Showing posts with label 1777. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1777. Show all posts

Sunday, November 29, 2020

ARP177 Republic of Vermont


In March 1778, the Vermont legislature was elected and met for the first time.  This was significant because no one, not even the other thirteen states, recognized Vermont as an independent state.

I mentioned, almost in passing, back in Episode 131, that Vermont had declared its own independence in January of 1777.  The Continental Congress, and just about everyone else outside of Vermont, ignored the declaration.

The main reason for ignoring it was that it was divisive.  The Continental Congress was doing everything it could to keep the thirteen states united.  It did not want to highlight a matter of local contention between the states.

Vermont Territory Disputed

To explain, why, perhaps a little background would be helpful.  In the colonial era, the exact territorial borders of many colonies were ill-defined and sometimes contradictory.  New York thought that its eastern border was the Connecticut river.  This was based on the original land grant to the Duke of York from the King in 1664.  

Flag of the Vermont Republic
(from Wikimedia)
New Hampshire believed that its western border went all the way to Lake Champlain, and was roughly as far west as the western border of Massachusetts.  This was based on a decree by King George II in 1740.  Therefore, the area between Lake Champlain and the Connecticut river was in dispute by both colonies.

Of course, none of this really mattered until any colonists began to settle in the territory.  In the 17th Century, the area was also claimed by France as part of Quebec.  The French established Fort Ste. Anne to help secure their claim.  The first British settlers in 1724 came from Connecticut.  

This disputed inland territory mostly remained the home of Native Americans until after the French and Indian War.  Then, at the end of that war in 1763, there were an estimated 300 colonists living in the region.  Governor Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire began selling land grants to colonists shortly after King George II’s decree of 1740.  Land speculators purchased land, but did not really settle in the area until after the French and Indian War. 

In the 1760’s, settlement really began in earnest as thousands of New England colonists moved into the area holding New Hampshire land grants that they had purchased.  This greatly concerned New York, which still believed it controlled the area and had a number of wealthy and influential land owners with New York claims to the same land.

Charter to Duke of York
In 1764, New York got a ruling from the King’s Privy Council in London that its border was, in fact, the Connecticut River and that all the disputed territory belonged to New York.  In making this claim, however, the New York officials downplayed the fact that New Hampshire had already settled much of the land.  Further, the Privy Council order gave New York jurisdiction over the territory, but did not say explicitly that private property owners holding land there as a result of New Hampshire land grants were null and void.  The Privy Council simply focused on establishing clear jurisdiction going forward.

New York took the ruling to mean that the Privy Council confirmed that they had always controlled the region and that the New Hampshire land grants were null and void.  It began selling more land to New York speculators and evicting settlers with New Hampshire grants as squatters.  In 1767, the Privy Council issued another ruling stating that it had not nullified all the New Hampshire grants and that New York could not just resell people’s farms to others.

New York continued to try to enforce its land claims and ignored those of New Hampshire.  It attempted to evict settlers and settle new communities holding New York claims. The settlers with New Hampshire grants resisted, giving rise to the Green Mountain Boys.  I discussed this in more detail back in Episode 38.

After the outbreak of war in 1775, the New Hampshire grant-holders in the disputed land tended to flock to the patriot side and seized Fort Ticonderoga under Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold. New York land claimants tended to be loyalists.  Thus the fight over the land became part of the Revolutionary war.  

Vermont Independence

The patriots, in January 1777, met in the village of Westminster to declare that the disputed territory was neither part of New Hampshire nor New York but was its own new territory known as New Connecticut.  This new territory would respect New Hampshire land grant claims, but going forward would be entirely independent of either state.  

No one paid much attention at the time since the war with Britain was the focus for everyone.  Later that same year, on June 2, delegates met again in Westminster.  They changed the name from New Connecticut to Vermont, using a derivation for the French words for “green mountain”.  They then agreed to meet again on July 4.  On that first anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence, the delegates agreed to draft a constitution, which they adopted four days later on July 8, 1777.

Thomas Young

The independence movement was a group project, with no one person to be credited as the father of Vermont.  However, I want to highlight a couple of key figures in Vermont’s birth.  One was a man who did not even live in the area.

Dr. Thomas Young was born in New York. He was the son of Irish immigrants.  He studied medicine and began a career as a physician.  In some ways he was a radical product of his era.  He was known for his deism, rejecting much of the traditional religions of the day in favor of rationalism.  He was also a longtime proponent of land justice.  One of his big issues had to do with the way elites controlled the masses through the control of land.  His Irish roots probably had a lot to do with that.  British law controlled who could or could not own land in Ireland, ensuring that the Protestant elite held economic power over their Catholic tenant farmers.

Young saw a similar pattern emerging in the disputed lands that became Vermont when the New York colonial government tried to prevent people from settling the new lands.  He was friends with Ethan Allen.  The two men even collaborated on a book about reason. In 1764, Young wrote a pamphlet called Reflections on the Disputes Between New York, New Hampshire and Col. John Henry Lydius which attacked New York’s policies on the ownership of the disputed lands.

I’m not sure if it was because of this publication, but shortly after this, Young left New York for Boston. There, he was a member of the Sons of Liberty and a leading member of the radical committee of correspondence.  He became good friends with Samuel Adams and was an early radical leader of the patriot cause.

Many believe Young was a key organizer of the Boston Tea Party.  However, like many leaders, he created an alibi for himself during the actual destruction of the tea.  At the time, he was giving a lecture at the Old South Meeting House on the bad health effects of drinking tea.  It was important for known radical leaders to have alibis during the actual destruction of the tea so that officials did not try to prosecute them for participation in that crime.

Even so, as tensions in Boston grew following the Tea Party, threats on radical leaders grew.  A few months later, in 1774, Young was attacked on the street, allegedly by British soldiers, and left for dead.   He survived, and shortly afterward, fled to Rhode Island and eventually settled in Philadelphia.

Although he only arrived in Philadelphia in 1775, Young involved himself immediately in the radical politics of the city.  He participated in the efforts that year to throw out the old colonial legislature and replace it with a new one, along with a new radical state constitution.

In April of 1777, Young wrote an open letter addressed to the inhabitants of Vermont which is generally credited with inspiring the patriot committee to change the name of their state from New Connecticut to Vermont. The letter also encouraged them to draw heavily on the radical Pennsylvania Constitution when creating their own.  He enclosed a copy of Pennsylvania’s constitution with his letter.

Vermont Constitution

The Vermont Constitution was very much caught up in the patriot ideology of the day. It was one of the most radical of its time.  Much of it was taken from the radical Pennsylvania Constitution, but in some ways it was even more radical.

It also borrowed from the Declaration of Independence, stating 

THAT all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent and unalienable rights, amongst which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty; acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.

The Vermont Constitution explicitly banned adult slavery.  It granted the right to vote with no property requirements.  A man who was 21 or older could vote if they lived in the state for one year and took an oath to vote according to his conscience.  It even set up a system of public schools.  It followed the unique Pennsylvania model of creating a legislature with only one house.  It also dispersed executive power to a governor and council.

Vermont Constitution
Having drafted a Constitution in July, 1777, the whole thing got tabled as attention turned to the invading British Army led by General John Burgoyne.  Then in December, the Committee finally got things back on track and announced that elections under the new constitution would take place on the first Tuesday in March, 1778.

The problem was that neither New York, New Hampshire, Britain, nor the Continental Congress recognized Vermont’s declaration of independence nor its constitution.  On January 20, 1777, less than a week  after the state declared itself independent, the President of the New York Convention warned the Continental Congress that it would not accept the dismemberment of its state.  Any attempt to recognize Vermont would result in New York leaving the Continental Congress and end New York’s support for the Congress.  New York already had a pretty sizable loyalist population.  This action could very well push New York back into the loyalist camp and have them throw their support behind the British army in Canada.

The last thing Congress wanted was to create this kind of internal dissension while they were in the middle of the war with Britain.  As a result, everyone outside of Vermont refused to recognize Vermont.  Congress dismissed the petition for recognition in June 1777 and made clear that they were not in any way in favor of a new independent state of Vermont.

Around this same time, the Vermont delegates were writing their constitution.  Also, General Burgoyne’s army was capturing Fort Ticonderoga and marching his soldiers along what Vermonters claimed was their western border.  They continued to press on with the creation of their new government despite the imminent military threat from invading armies.

While combating the British, the other states simply ignored the new Vermont government.  New Hampshire General John Stark formed his militia army and marched through Vermont to fight the Battle of Bennington on the authority of the New Hampshire legislature.  Many in Vermont joined in this fight, but not under any color of the Vermont legislature.  Whatever claims politicians were making in Westminster were largely ignored as the war swept through the land.

Even so, Vermont continued its efforts to establish self-government.  Based on the 1777 Constitution, the people held elections and seated their first legislature in March 1778.  They elected Thomas Chittenden as their first governor.

Thomas Chittenden

Thomas Chittenden was born in Salisbury Connecticut.  He lived most of his life there, serving as a justice of the peace, a member of the colonial assembly, and a colonel in the colonial militia. He moved to what would become Vermont in 1774, at the age of 44.  By this time, his children had already grown to adulthood.  Even so, Chittenden purchased his property from the owner of a New Hampshire land grant and moved to start a new life in Vermont with his adult children.  

He and a friend purchased a large tract of land to be settled by their families.  They moved to the wilderness area along the Onion River (today called the Winooski River) where they set about building a house and clearing the land. Chittenden established himself as a community leader.

Thomas Chittenden
When the war began, Chittenden traveled to Philadelphia to see what Congress would do about protecting them from attack.  Congress basically told him he was on his own.  Chittenden was forced to abandon his farm and move his family south where they would be less vulnerable to attack.  Chittenden became President of the Bennington Committee of Safety, organizing for the patriot cause.

In September 1776, Chittenden met with other leaders at Dorset to discuss the idea of Vermont independence.  This led to the January 1777 declaration and the June 1777 constitution.  Chittenden, as the leading political advocate, became the state’s first governor in March 1778.  Chittenden would prove highly popular and would be reelected to consecutive one-year terms for more than a decade. After a short break, he would also serve as Governor for a few more years after Vermont joined the Union.

Ira Allen

I also can’t complete an episode on the founding of Vermont without at least mentioning Ira Allen, sometimes called the founder of Vermont.  Ira Allen was the younger brother of Ethan Allen.  He joined his brother in the New Hampshire Grants in 1770 and fought with the Green Mountain Boys.  He participated in the attack on Fort Ticonderoga in 1775 and at the siege of Quebec.

Ira Allen
After the British took back Canada in the spring of 1776, Allen returned to his home and got more directly involved in the Vermont independence movement.  He attended the conventions and became an ally of Thomas Chittenden, strongly opposing any further political affiliation with New York.  He served as secretary of the Committee of Safety, which served as the de facto government until the implementation of the constitution.

Allen became one of the leading advocates for Vermont independence. When, in May 1776, the Continental Congress advocated for states to form their own governments because the royal governments had failed to protect the interests of the people, Allen used that same logic to argue that New York had failed to protect the interests of the people of the Grants.  Therefore, they were entitled to set up a new government that would protect those interests.  Although Congress never intended for Vermont to set up its own government, Allen effectively used Congress’ resolutions to convince his neighbors that Congress would be supportive of this effort at self-government.  It helped to convince people to support the movement.  Of course the fact that New York’s new constitution reaffirmed its land claims in Vermont and the application of quitrents on those living there also affirmed the desire of many to declare independence from New York.

With Burgoyne’s invasion, Allen worked to coordinate defenses, mostly with New Hampshire and General Stark.  He did what he could do to assist with men and supplies, even though his position was given no formal recognition by other state leaders.  Following the first state election in 1778, Allen served as state treasurer.  The state got most of its revenue by seizing the property of loyalists and selling it at auction.

Allen would continue to serve Vermont in a variety of ways in the following years, efforts that will have to be the topic of future episodes.

New Hampshire Secession

Vermont officials fighting for their recognition as an independent republic would go on for years.  It was not just New York that opposed this.  In the summer of 1778, sixteen towns on the eastern side of the Connecticut River in New Hampshire voted to secede from New Hampshire and join the Republic of Vermont.  

The argument the towns used was that the Continental Congress’ Declaration of Independence, removing British rule reverted everything to a state of nature.  It was, therefore, the right of the people to choose their own government and form their own allegiances.  They were not bound to New Hampshire based of some border drawn by the Privy Council in London.  They could choose to be a part of whatever government they wanted.

This caused the Governor of New Hampshire to go apoplectic and write a letter to Vermont Governor Chittenden, demanding he disavow this action.  Chittenden discussed the matter in council and sent Ethan Allen to Philadelphia to gauge the opinion of the patriot leadership.  Allen returned to say that if Vermont provoked a fight with New Hampshire by trying claim lands east of the Connecticut River, that the other states would likely band together to annihilate the new Vermont Republic instead of just ignoring it.  

After several more months of debate, Vermont eventually decided to reject the request of the towns on the east bank of the Connecticut to join them. It formally accepted that the Connecticut river was the state’s eastern border and that it would make no claims on other lands outside of that area.  Those towns who voted to join Vermont would remain part of New Hampshire.

None of this ended claims from New York, New Hampshire, and even Massachusetts that Vermont was part of their states.  But it did return to the tense standoff where Vermont was able to govern itself and everyone else simply refused to recognize it.

So the Republic of Vermont was born and began governing itself, mostly based on its ability to defend itself from its neighbors and everyone’s unwillingness to have this political fight in the middle of a war with Britain.  The controversy over Vermont’s existence as an independent state would continue for many years.  Vermont would never seat a delegation at the Continental Congress or the Constitutional Convention.  It would only be several years after the adoption of the US Constitution that Vermont would finally receive recognition as an independent state.  But that would be well into the future

Next week, we’ll return occupied Philadelphia, where the British raids into southern New Jersey lead to the Hancock Bridge Massacre.

- - -

Next Episode 178 Hancock's Bridge Massacre 


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Further Reading

Websites

Raymond, Allen "Benning Wentworth's Claims in the New Hampshire-New York Border Controversy" Proceedings of the Vermont Historical Society, Winter, 1975: https://vermonthistory.org/journal/misc/BenningWentworthsClaims.pdf

The Vermont Republic: http://divided.coplacdigital.org/uis/home

Hendricks, Nathaniel The Experiment in Vermont Constitutional Government: https://vermonthistory.org/journal/misc/ConstitutionalGovernment.pdf

Henry, Bruce. “Dr. Thomas Young and the Boston Committee of Correspondence.” Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 39, no. 2, 1976, pp. 219–221. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/3816942

Constitution of Vermont - 1777: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/vt01.asp

Steward, Matthew “The Original Tea Partier Was an Atheist” Politico Magazine, Sept. 1, 2014 https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2014/09/original-tea-partier-atheist-thomas-young-110497

Letter of Thomas Young to the Inhabitants of Vermont, April 11, 1777: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1mLahVvDcWUswu8ppG8G4G4g3nhYMDGsfuK6oLetSaCo

Maier, Pauline. “Reason and Revolution: The Radicalism of Dr. Thomas Young.” American Quarterly, vol. 28, no. 2, 1976, pp. 229–249. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2712351

Graffagnino, J. Kevin. “‘The Country My Soul Delighted in’: The Onion River Land Company and the Vermont Frontier.” The New England Quarterly, vol. 65, no. 1, 1992, pp. 24–60. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/365982

Aichele, Gary J. “Making the Vermont Constitution: 1777-1824” Vermont Historical Society, 1988: https://vermonthistory.org/journal/misc/MakingVermontConstitution.pdf

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Chipman, Daniel A Memoir of Thomas Chittenden, the First Governor of Vermont, Middlebury: Self-Published, 1849. 

Collins, Edward Day A History of Vermont, Boston, Ginn & Co. 1903.

Edes, Henry “Memoir of Dr. Thomas Young 1731-1777” Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Vol. XI: 

Wilbur, La Fayette Early history of Vermont, Jericho, Vt.: Roscoe Printing House, 1899

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Van De Water, Frederic F. The Reluctant Republic Vermont, 1724-1791, Literary Licensing,  2012.

Wilbur, James B. Ira Allen, Founder of Vermont, 1751 - 1814, Houghton Mifflin, 1928

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, November 22, 2020

ARP176 Sinking the Randolph


I’ve been neglecting the navy for some time now.  My last episode on the topic was Episode 137, when Lambert Wickes raided ships around the British isles.

Off the North American coast, the British Navy continued to dominate the seas without serious challenge until the French Navy arrived. After its first raid on the Bahamas in early 1776, the Continental Navy accomplished little more than raiding unprotected merchant vessels carrying goods to the British Army, or going after the occasional smaller navy ship when an opportunity presented itself.  Much of the fleet was bottled up in Rhode Island, trapped there by the British fleet.

Esek Hopkins Goes Home

You may recall from back in Episode 84, that Commodore Esek Hopkins headed the Continental Navy.  His fleet was trapped in Narragansett Bay for many months by the British fleet.  Hopkins had come under heavy criticism for his failure to leave the bay before the British arrived and for his refusal to attempt an engagement with the British.

The Randolph

Congress had never really liked Hopkins.  They had censored him in 1776 for his failure to obey the instructions they had given him to attack the British Navy.  Instead, he had sailed off to the Bahamas.  Never mind that their orders would have been suicide.  Congress censored the Commodore, but then allowed him to continue his command.

By early 1777, many were calling for Hopkins removal.  In February, several of his officers referred charges against Hopkins to the Continental Congress.  Some of the charges seem rather silly.  They included swearing and speaking ill of Congress’ Maritime Committee.  I know it’s hard to imagine a sailor who swears.  Even during the Revolutionary War era, it was quite common and did not ordinarily result in formal charges against a top ranking officer.  Similarly, many other officers made derogatory remarks about Congress and the Marine Committee, so that did not seem outlandish either.  But Congress did take them seriously and pursued them.

Other charges were more serious, such as the abuse of prisoners of war.  Although under scrutiny, the complaints did not note a departure from the way other ship commanders treated prisoners who were unwilling to serve aboard ship.  The other major complaint was his failure to recruit enough sailors for the fleet.

It was a fact that the navy did not have enough recruits.  The biggest problem was that the states had granted letters of marque to thousands of privateer ships.  Any competent sailor would earn far more on a privateer vessel and would not be subject to as severe discipline.  So the navy was simply unable to compete for recruits.  In short, Congress wanted a miracle worker, and Hopkins wasn’t performing any miracles.

In response to the charges against him, Hopkins arrested one of the officers who had brought charges to Congress’ attention.  Lieutenant Richard Marvin faced a court martial as a result of the charges he sent to Congress.  In April, the Court found Marvin guilty and dishonorably discharged him from service.

Hopkins did not know it by that time, but Congress had already suspended his service.  In March, the Continental Congress, still in Philadelphia, held hearings on the charges against Hopkins without informing him.  On March 26, Congress suspended Hopkins from service.  It took several weeks for the Commodore to learn of Congress’ decision.

Esek Hopkins had received his command largely due to the support of his brother Stephen Hopkins, who was a delegate to the Continental Congress.  Stephen left Congress in September 1776, shortly after Congress had censured Esek for his failure to follow Congress’ instructions on his first mission.  Stephen’s resignation was purportedly for health reasons. He was suffering from trembling hands, what was, at the time, called a palsy.  It’s not clear if the actions against his brother had anything to do with his resignation.

His departure left Esek without a friend in Congress.  After Congress suspended him in March 1777, one would expect that he would have traveled to Philadelphia to confront these charges personally.  We don’t know exactly why, but Esek opted not to do so.  Very likely the reason was that he did not think he would get a fair hearing before Congress.  On January 2, 1778 Congress formally dismissed Hopkins from service, without ever granting him a hearing in person or even requesting his presence to discuss the charges.

Hopkins responded by bringing a libel suit against his accusers for defamation.  The defamation trial took place later in 1778 with a jury verdict for the defendants.  Hopkins was ordered to pay costs.  Even so, Hopkins still retained a local popularity.  He was elected to the Rhode Island legislature, where he served on the State’s War Committee.

Congress did not bother to name a new Commander of the Continental Navy.  Instead, it issued orders directly to ship captains, or gave them a fair amount of discretion to go do whatever they could.

John Adams Goes to France

By the time of Hopkins’ removal from office in January 1778, John Adams was long gone from Congress.  He had taken his leave in early November 1777 to return home to Massachusetts.  Congressional service was grueling and did not even pay enough to cover his personal expenses while serving.  After two and a half years of service, Adams had had enough.  He returned home and resumed the private practice of law.  

Before he left, his colleagues suggested that they might need him to serve in France.  Silas Deane was being recalled. Benjamin Franklin was old and could possibly fall ill.  Nobody really trusted Arthur Lee.  Adams’ fellow delegates believed they needed him in Paris.  Adams though demurred.  He did not speak French and was one of the least diplomatic delegates already.  Serving as an ambassador to France would not play to his strengths.

After returning home though, Adams received notice that Congress had appointed him anyway.  He could have refused.  Thomas Jefferson had refused the same appointment a year earlier.  But Adams believed his services were important to the cause. Besides, his return home was hurting his public reputation.  Rumors began to spread that he had been forced to leave Congress.  Failure to accept this position might hurt his public reputation further.

John Quincy Adams

In February 1778, Adams boarded the Navy ship Boston captained by Samuel Tucker.  Adams opted to leave his wife Abigail and his young children on the farm in Massachusetts.  Congress would not pay for his family’s expenses, only his.  Adams also thought the journey would be too difficult and dangerous.  Besides, he needed Abigail to continue running the family farm.  Instead, he took only his oldest son, ten year old John Quincy Adams, who would serve as his aide.

Also aboard the ship were two other young men.  William Vernon, Jr. a recent college graduate and the son of a member of the Maritime Committee.  Vernon was headed to France to start a career in international trade.  Joining them aboard ship was Jesse Deane, the eleven year old son of Silas Deane, the man that Adams was to replace.  Adams was responsible for the three of them during the voyage.

The Boston was a substantial ship for the Continental Navy.  It had thirty guns, although Adams thought it had too many guns for the size of the ship.  Adams was never shy about expressing his opinions to anyone.  He peppered Captain Tucker with suggestions about ship discipline, cleanliness, organization, and host of other things.  Since Adams was a VIP, Tucker had to do his best to accommodate and comply with Adams’ many suggestions.  

Adams, who had never been at sea before, also got rather seasick for much of the journey.  The ship did have to outrun a few British warships during the crossing.  Tucker debated fighting them.  However, his priority was to get Adams safely to France.  Therefore he avoided any combat.  

Following this trip, Captain Tucker would command the Boston for several more years, capturing numerous prizes and doing battle with the British Navy.  His avoidance of a fight on this trip was due to his duty, not any desire to avoid combat.  When the Boston got closer to the French coast, it came across a British privateer, the Martha, with fourteen guns.  With Adams’ permission the Boston captured the ship and took it as a prize.

A few hours later, the Boston chased down another merchant ship, although it turned out to French.  Before they realized that, the Boston fired a warning shot which resulted in the cannon exploding.  Adams had to help carry an injured lieutenant below deck for surgery, and held him down while the surgeon amputated the young officer’s leg.  Despite their efforts, the man died a week later.

As they approached the French coast, the Boston came within range of two large British men of war.  Everyone feared capture, but the ships did not attack.  Instead, they simply sailed on past them in the other direction.  A few days later, a local French pilot informed the men that France and Britain had gone to war only four days earlier.  By the last week of March, Adams was safely ashore in France.

The French public welcomed Adams and his party enthusiastically.  War had just begun and everyone was still caught up in the thrill of fighting for American liberty.  Adams and his party were toasted and feted wherever they went.  The thing that irked him most was that everyone kept confusing him with his cousin Samuel Adams.

Adams made his way by coach to Paris in a mere four days.  There, he met up with the rest of the American Commissioners and immediately got caught up in all the internal dissension between Lee, Franklin, Deane, and Izard.  That will be the topic of a future episode.   For now, it was enough that John Adams arrived in France, made his introductions to the Compte de Vergennes at Versailles, and embarked on his new career as a diplomat.

Nicholas Biddle

Aside from the navy ships trapped in New England, and those shuttling VIPs like Adams, a few ships were actually trying to engage the British.  One such ship was the Randolph, captained by Nicholas Biddle.  He was the son of a wealthy and prominent merchant family in Philadelphia.  At age thirteen, Biddle took a position aboard a merchant vessel headed for the West Indies.  Seven years later, in 1770, he took a commission in the Royal Navy as a midshipman.  After three years, he resigned his commission to participate in the Arctic expedition to the North Pole, along with Skeffington Lutwidge, a British Navy officer I mentioned back in Episode 145, and another junior officer by the name of Horatio Nelson.

Capt. Nicholas Biddle

When the war began in 1775, Biddle offered his services to Pennsylvania, and took command of a small row galley on the Delaware River named the Franklin.  In December, he received one of the first commissions as captain in the new Continental Navy.  He commanded the fourteen gun Andrew Doria, which was part of the fleet that Commodore Hopkins took to the Bahamas.

Biddle was one of the captains who criticized Hopkins’ command on that mission.  His criticism of the Commodore’s competence led, in part, to Congress’ censure of Hopkins later that year.  While Hopkins then got trapped in Narragansett Bay, Biddle remained at sea.  He sailed as far north as Newfoundland in search of British shipping.  His mission was so successful, that he returned with a skeleton crew of only five sailors.  The rest had been deployed as prize crews on all the ships he had captured.

The Randolph

Upon his successful return to Philadelphia, Congress rewarded the young captain with the command of the newly-completed Randolph. The ship was named after Peyton Randolph, who served as President of the First Continental Congress, and for a few months on the Second Continental Congress.  Although he had taken some sick leave, he had returned and then dropped dead while still serving in Congress in Philadelphia in October 1775.

The Randolph was a 32 gun frigate with a crew of over 300.  It was one of America’s larger ships, but still nothing that could compete with British ships of the line.  In October 1776 Captain Nicolas Biddle took command of the Randolph.  By that time, the twenty-six year old Biddle had already spent half of his life at sea.

Biddle received his appointment in July 1776, a week after Congress declared independence.  However, he did not take command until mid-October.  His first obstacle was assembling the crew for such a large warship.  As I said, most sailors were serving aboard privateers and had no interest in joining the navy.  In order to fill the ship’s crew, Biddle had to take British sailors being held as prisoners in Philadelphia.  These were not volunteers. The soldiers assigned to escort the new sailors to their ship had to fire their guns into the prison windows in order to force the reluctant recruits out of the prison and aboard ship.

On its maiden voyage the Randolph escorted a merchant fleet out of Delaware Bay, with ships headed for France and the West Indies.  Having gotten the ships to sea, the Randolph sailed north in search of a British frigate that had been capturing New England merchant ships.

While at sea, the new ship faced a number of construction problems.  During a storm at sea, the ship’s foremast broke off.  As the crew attempted a repair, lightning struck the mainmast, causing it to splinter and fall into the ocean.

On top of everything else, a fever broke out among the crew, killing some and leaving many more unfit for duty.  Around this time, the British sailors who had become part of the crew, attempted to mutiny and take control of the ship. Biddle and his officers were able to restore control and arrest the ringleaders.

The Randolph made it to Charleston, South Carolina on March 11, 1777 where she put in for repairs. It took two months to complete the repairs, during which time the ship lost a large portion of its crew to desertion and disease. Biddle had to offer bounties to attract more crew members before they could finally leave port on August 16.  As they left the harbor, the Randolph boarded the Fair American and took off two crewmembers who had previously deserted the Randolph for work aboard the merchant ship.

In early September, the Randolph spotted a twenty gun loyalist privateer called the True Briton.  That ship was traveling with four other ships that it had already captured.  The group was on its way to New York with rum, sugar, salt and other supplies for the British army.  Instead, Biddle delivered the ships to Charleston.

After that successful mission, the Randolph remained in Charleston for most of the winter, putting itself in dry dock to have its hull scraped for barnacles.

In February, 1778, the Randolph formed a convoy with four smaller South Carolina navy ships, the General Moultrie, Notre Dame, Fair American, and Polly.  This fleet would attempt to confront British warships that were preventing merchants from leaving harbor.  The group escorted a fleet of ships leaving Charleston Harbor, but failed to find the British.  After the merchant ships went on their way, the fleet continued its search for the British Navy.

They did come across a damaged New England ship that a British privateer was bringing to the British port at St. Augustine.  Biddle burned the ship since they could not bring it to port and did not want to let it fall into enemy hands.  For two more weeks, the fleet sailed around finding nothing.  On March 4, they captured a small schooner from New York that was headed to Granada.  Biddle turned it into a tender ship for the fleet.

Battle with the Yarmouth

A few days later on March 7, spotted another ship on the horizon. By the time the ship caught up to them that evening, they discovered it was a British ship of the line.  The Yarmouth with sixty-four guns, twice as many as the Randolph.  Its guns were also much larger, meaning they had greater range and could do more damage.  The experienced captain, Nicholas Vincent, would go on to become an admiral.

The Yarmouth and Randolph
Captain Biddle ordered his other ships to flee while he engaged.  He raised his ships colors and immediately opened fire on the Yarmouth.  By at least one account, the Randolph managed to get four broadsides into the Yarmouth while the British could return only one.  One of the ships that had been in the convoy with the Randolph, the eighteen gun General Moultrie also remained to attack the Yarmouth.  Unfortunately, the less experienced crew ended up hitting the Randolph, apparently wounding Captain Biddle in the leg.  Biddle remained in command, issuing orders from a deck chair.

Despite this setback, the smaller Randolph seemed to be getting the better of the fight, knocking out one of the Yarmouth’s masts and damaging her sails.  Then, about fifteen minutes into the fight, the Randolph suddenly exploded, presumably her munitions magazine was either hit or someone set it off.

The deafening explosion completely destroyed the ship and its crew.  The Yarmouth was close enough that it suffered some damage from the explosion, and reported chunks of the Randolph as large as six feet long crashing onto the deck.  A British officer also reported that the Randolph’s ensign was flung onto their ship from the explosion.

The Yarmouth set out after the smaller ships, but was too badly damaged to give chase.  The British had suffered five killed and twelve wounded.  Five days after the battle, the Yarmouth came across some wreckage, and took aboard four survivors.  As it turned, out these men were survivors of the Randolph explosion.  The men had survived on rainwater only for several days until rescued.  Out of a crew of over three hundred, those four would be the only survivors.

Next week, we return to America to cover the Republic of Vermont.

- - -

Next Episode 177 The Republic of Vermont 



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Further Reading

Websites

Esek Hopkins: https://www.history.navy.mil/browse-by-topic/people/historical-figures/esek-hopkins.html

The Randolph: https://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=2423

The Yarmouth: https://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=263

Action off Barbados: http://www.justinmuseum.com/tjoschultz/randolph.html

Clark, William Bell, and Nicholas Biddle. “The Letters of Captain Nicholas Biddle.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 74, no. 3, 1950, pp. 348–405. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20088148

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Adams, Charles Francis Adams and John Quincy Adams The Life of John Adams, Vol. 1, J.B. Lippincott and Co. 1871.

Allen, Gardner Weld A Naval History of the American Revolution, Vol.I, Boston:  Houghton Mifflin Co. 1913.

Clark, William Bell; Morgan, William James; Crawford, Michael J. (eds) Naval documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 8, Washington: Dept. of the Navy, 1964.

Field, Edward Esek Hopkins, commander-in-chief of the continental navy during the American Revolution, 1775 to 1778, Providence : Preston & Rounds Co. 1898

James, William A full and correct account of the chief naval occurrences of the late war between Great Britain and the United States of America, London: T. Egerton, 1817

Maclay, Edgar S. A History of the United States Navy, from 1775 to 1898, New York: D. Appleton and Co. 1898.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Clark, William Bell Captain Dauntless: The Story of Nicholas Biddle of the Continental Navy, Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1949 (book recommendation of the week).

McGrath, Tim Give Me a Fast Ship: The Continental Navy and America's Revolution at Sea, NAL Caliber, 2014. 

Smith, Paige John Adams, Vol. 1, Doubleday & Co. 1966.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

 

Sunday, October 25, 2020

ARP172 Winter at Valley Forge


The Continental Army and militia entered Valley Forge on December 19, 1777.  Contrary to popular myth, the winter was not a particularly harsh one.  Even in a mild winter though, having to spend day and night outdoors without shoes or a coat was a miserable existence.  Many soldiers had received little or no food during the march to Valley Forge

Cold, Hungry, and Sick

General Washington reported hearing chants from the soldiers of “No Meat! No Coat! No Bread! No Soldier!”  Shortly after entering Valley Forge, roughly one-quarter of the army 3000 out of 12,000 men was unfit for duty due to the lack of adequate clothing to go outside.  This made the necessity of building cabins for the soldiers all the more critical.  The army set about cutting and hauling wood and erecting crude structures as quickly as possible.  Even so, it took several weeks while the men remained out in the elements before they could build the necessary housing.

As the army moved into Valley Forge, the Pennsylvania legislature issued a remonstrance critical of the Continental army for going into winter quarters. Instead, they called for a winter campaign to retake the area.

Washington and Lafayette at Valley Forge
(from Wikimedia)
Before Washington could think about more engagements with the enemy he needed to get his army the necessary food and clothing to continue.  He repeatedly wrote to Congress that the army was in danger of dissolving if food and clothing was not forthcoming quickly.  Congress, of course, had no money to buy food.  The continual printing of paper Continental dollars had made them virtually worthless.  Farmers did not want to give away their food in exchange for worthless paper.  Instead, they would take the risk of carrying their goods to Philadelphia, where the British would pay with gold and silver.

Desertions grew along with the desperation of the soldiers.  Washington gave orders for officers to take roll calls several times each day so that deserters could be discovered before they got too far away.  On Christmas, Washington pardoned two soldiers sentenced to hang for desertion.  While such pardons were common, they were not guaranteed.  About a third of Continental soldiers convicted of desertion, hanged.  This did not discourage everyone from the practice.  There are stories of some soldiers deserting to Philadelphia where they would become prisoners of war.  A British officer reported that an average of six soldiers walked into British lines at Philadelphia every single day during February.  Some thought that treatment as British prisoners would be better than as American soldiers.  Such was the level of starvation and desperation at Valley Forge.

All this was happening while Congress was engaged in all the events of the Conway Cabal that I talked about last week.  So Washington had to convey to Congress that the army was on the verge of collapse, while at the same time trying to discourage delegates from replacing him as head of the army.

Washington did not mince words when he wrote to Henry Laurens, the President of Congress in a letter that began as follows: 

I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place...this Army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things. Starve—dissolve—or disperse, in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can. rest assured, Sir, this is not an exaggerated picture, and that I have abundant reason to support what I say.

General Thomas Mifflin, as Quartermaster General, was responsible for food.  He resigned in September, but Congress then appointed him the Board of War, along with General Gates, as I discussed last week.  For several months the army had no quartermaster.  No one wanted the thankless job.

Campfire at Valley Forge
Over the winter, the Board of War under Horatio Gates and former quartermaster Mifflin convinced Congress to put the responsibility under the board’s control and take it away from the military.  This was part of a larger effort to grant the board all strategic authority and to let Gates order Washington around.  Rather than develop his own strategy, Washington would simply implement Gates’ strategy.

In the face of this threat, Washington forced General Nathanael Greene to take the job, over Greene’s strong objections.  Quartermaster was a thankless job.  There was never enough food nor money to buy food.  Even the quartermaster somehow did get the food, it was not going to result in praise or promotion the way that winning a battle would.  But Greene had a good reputation in Congress.  His appointment helped Washington to defeat Gates’ plan to take control of the army.

Washington also ordered that pickets guard the roads into Philadelphia.  Any civilians trying to take food to sell to the British would have it confiscated and seized by the army.  Laurens suggested to Washington that he begin commandeering food from local farmers, forcing them to take paper notes in exchange.  Washington largely resisted this, knowing that it would just turn locals against the army.

Darby Raid

The Continental Army was not the only army looking for provisions to get them through the winter.  The same week the Continentals marched into Valley Forge, General Howe deployed 8000 British and Hessian soldiers across a pontoon bridge erected across the Schuylkill River.  The regulars formed a defensive perimeter while other soldiers cut down wheat fields and herded cattle back toward Philadelphia.

In response, Washington ordered his brigade leaders to select groups of fifty men who were sufficiently clothed and provisioned to march out and harass the British foraging parties.  Washington gave overall command of the mission to General Lord Stirling, who had managed the forage wars in New Jersey a year earlier.  Unlike in the New Jersey forage wars, the British learned not to send out smaller parties who could be ambushed.  The British moved in force so that smaller raiding parties could only take swipes at their pickets.

Washington Praying at Valley Forge, believed
to be a story invented in the 19th Century
On the other hand, since the British could not send out smaller foraging parties and had to remain inside their perimeter at Darby, that left much of the countryside to the north open.  Rather than attack the British, Stirling sent out his own foraging parties which captured cattle, sheep, blankets and other supplies to ship back to Valley Forge, thus denying it to the British and making it available to Washington’s starving soldiers.

Howe then deployed a regiment on a night march toward Radnor, which was where Stirling had made his headquarters.  The movements set off a panic among local farmers who feared both armies might descend on them and take all of their food.  A great many loaded their wagons and attempted to get to Philadelphia.  That way, they could sell their food for money rather than have it taken.  A great many made it into the city, but many others had their wagons seized and confiscated by Continental patrols.

Plan to Attack Philadelphia

All of this was happening in the days leading up to Christmas 1777.  It was not lost on anyone that Washington’s best claim to fame was his Christmas raid on Trenton a year earlier.  Washington seriously considered a second Christmas raid, this year on Philadelphia.  With more than half of the British Army in Darby, the defenses in Philadelphia were stretched rather thin.

Washington HQ, Home of Isaac Potts
(from Wikimedia)
Washington devised a plan to have General Stirling’s army attack the British at Darby in force as a feint.  Washington believed this would cause the bulk of the Hessian Army still defending Philadelphia to march toward Darby to support the British regulars.  With defenses in the city weakened even more, 4000 Continentals would storm the defenses north of Philadelphia and push the defenders back across the Schuylkill River.

Although this was Washington’s idea, he did not want to present it to his officers.  He feared doing so would get them all to go along rather than give their candid opinions.  Rather, he had General John Sullivan discuss the idea with other top officers and return with their opinions.  The feedback he got was not good.  The army simply did not have the supplies to begin a new offensive.  Even if they did, this was a complicated plan with lots of moving parts, which is the same thing that many blamed for the recent loss at Germantown.  Unlike at Trenton, the Americans would not be attacking a small isolated outpost.  They would be taking on the entire British Army, even if it was divided by about five or six miles.  The success of the plan would require perfect timing and would also require that the enemy to behave exactly as they expected.  The odds of that seemed too high.  In the end, Washington called off the plans.

Instead of the attack, soldiers in Valley Forge received an unexpected dinner of mutton courtesy of the sheep that Stirling’s raiding parties had sent.  Even so, it was too late for at least one soldier who was found dead in his cabin on Christmas Day, reportedly from malnutrition and exposure.  He was one of thousands who would die that winter in Valley Forge simply due to the darth of food, clothing, and shelter.

A few days after Christmas, the British foraging expedition returned to Philadelphia and once again secured its defenses against any possible attack.

Light Horse Harry

With the British back in Philadelphia, the Continentals needed to remain active in the area between Philadelphia and Valley Forge.  They needed to prevent farmers from trading with the enemy, and ensure that no new British offensives went undetected.  

Light Horse Harry Lee
(from Wikimedia)
Among those who were responsible for this territory was a Virginia captain named Henry Lee.  He was known as Harry, and would later get the nickname of “Light Horse Harry” for his actions during the war.  Captain Lee was from the prominent Lee family of Virginia. His father was the cousin of Richard Henry Lee, a delegate to the Continental Congress.

Captain Lee led a cavalry patrol in the area between the two armies.  Over several weeks, he established an understanding with the local farmers who gave his men food and shelter in exchange for their protection.  Lee’s company became effective in blocking farmers from trading with the enemy, as well as capturing 124 enemy soldiers over several weeks in December and January.

Lee’s cavalry became such a nuisance, that Howe sent out a regiment of British dragoons and the Queen’s Loyal Rangers to capture the Americans in late January.  Among those sent was Major Banastre Tarleton, the officer who had captured General Charles Lee (no relation) the year before.

In a dawn raid, 130 British horsemen descended on the house where Lee and nine of his men were sleeping.  One of Lee’s men fled in panic, leaving Lee with eight men to face the enemy.  The men in the stone house put up a stalwart defense, fending off several attacks on the house.  Eventually the British attackers decided the house was too difficult to storm and contented themselves with capturing the horses in the barn.

Lee, however, was not going to allow that either, and stage an unexpected charge at the barn to chase off the startled British.  

During one charge on the house, Tarleton reached the window.  One of the defenders pulled a pistol and fired point blank at Tarleton’s head.  The  gun misfired.  Tarleton shouted “you missed it my lad, for this time” and retreated away with only minor injuries.  The British suffered two dead and four wounded.  

Only one defender suffered a minor hand injury, although four pickets outside the house as well as the man who fled were missing and presumed captured.  The skirmish was of little importance strategically, but did great things for Captain Lee’s reputation.

HMS Symmetry

As it turned out, the real enemy that winter would not be soldiers.  It would be a battle for survival against starvation and exposure.  As such, much of the army’s work was to capture supplies for themselves, as well as deny them to the enemy. 

William Smallwood
(from Wikimedia)
A few days before the New Year, General William Smallwood’s Maryland militia managed to capture a British sloop called the Symmetry.  The ship had run aground a few days earlier near Wilmington, Delaware.  After the Militia fired a few shots, the crew struck their colors and surrendered.  The ship contained nearly 9000 muskets, six cannons, some food, wine, and rum, as well as enough uniforms to outfit four regiments. 

Washington congratulated Smallwood and requested that the supplies be shipped to Valley Forge as quickly as possible.  In response, Smallwood objected, claiming that as a seized ship, his militia were entitled to claim its contents as a prize to keep for themselves.  Washington seemed taken aback by this stand, but submitted the matter to Congress to resolve.  In the end, Congress ordered not only that Smallwood ship the bulk of the supplies to Valley Forge, but the Smallwood also be responsible for the care and feeding of several dozen British soldiers and sailors, as well as forty wives of officers who were captured aboard ship.

The dispute over the Symmetry created a rift between Washington and Smallwood that would last for years.

Disease and Death

Over the course of the winter, the lack of food and clothing remained among the army’s greatest challenge.  Added to that was disease.  Contagious diseases like smallpox and typhus ravaged the army.  

Officers set up hospitals in the few available buildings in the area.  But these were horribly overcrowded.  Caregivers mixed contagious patents with those suffering from other ailments, leading to greater spread of disease.  There were not nearly enough doctors, and even if there were, they did not know how to treat most of these diseases effectively.  Most of the sick received care from female camp followers who the army paid $2/month for their services. 

Valley Forge Encampment (from Lib of Cong)
Poor care, inadequate food, and mixing sick patients together made the hospitals a death trap for many.  Some soldiers who did survive, returned to duty wearing only a blanket because someone had stolen their clothes while they were sick in bed.  A great many soldiers simply refused to report being sick, thinking it would be better to try to get through their illness in their cabins.  A great many soldiers died without ever seeking any medical care.  

To combat these problems, Washington began a secret policy of smallpox inoculation.  Prior to the development of a safe vaccination in the 19th century, inoculation at this time often left the patient sick for several weeks or months with a weak version of smallpox.  Inoculated patients were also contagious for several weeks and had to be isolated from other soldiers.  A small percentage even died from the inoculation.

The Continental Army inoculated over 4000 soldiers in Valley Forge over the winter, meaning most of these soldiers would not be in fighting condition simply because of the inoculation.  That was one reason Washington wanted to keep the program a secret.  He did not want the British to realize that nearly half of his army was unable to fight.

The army also began to institute new rules regarding sanitary conditions.  These were rather rudimentary rules, like digging trenches for the men to relieve themselves a reasonable distance from the cabins and requiring soldiers to use the trenches rather than going wherever they wanted.

Congressional Committee

In late January, the Continental Congress sent a delegation to Valley Forge with an uncertain mission.  Some thought it was just a fact finding mission.  Others, including the head of the Commission, Francis Dana of Massachusetts, said it was “to rap a demi-god over the knuckles.”  In other words, push back against Washington for his overbearing demands to Congress.

Francis Dana
(from Wikitree)
Originally, the Committee was to have included Generals Gates and Mifflin from the Board of War.  Both men, however, declined to join the delegates.  Instead, in addition to Dana, four other delegates joined the commission: Gouverneur Morris of New York, Joseph Reed of Pennsylvania, Nathaniel Folsom of New Hampshire and John Harvie of Virginia.  Recall that Joseph Reed was Washington’s one-time aide. The two men had a falling out after Washington read correspondence between Reed and General Charles Lee more than a year earlier win which Reed disparaged Washington in favor of Lee.  Since then, Lee had left the army and become a delegate to the Continental Congress.

More than a month in Valley Forge had only given the soldiers time to become angrier.  They felt as if their home states and the army had ordered them to fight, but then refused to provide them with the food, clothing and other necessities to survive.  They had become naked starving wretches and no one seemed to care.  A mob of hungry soldiers killed a commissary officer.  The army’s paymaster refused to set foot in camp until he was given some money to pay the men, which did not come.  Similarly the clothier general’s department moved its winter quarters several miles from the main camp, fearing the wrath of soldiers.

Washington met the committee with a 13,000 word report entitled A Representation to the Committee of Congress, in which Hamilton, newly returned from his recovery from illness in Peekskill summarized thousands of pages of reports, and rebutted the attacks made against Washington by delegates and others outside the army.  It attacked the incompetence of the Commissary and Quartermaster Departments.  

It further proposed a guarantee of half pay for life to encourage officers to remain with the Continental Army.  It proposed a military draft to require state militia to serve a one-year stint in the Continental Army, with a $25 reenlistment bonus to be paid for another year. It also suggested the use of more free blacks in the army as well as greater use of allied Native Americans.  In summary, it laid out the desperate plight of the army and suggested the solutions necessary to build a more professional and functioning army.

Washington’s presentation impressed the committee members, who were struck by the plight of the army’s lack of resources and by Washington’s continued willingness to submit to civilian authority, even when the civilians were not providing his men with the necessities of life. Washington’s calls for a more professional army went against the revolutionary notions that a standing army was always a mark of tyranny and that militia should be sufficient.  Washington, however, made clear that such an army was a necessity and that, unlike other standing armies in history, his army would always remain subject to the civilian leaders in Congress.

The committee spent several weeks at Valley Forge, meeting with Washington and inspecting the army.  When they returned to York in February, they recommended passage of most of Washington’s suggestions.  Meanwhile, Washington’s struggle to keep his army alive would continue.

Next week: we will head over to France to discuss the first treaties recognizing the US as an independent nation.

- - -

Next Episode 173 Treaties with France 



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Further Reading

Websites

Valley Forge National Historical Park: https://www.nps.gov/vafo/index.htm

Valley Forge: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/valley-forge

The Continental Army at Valley Forge: http://www.eyewitnesstohistory.com/valleyforge.htm

“From George Washington to Henry Laurens, 23 December 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-12-02-0628

A Representation to the Committee of Congress “From George Washington to a Continental Congress Camp Committee, 29 January 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-13-02-0335

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Pennypacker, Samuel W. Valley Forge, Philadelphia, 1898.

Prowell, George R. Continental Congress at York, Pennsylvania and York County in the Revolution, The York Printing Co., 1914.

Riddle, James W. Valley Forge Guide and Handbook, Philadelphia, J.B. Lippincott Co. 1910.

Taylor, Frank H. Valley Forge, a Chronicle of American Heroism, Philadelphia: J.W. Nagle, 1905.

Woodman, Henry The History of Valley Forge, Oaks, Pa., J. U. Francis, 1922.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Buchanan, John The Road to Valley Forge: How Washington Built the Army that Won the Revolution, Wiley, 2004.

Chidsey, Donald Barr Valley Forge; An On-The-scene Account of the Winter Crisis in the Revolutionary War, Crown Publishing, 1959.

Cole, Ryan Light-Horse Harry Lee: The Rise and Fall of a Revolutionary Hero - The Tragic Life of Robert E. Lee's Father, Regnery History, 2019.

Drury, Bob & Clavin, Tom Valley Forge, Simon & Schuster, 2018.

Fleming, Thomas Washington's Secret War: The Hidden History of Valley Forge, Smithsonian, 2005.

Flexner, James Thomas, George Washington in the American Revolution, 1775-1783, Little Brown, 1968.

Lockhart, Paul The Drillmaster of Valley Forge: The Baron de Steuben and the Making of the American Army, Smithsonian, 2008.

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan, 1952. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.