spy Ring would not be set up in New York for another year, so intelligence from the city was still sketchy.  Washington could not be sure that intelligence he did receive was genuine or disinformation from the enemy.

The Americans sent scouts to southern New Jersey to keep a lookout for the enemy fleet.  If they intended to sail up the Delaware River to Philadelphia, they should be sighted there first.  Watchmen set up posts at Little Egg Harbor, which is near modern day Atlantic City, and also at Cape May, New Jersey.  At the time, most of this area was uninhabited, except by Indians.  The pine barrens of southern New Jersey, or West Jersey as it was then known, were a largely impassable swampy forest full of dangerous wildlife and outlaws that made passage both slow and risky.  Even so, the teams maintained express riders ready to return to Philadelphia in the event that they sighted the fleet.

HMS Roebuck (from ArtNet)
Because of its remote and largely uninhabited location, Egg Harbor was a known port for smugglers to land goods.  This made it a dangerous area for members of either army.  In late July, a small heavily armed British expedition landed on one of the uninhabited barrier islands near Egg Harbor, where what is today Ocean City, New Jersey.  A couple of the British sailors took the opportunity to desert and found the Americans.  Alerted to the landing, local New Jersey militia captured the remainder of the landing party for interrogation.

It turned out the party was from the HMS Roebuck.  They had landed in search of rum smugglers.  The Roebuck was not part of the fleet, but rather an independent navy ship that had been assigned to the mouth of the Delaware River for many months.  The squad did not send any express riders.  However, rumors about the incident popped up in a Philadelphia tavern the following day. General Thomas Mifflin wrote to Washington that he heard a rumor that 70 ships had been spotted off Egg Harbor, headed for Cape May.  The rumor then metastasized to spread that the British fleet had already entered Delaware Bay.

Washington took the rumor seriously, but still waited for further confirmation.  He wrote back to Mifflin that it was still possible the British wanted to be seen there, then turn around and head back to New York to sail up the Hudson River.  By this time, Washington had moved his army to Flemington, New Jersey, about sixty miles from Philadelphia.  From there, he could still move north or south as needed.

Several days later, on July 30, the Americans at Cape May did spot part of the fleet and sent their express riders to Philadelphia.  Another group of sentries also reported sightings from Cape Henlopen, Delaware, and sent express riders to Philadelphia from there, alerting forces across Delaware as they rode.  Washington received notice the following day.

Alarm in Philadelphia

Philadelphia, of course, was focused on the potential invasion.  One delegate commented “Nothing is said or heard now except war and rumors of war.”  Congress voted to imprison and remove from the city several prominent city leaders who they thought would support the British occupiers.  Among those taken into custody were Governor John Penn and the Chief Justice of the colonial government.   The prisoners were taken west into the back country where they would be out of reach if the British occupied the city.  Congress also issued calls for the militia to turn out for all of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland

Late in the evening of July 31, General Washington arrived in Philadelphia with a small escort, riding ahead of his army.  He rented a room at City Tavern and consulted with members of Congress as to the defense of the city. It was at this time that he was first introduced to the Marquis de Lafayette, who would begin serving as his aide.

Of course, defenses had been well underway for months.  Because Philadelphia was not a coastal town, the only way for a ship to reach it was to travel up the Delaware River.  For the previous two years, patriots had been working to make the river impassable by the British Navy.  Naval ships had already threatened the city several times and been driven back.

Patriots had constructed two forts just below the city, Fort Mifflin sat on Mud Island, near the Pennsylvania side of the river, near where Philadelphia airport is located today.  Across the river in New Jersey, they constructed Fort Mercer at Red Bank.  Any ship passing up the river to Philadelphia would have to pass by the cannons of both of these forts. The Americans were also working on another fort with artillery at Billingsport, a few miles downstream of Fort Mercer.

Chevaux de frise (from Joel Campbell Blog)
The patriots also sunk rows of chevaux de frise into the river so that no ship could simply sail past the forts at full speed.  These were essentially large pointed sticks anchored below the waterline that would puncture the hull of any ship that did not steer clear of them.  There were safe paths through these traps that only local pilots knew.

Pennsylvania maintained a fleet of longboats with mounted cannons.  These boats hid in shallow waters behind islands.  They could row out and fire on ships, then row away before sailing ships could get in position to return fire.  There were a few larger ships as well, but nothing that compared to the larger British ships of the line.

The Americans also planned to use fire-rafts.  These were large wooden vessels, often older ships barely seaworthy or just wooden rafts built for this purpose.  They would be set on fire and set to float downstream.  They could bump into ships moving upstream and set them on fire.  That was the way the British had destroyed the Spanish Armada nearly two hundred years earlier.

As the river narrowed, larger warships had limited maneuverability and were at their most vulnerable.  With news of the fleet’s arrival, all defenses were activated and ready to go into action.

British Bypass the Delaware

Although the British fleet had been far out at sea for over a week, the Howe brothers wanted intelligence on American activities.  As I mentioned, the HMS Roebuck had been patrolling the Delaware Bay for months and actively collected intelligence.  The Roebuck sailed out to meet the fleet so that the ship’s commander, Captain Andrew Hamond could provide Admiral Howe and General Howe with information on the American positions. On the morning of July 30, Hammond informed the Howe Brothers that Washington’s Continentals had crossed the Delaware River and were marching to Wilmington Delaware.  This was not accurate.  Washington was still in New Jersey, miles north of Philadelphia.

Troop Movements 1777 (from Wikimedia)
Hamond did provide more accurate intelligence about the extensive Delaware River defenses that the fleet would have to defeat in order to reach Philadelphia by that route.  Even so, Hamond had a plan to land troops at New Castle Delaware, south of Wilmington.  From there, the armies could march up river, taking out the various river forts that were designed to attack ships, not withstand a land assault.  With the forts destroyed, the fleet could move up the river, take out the small ships and destroy the chevaux de frise and sail into Philadelphia.

Howe listened to the captain but then rejected the plan.  It seems clear that Howe, who knew about the river defenses long before he left New York City, had planned a different approach all along that he did not share with his officers.  Instead of fighting their way up the Delaware River, the fleet would continue to sail south into the Chesapeake Bay.  From there, the army could land in Northern Maryland and march overland to Philadelphia from the south and west.

Howe’s plan had the benefit of being unexpected and bypassing most of the long planned American defenses.  It was, however, unexpected because the plan had a number of problems with it.  First, it meant that the British Army would have to remain aboard ship for at least another couple of weeks.  The men were suffering miserably from their weeks at sea.  Man and animals were already getting sick and dying from the miserable conditions and quantity and quality of food available to them at sea.  This would only get worse if the voyage continued.

Also, it meant that the British would not land until at least the middle of August, and would have a much longer march to Philadelphia than if they had marched from New York City.  The overland march meant they would have to abandon their ships and not have the naval cannons for support.  The Americans would have plenty of time to call out the militia and and use natural defensive barriers to attack the army, just as was happening to Burgoyne’s army in upstate New York.  Even if successful, the campaign would certainly go well into September.  Having any time to help Burgoyne’s army in New York that fall would be completely out of the question.

British cartoon shows Howe Brothers plotting to get rich by
prolonging the war, Oct. 1777 (from British Museum)
Despite these concerns, Howe confirmed that would be his plan.  The fleet continued on its way further south, down the coast.  Except they did not sail directly south.  On August 1, American surveillance at Cape May reported seeing the ships sail away from the coast again, heading east, by northeast.  Washington feared that Howe had sprung his trap.  He had allowed his fleet to be spotted near the Delaware Bay so that Washington had committed most of his army to move south of Philadelphia.  Then, the fleet was going to dash back to New York and sail up the Hudson River to join up with Burgoyne.  Washington issued orders for all armies marching south either to halt, or reverse themselves and begin moving north again.

Much of the Continental Army had marched as far as Germantown, just northwest of Philadelphia. With word that the British might be headed back to New York, Washington ordered these men to march back to Coryell’s Ferry on the Delaware River, north of Philadelphia.  If the British were headed to New York, getting them across the Delaware into New Jersey again would be critical to marching his army north to confront them.

On August 10, Washington left Germantown himself, headed north, setting up his new headquarters in Neshaminy, a small village on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware River, near Trenton. It had been more than a week since the fleet was last seen and no one knew what direction it was headed.  That same day, locals reported seeing the fleet off the coast of Maryland, moving south.  But these were unconfirmed reports and Washington was not confident enough to act on them.  Washington remained in Neshaminy, waiting for further intelligence. On August 21, three weeks after the fleet had last been seen, Washington held a council of war with his officer to guess where the fleet might be.  The consensus was that Howe was headed for Charleston, South Carolina and that he planned to recapture the southern colonies.

The next day however, Washington received confirmation that the fleet was, in fact, in the Chesapeake Bay.  With this information, Washington finally committed his army to marching south to meet the enemy south of Philadelphia.  On August 23, he marched his army through Philadelphia, an event I discussed in more detail back in Episode 141.

A few days later, he received word that the British were disembarking at the Head of Elk, Maryland.  Washington finally understood Howe’s plan, and could prepare his defense.

But before we get to that, next week, we will head north again as the British and Americans do battle at Fort Stanwix in upstate New York.

- - -

Next Episode 151 St. Leger Expedition

Previous Episode 149 Lafayette in America

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Further Reading

Websites

Mervine, William M. “Excerpts from the Master's Log of His Majesty's Ship ‘Eagle," Lord Howe's Flagship, 1776-1777.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 38, no. 2, 1914, pp. 211–226. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20086167

Sullivan, Thomas. “Before and after the Battle of Brandy-Wine. Extracts from the Journal of Sergeant Thomas Sullivan of H.M. Forty-Ninth Regiment of Foot.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 31, no. 4, 1907, pp. 406–418. www.jstor.org/stable/20085398

W. H. Moomaw. “The Denouement of General Howe's Campaign of 1777.” The English Historical Review, vol. 79, no. 312, 1964, pp. 498–512. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/560990

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Kauffman, Gerald J. and Michael R. Gallagher The British Invasion of Delaware, Aug-Sep 1777, lulu.com, 2013 (Univ. Del. website). http://www.wrc.udel.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/TheBritishInvasionofDelaware.pdf

Reed, John Ford Campaign to Valley Forge, July 1, 1777-December 19, 1777, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965 (borrow only) https://archive.org/details/campaigntovalley00reed/page/n7/mode/2up

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Harris, Michael C. Brandywine: A Military History of the Battle that Lost Philadelphia but Saved America, September 11, 1777, Savis Beatie, 2014.

Kauffman, Gerald J. and Michael R. Gallagher The British Invasion of Delaware, Aug-Sep 1777, lulu.com, 2013.

McGuire, Thomas J. The Philadelphia Campaign Vol. 1, Stackpole Books, 2006 (book recommendation of the week).

Reed, John Ford Campaign to Valley Forge, July 1, 1777-December 19, 1777, Pioneer Press, 1980 (orig. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965).

Taaffe, Stephen R. The Philadelphia Campaign, 1777-1778, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2003

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.