Showing posts with label Navy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Navy. Show all posts

Sunday, August 29, 2021

ARP215 The Dunkirk Pirate


In the spring of 1779 Gustavus Conyngham sailed into Philadelphia.  The ship captain had been away for years and was returning home after many successful raids and harrowing experiences. 

Gustavus Conyngham

Conyngham had been born in Ireland, but moved to Philadelphia with his family as a teenager in 1763.  His cousin had already established a successful shipping company.  Gus joined the family business and was soon commanding merchant ships in trade with the West Indies and Europe.  He purchased a home in Philadelphia, got married, and settled into the life of a merchant ship’s captain.

Gustavus Conyngham
Conyngham supported the patriot cause.  In late 1775, the Maryland Council of Safety contracted with Conyngham to sail to Europe and purchase gunpowder and other military supplies.  Conyngham sailed his ship, the Charming Peggy, to Dunkirk, France to purchase the needed items.  

British agents took notice of his purchases and notified French authorities.  The French, at this time, were obligated by treaty to prevent the colonies from buying any war materials, but also did not really want to live up to that treaty.  French officials inspected his ship as the British Ambassador demanded, but found nothing.  Conyngham had received advance notice, and had dumped his gunpowder into the harbor before the inspectors arrived.

Conyngham made his escape, but was still without the gunpowder.  He then sailed for the Netherlands, where he made another deal to purchase gunpowder.  This time, one of his own crew members informed authorities.  Officials seized the ship, put it under a prize crew, and arrested the captain and crew.

Conyngham, however, was not ready to go to prison.  His crew overpowered the prize crew aboard his ship and made a dash back to the Netherlands.  There, Conyngham made a quick deal to sell his ship before it could be confiscated.  He made a deal to sell it to the Dutch government, but ended up never getting the money.  Dutch officials simply kept his ship and never paid him.

So, by early 1776, Conyngham was still a free man, but was stuck in the Netherlands without a ship, supplies, or money. He spent a year stuck in Europe as the war in America heated up.  In early 1777, Conyngham received word that the American Commissioners in Paris were trying to purchase and outfit ships to harass British shipping.

Benjamin Franklin had arrived in France with pre-signed commissions from the Continental Congress.  He granted Conyngham a commission as a captain in the Continental Navy in March, 1777.  Franklin also put Conyngham in contact with William Hodge, a recently appointed  American agent in Dunkirk.  The men then outfitted a merchant ship into a converted warship which they named the Surprize.  

By May, Conyngham had assembled a crew and sailed the Surprize out into the English Channel and began seizing British merchant ships. The ten-gun ship was small, by naval standards.  But, living up to its name, it was a real surprise for British merchant ships in the English Channel. Conyngham was able to get in close and demand the surrender of ships unaccustomed to attack in these friendly waters..  The Surprize captured two ships and sailed back to Dunkirk.

The British of course, were apoplectic about this.  In early 1777, France and Britain were still at peace. The British ambassador to France lodged a formal protest with Vergennes.  France was permitting its harbors to be used by American pirates.  They had taken British ships that were engaged in lawful commerce.

France was treaty-obligated to prevent the use of their ports for anyone attacking British shipping.  Under pressure, French officials seized all three ships, returning the captured vessels to British authorities, and arrested the crew.  The British wanted Conyngham sent to London to be tried for piracy and hanged.  The British Ambassador, Lord Stormont, began referring to Conyngham as the “Dunkirk Pirate.”

Franklin was able to intervene and get Conyngham freed before the British could take him to England for trial. France continued to play it’s dangerous game of supporting American efforts as much as possible, while still avoiding war with Britain.  Impressed by Conyngham’s first voyage, Hodge was able to convert an even larger ship for Conyngham’s next voyage.  The new ship, dubbed the Revenge, had fourteen cannons and twenty-two swivel guns.  It was also extremely fast.

The Revenge at sea
The French government learned of the new ship but allowed it to leave on the promise that it would sail to America.  Everyone knew that was a lie, but it gave the government the cover it needed to release the ship.  Aboard his new ship, the Revenge, Conyngham then spent most of the next two years harassing British shipping all around England, Scotland and Ireland.  By some accounts, he captured or destroyed at least sixty ships, using Spain as a neutral port to sell his prizes and make necessary repairs.

In Britain, word of the “Dunkirk Pirate” spread as he became the most effective American raider in Europe.  His efforts, along with the three other Continental navy ships harassing British shipping in 1777, created a real problem.  British merchant ships could not get insurance, except at astronomical rates.  British merchants began shipping on foreign ships that they knew would not be subject to attack, as long as they sailed under a neutral flag.  British commercial shipping came almost to a standstill.  The British navy sent out ships in all directions with orders to capture the Dunkirk Pirate, but without success.

At Versailles, the British Ambassador threatened war.  Stormont accused French officials of tolerating the Revenge, allowing it to operate with its mostly French crew, as it was disrupting British shipping.  Unless French officials put a stop to it, Britain would go to war with France and begin seizing French ships at sea.  This was in the summer of 1777.  The British army from New York was launching its offensive against Philadelphia, and another army from Quebec was moving into New York.  

French officials saw a real possibility that the American rebellion might come to a quick end.  They did not want war with Britain if Britain was not distracted in America.  French officials began cracking down on the Americans.  At one point, Conyngham was being held in a French harbor pending arrest, but then somehow got permission to leave. Officials arrested the American agent, Hodge, and threw him in the Bastille. They also began cracking down on officials who had allowed Conyngham to leave port with his ships.

Conyngham’s crew of mostly European sailors had joined the ship’s crew for the money.  Many of them were would-be pirates who would have been happy to attack any ship from any country.  Conyngham had to keep his crew in line, manage the politics of neutral ports, where the British wanted him arrested, and fight the entire British Navy that was looking to hang him.  He managed to remain active, raising thousands of dollars in prize money for the patriot cause and disrupting British trade.

Conyngham continued to raid British shipping around Britain for the rest of the summer and fall.  He sailed north to the Baltic and also through the Irish Channel.  He even seized several ships right at the mouth of the Thames River.  At one point, he even disguised his ship and put into an English port for repairs.  Over the course of 18 months, he captured 27 ships and sank or burned another 33.

By 1778, France had gone to war with Britain.  But Conyngham’s difficulties with authorities did not end there.  He faced accusations that he had attacked neutral ships, including merchant ships from Sweden and Spain.  It appears Conyngham had taken the controversial position of seizing British property that was being carried by neutral ships.  This was in contravention of generally accepted norms of privateering.  Eventually, he found all European ports were closed to his ship.  No one wanted to be associated with the Dunkirk Pirate.

Return to America

Conyngham eventually sailed to the West Indies, thinking he could disrupt shipping there as well. By early 1779, Conyngham had been away from home for over three years. The American agent at Martinique, William Bingham, asked Conyngham to deliver a load of weapons to Philadelphia.  With that mission Conyngham finally had an opportunity to return home and see his family.

Conyngham returned to Philadelphia to what should have been a hero’s welcome.  He had captured more ships than any other privateer or captain in the Continental Navy.  He had completely disrupted shipping between Britain and the continent, and had provided prize money that left the American Commissioners in Paris with desperately needed funds.  

The Continental Congress, however, did not see it that way.  Several of his crew had returned to Philadelphia before him and had accused him of not paying promised wages to his crew.  More importantly though, Conyngham got caught up in Congress’ efforts to assault the reputation of Silas Deane.

Arthur Lee

Paris' American Commissioner Arthur Lee had reported that the Surprize and the Revenge were operating as privateer ships.  Lee further alleged that this was part of a larger scheme by Silas Deane to enrich himself at government expense.  Lee alleged that Deane had pocketed prize money and that Conyngham has possibly shared in that money.

The Chair of the Maritime Committee in Congress was Arthur Lee’s brother, Richard Henry Lee.  The committee called on Conyngham to give an account of himself.  The first thing he needed to do was establish that he was, in fact, a Continental Navy officer, as he alleged.  For that, he needed to produce his commission.

Unfortunately for Conyngham, French officials had seized his commission when they had arrested him to appease British officials before the two countries had gone to war.  Conyngham had had to slip out of France rather quickly and unofficially to avoid arrest and never got back his commission.

Conyngham also did not have any paperwork, or often even any first-hand knowledge about the sales of the prizes he had captured.  Typically, he sent his prizes to a port where they could be sold quickly and quietly before officials got wind of them and tried to seize them.  It did not make much sense to keep records of ships that were captured and sold.  That information could only be used against him later at a piracy trial if the British captured him.  Further, his goal was not to raise money.  It was to disrupt shipping.  The sales of the ships were just an added benefit, which he had left to others.

The committee seemed to accept Conyngham’s explanation about the disposition of the ships.  But without the proof of a commission, they concluded that he was a privateer, not a captain in the navy.  Since Benjamin Franklin had provided his commission, and he was still in Paris, there was no way to confirm Conyngham’s claim, at least not for many months.

Instead, Congress ordered Conyngham’s ship, the Revenge, seized as government property.  Since Congress could not raise a crew to make use of the ship, Congress (always desperate for cash) opted to sell the ship at auction.

The state of Pennsylvania tried to buy the ship for river defenses, but was outbid by a private bidder, a merchant named Gustavus Conyngham.  Yes, Captain Conyngham bought back his own ship.  If Congress would not recognize his commission, he could at least go back to work on his own terms against British shipping.

He received a letter of marque from Pennsylvania to protect commerce along the Delaware River.   But that was only a short term gig.  Once that ended for Conyngham, in the spring of 1779.  After that, he once again went out into the Atlantic in search of British prizes.

Capture

Conyngham very quickly came up against the British navy ship the Galatea in late April.  Although he attempted to escape, the Galatea was faster and managed to force his surrender.  The British crew captured the ship and put Captain Conyngham in irons.  The capture of the Dunkirk Pirate was a big deal for the British.

Because neither side was willing to recognize Conyngham as a naval officer at the time of his capture, and because his letter of marque had expired, the British treated Conyngham as a pirate.  The Galatea took him back to British-occupied New York, where he was held in a prison ship in pretty horrific conditions.

Mill Prison
He only remained in New York a short time before the British leadership shipped the famous Dunkirk Pirate back to England to face trial for treason and piracy.  For a time, he was held at Pendennis Castle in Falmouth, then moved to Mill Prison in Plymouth. For most of his stay his captors kept Conyngham in irons and held him under continuing horrific conditions. Conyngham lost 50 pounds and was in danger of starvation.

Conyngham knew that he was in serious danger of being hanged.  He made several attempts to escape from prison, including one where he dressed up like a visiting doctor and simply walked out the front gate with a group of visitors.  But the guards realized it just after he got out and recaptured him.

His captors did offer him a way out of his predicament.  If he agreed to join the British Navy, he could leave prison and return to sailing.  Conyngham, however, was a committed patriot.  He not only refused the offers, but also joined in a signed agreement with his fellow prisoners that none of them would enlist with the British in order to gain release from prison.

Meanwhile, back in America, Conyngham’s reputation was improving.  Benjamin Franklin, in Paris, had been able to get word to Congress that Conyngham was a legitimate navy captain.  Once that was established, the Continentals protested the treatment of this captured officer.  In retaliation for Conyngham’s treatment by the British, the Americans confined a captured British officer being held in Boston to conditions similar to those that Conyngham experienced.

The British, however, were undeterred. They still planned to try, and likely hang the Dunkirk Pirate.  Messing with British shipping was a serious offense, and examples had to be made.

Conyngham was not interested in sticking around to see if the Americans could convince the British otherwise. He and several prisoners were able to break into a prison store room and steal some digging tools.  The group managed to dig a tunnel under the main prison wall.  

On the night of November 3, the group made its escape.  The plan was for hundreds of prisoners to use the tunnel that night and make their escape.  However, after the first few dozen had gotten through, the scramble to get out turned into chaos. One boy got trampled and had his arm broken.  His screams alerted the guards, who shut down the tunnel and recaptured most of the escaping prisoners.

Conyngham, however, had been one of the first few out of the tunnel.  He managed to avoid capture. A national manhunt for the Dunkirk Pirate got underway. Despite this, Conyngham managed to make his way to London, where he had friends who provided him with shelter and money.  After a few weeks, he was able to get smuggled out of England aboard a ship bound for Rotterdam in the Netherlands. 

Joining with Jones

In 1779, the Netherlands was still a neutral party in the war.  It had treaties with Britain, but was tolerating the semi-covert use of its ports by the American Navy and some privateers.  When Conyngham reached the Netherlands, he was able to make contact with Commodore John Paul Jones.  Jones had landed at Texell, a small Dutch Island just off the northern coast of the Netherlands.  Jones had just captured the British ship Serapis in a recent battle, losing his own ship the Bonhomme Richard in the process.  That’s a whole separate story that I want to cover in a separate episode.

Suffice it to say that as soon as Jones had rehabbed his fleet, Conyngham joined with Jones’ fleet. The British were pressuring Dutch officials to turn over all of these American pirates to Britain.  The neutral Dutch were doing their best to avoid doing so, while still trying to avoid going to war with Britain.  The British also had a fleet just offshore, in case the Americans attempted to escape from port.

Despite the blockade, Jones and Conyngham managed to slip out of Texel at night on December 27, and evade their would-be captors.  Jones had given Conyngham command of a new frigate, the Alliance.  The squadron once again began wreaking havoc on shipping in the English Channel.

By this time though, Conyngham was eager to get home.  When the American fleet reached Spain, after a few weeks of raiding, Conyngham parted ways with Jones and, as a passenger, boarded another privateer ship, the Experiment, which was headed to America.

Recapture

Unfortunately, the British captured the Experiment at sea in March of 1780. They identified the Dunkirk Pirate and sent him back to Mill Prison in Plymouth.  There, once again, the authorities held Conyngham in chains and under close confinement.  However, they never did hold any trial.  It seems that this time they accepted his status as a prisoner of war. That said, he still was not accorded the honorable treatment usually granted to a captured officer.  

After about a year in prison, Conyngham was permitted to return to France as part of a prisoner exchange in the summer of 1781.  This is where his timeline gets a little sketchy.  Supposedly, the Commissioners gave Conyngham another ship, the Loyola, which he outfitted and prepared for another cruise against British shipping.

But before the cruise could get underway, Conyngham received word of a peace treaty that would end the war.  The treaty negotiations did not begin until the spring of 1782.  So, Conyngham may have been cooling his heels in France for a year after he left prison, before he had a new ship that was ready to go.

In any event, with news of the treaty, Conyngham decided not to launch another cruise against British shipping.  Instead, Conyngham boarded the Hannibal as a passenger and returned to Philadelphia.  There, he would return to his life as a merchant captain, and renew his fight for recognition of his service in the Continental Navy, this time for veteran’s benefits.

Next week, we return to the southern frontier for the battle of Chickamauga Creek.

- - -

Next  Episode 216 Chickamauga Creek


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Further Reading

Websites

Norton, Louis Arthur “Captain Gustavus Conyngham: America’s Successful Naval Captain - or Accidental Pirate?” Journal of the American Revolution, April 15, 2015. https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/04/captain-gustavus-conyngham-americas-accidental-pirate

Norton, Louis Arthur “Plight of the Seamen: Incarceration, Escape, or Secured Freedom” Journal of the American Revolution, Jan. 7, 2021. https://allthingsliberty.com/2021/01/plight-of-the-seamen-incarceration-escape-or-secured-freedom

Paton, Robert Pirates of the Revolution: https://www.historynet.com/pirates-of-the-revolution.htm

Conyngham, Gustavus. “Narrative of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, U. S. N., While in Command of the ‘Surprise’ and ‘Revenge’, 1777-1779.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 22, no. 4, 1898, pp. 479–488. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20085820

 Prelinger, Catherine M. “Benjamin Franklin and the American Prisoners of War in England during the American Revolution.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 2, 1975, pp. 261–294. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1921564

“From Benjamin Franklin to Gustavus Conyngham, 6 February 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-36-02-0377

“The American Commissioners: Three Covering Notes for Captured Mail, 10–11 May 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-24-02-0029

“The American Commissioners to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 25 May 1777,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-24-02-0052

“Gustavus Conyngham to the American Commissioners, 4 January 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-25-02-0334

“The Commissioners to Gustavus Conyngham, 19 April 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-06-02-0030

“To Benjamin Franklin from Gustavus Conyngham, 18 November 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-31-02-0065.

“Franklin: Certificate for Gustavus Conyngham, [7 August 1782],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-37-02-0466

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Barnes, James With the flag in the Channel: The Adventures of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, New York : D. Appleton Company, 1902. 

Conyngham, Gustavus “Narrative of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, U. S. N., while in Command of the "Surprise" and "Revenge", 1777-1779The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1909. 

Cooper, J. Fenimore History Of The Navy Of The United States Of America, Vol. I, London: Richard Bentley, 1839. https://archive.org/details/dli.granth.37530

Jones, Charles H. Captain Gustavus Conyngham; a Sketch of the Services he Rendered to the Cause of American Independence, Philadelphia: Sons of the Revolution, 1903. 

Neeser, Robert W. Letters and Papers Relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham, Naval History Society, 1915. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bowen-Hassell, E. Gordon, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, University Press of the Pacific, 2004 

McGrath, Tim Give Me a Fast Ship: The Continental Navy and America's Revolution at Sea, Caliber, 2014. 

Willis, Sam The Struggle for Sea Power: A Naval History of the American Revolution, W.W. Norton & Co. 2016. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.






Sunday, September 20, 2020

ARP167 Defending the Delaware


Following the battle of Germantown, the British Army’s position in Philadelphia seemed secure.  About two weeks after the battle, General Howe evacuated Germantown and moved his army closer to Philadelphia.  The 15,000 regulars and Hessians packed together behind entrenched lines that Washington’s army could not hope to break.  

Although Washington would not attempt to force another attack on occupied Philadelphia, the Continentals still could create problems for Howe.  As they had done when the British occupied Boston and New York, they prevented the occupiers from roaming the rural areas around the city to collect food, forage, and other supplies.  In both Boston and New York, the navy could make up for this loss by shipping in supplies from elsewhere.  But in October 1777, the British Army in Philadelphia, and the British Navy, still gathering at the mouth of the Delaware River, could not link up with one another.  

River Defenses

Since the outbreak of war, the Americans had fortified their defenses on the Delaware River to prevent a naval attack.  The lower part of the river was much wider, making it more difficult to defend.  But once a ship travels upriver north of the Delaware-Pennsylvania border, the river narrows, making larger sailing ships much less maneuverable.

Survey by Capt. Montresor
of the approach to Phila.
(from Journal of Am. Rev.)
The Americans set up a series of forts and river defenses that would prevent the approach of any fleet to Philadelphia. The first spot was at Billingsport, which was on the New Jersey side of the river, several miles south of Philadelphia.  It is actually near where the southern border of Philadelphia is now, but Philadelphia was much smaller in the 1770's.  At that point, the river narrowed and there was a slight bend, making it difficult for ships to navigate.

To make it more difficult, the Americans sank several chevaux de frise into the river.  A cheval de fries is basically a tree with all the branches removed.  The tip is sharpened and usually covered with an iron tip to make it into a giant spear.  The other end is then attached to a big box of rocks and sunk into the river.  Any wooden ship sailing into this would be punctured and likely would sink.  

Since the weapons were beneath the water, a ship needed a pilot who knew where they were to maneuver around them to get upriver.  Also, ships would have to sail near the New Jersey side of the river to get past.  The Americans erected a fort there at Billingsport to fire on any ships trying to pass without permission.

If a fleet got past this first defense, it next had to move a few miles upriver to get past Forts Mercer and Mifflin.  Again, the Americans sunk chevaux de frise into the river and put forts on both sides.  Fort Mercer sat on the New Jersey side at Red Bank plantation.  The land was owned by a local Quaker named James Whitall.  Generally, Quakers were considered Tories, but they often did not actively support either side.  Mostly, they just tried to stay out of the war as pacifists. James’ wife Ann had a brother who served in the Continental Congress, so the Whitalls were not particularly hostile to the patriot cause.  

In any event, the government set up a fort on their land, right next to their house.  The purpose of the fort was to house cannons that would prevent any hostile ships from moving upriver.

On the Pennsylvania side of the river the Americans established Fort Mifflin.  This was actually on an island known as Mud Island, separated from the mainland by a smaller branch of the river.  Fort Mifflin also mounted cannons to fire on ships, thus subjecting any enemy fleet to a deadly crossfire from both forts if they attempted to move upriver while avoiding the chevaux de frise in the river itself.  

If that was not enough, the Americans built a fleet of small gunboats.  These were basically large rowboats with a cannon or two mounted on it.  The boats could hide in the shallows behind Mud Island and row out when needed.  Because large sailing ships could not maneuver easily.  These smaller ships could row out, fire a shot, and then row away before the enemy could get in place to return fire.  There were also a few Continental Navy ships to supplement this fleet.  Finally, the Pennsylvania Navy had constructed a series of fire rafts.  These were basically large rafts that would be set on fire and floated down toward an enemy fleet, in hopes of causing some damage or chaos.

The British Navy had ships that had made advances up the river since the outbreak of war.  They were well aware of these defenses, and opted not to take them on directly.  That was one reason why the British opted not to sail up the Delaware for Howe’s attack on Philadelphia, but instead spent weeks sailing down to the Chesapeake in order to land at Head of Elk, Maryland.

Of course, as I said, these defenses did not really begin until one got into Pennsylvania.  Historians have questioned for years why the British fleet did not simply sail up to Wilmington, Delaware, disembark the army there, and then march to Philadelphia.  If they had done so, the army could have landed weeks earlier and at a spot much closer to Philadelphia than their landing in Maryland.

After Admiral Howe unloaded the army in the Chesapeake, he had no trouble sailing his fleet out of the Chesapeake and up the Delaware River to Wilmington by early October.

John Montresor

One of the British officers tasked with getting past these defenses was John Montresor.  Captain Montresor was quite familiar with the defenses because he had been responsible for building Fort Mifflin before the war.

John Montresor
(from Wikimedia)
Montresor is an interesting character who deserves an introduction.  He was present for most of the important events in the first part of the war.

Born at Gibraltar, Montresor was the son of Colonel James Montresor who was also a military engineer.  John grew up following his father around the world.  He did spend four or five years at school in London, but mostly grew up living at various military outposts.

In 1754, eighteen year old Ensign Montresor traveled to America with his father.  He served on the Braddock campaign along with men like Thomas Gage and Charles Lee, and a colonial officer named George Washington, as the British attempted to capture Fort Duquesne, in what is today Pittsburgh.  Montresor was wounded in that battle and also made lieutenant.  He received a commission as an engineer and participated in the Sieges of Louisbourg and Quebec during the French and Indian War.  Montresor led a relief force to Fort Detroit during Pontiac's Rebellion.  He also designed and oversaw construction of fortifications at Fort Niagara and Fort Erie.

When the French and Indian War ended, Captain Montresor remained in America, living in New York.  He bought an island in the East River.  He did survey work and constructed various military fortifications in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and the Bahamas.  Among these was a fort on Mud Island in the Delaware River, constructed in 1771 to provide defenses for Philadelphia.

When the war began in 1775, Montresor was in Boston.  He participated in the relief force that rescued British regulars returning from Concord. The following year, he was a part of the invasion of New York and the Battle of Long Island.  Montresor met with Continental Captain Nathan Hale the night before he was hanged.  He went on to participate in the fight over New Jersey in early 1777.

Captain Montresor accompanied General Howe in the landing at Head of Elk.  Some attribute Montresor’s description of the Delaware River defenses as convincing General Howe to land in the Chesapeake.  Montresor participated in the Philadelphia Campaign, including the Battle of Brandywine.  After the British took Philadelphia, Montresor was tasked with destroying the Delaware River defenses that he had helped to build.

American Defense

Traditionally, the Delaware river had no real defenses.  When William Penn founded the city of Philadelphia, he was decidedly anti-military and wanted to trust in God for the city’s defense.  His largely Quaker legislature continued to hold that position.  It was not until 1772 that the colony, largely due to the support of Benjamin Franklin, built the defenses on Mud Island that became known as Fort Mifflin.  Although British Captain Montresor helped design and construct the fort, it was manned by colonists and became a patriot controlled fort upon the outbreak of war.

The Roebuck with other British Ships
(from Wikimedia)
The British first tested American defenses in May 1776 when two British navy ships, the Roebuck and the Liverpool attempted to sail up the Delaware.  Their encounter with patriot gunships and the Reprisal under Captain Lambert Wickes, forced them to withdraw.  For the next year, British ships would linger around Delaware Bay, attempting to capture ships entering or leaving the river, but they did not venture up toward the city again, even while General Howe’s army was threatening the city from New Jersey in late 1776.

The Americans attempted to beef up the river defenses in 1777.  The ranking Continental Navy officer on the river was John Barry.  Pennsylvania also had its own navy under the command of John Hazelwood.  The Continental Congress gave overall command to Hazelwood, who also commanded the Continental ships on the river.  Pennsylvania gave him the rank of Commodore.  Some sources say he also received an equivalent rank in the Continental Navy, but I can find no record of that.

Hazelwood was an English-born merchant who had moved to Philadelphia as a young man.  He was serving as a captain of Philadelphia merchant vessels by the mid 1750s.  As early as July 1775 Hazelwood was working with the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to begin developing the Delaware River defenses.

John Hazelwood
(from Wikimedia)
Hazelwood, however, did not have a free hand to create defenses however he liked.  He had to work with varied and sometimes conflicting interests between the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, the Continental Congress, the Continental Navy, the Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware militia, and the Continental Army.  Within all those groups, there were different individuals who all seemed to operate on their own, each with different priorities and opinions on the best way to defend the river.

When Tadeusz KoÅ›ciuszko first arrived in American in late 1776, he began work on the fort at Billingsport.  He did this before Congress gave him a commission. Before he finished, the Continental Congress granted his commission and sent him off to Fort Ticonderoga.  Over the summer of 1777, French officer Philippe du Coudray also went to Billingsport, again to consult on the defenses there.

Du Coudray thought the Billingsport location was much better suited to defense than the other defenses at Forts Mercer and Mifflin further upriver.  He found that the river was narrower at Billingsport and a floating battery on a shallow area behind an island on the other side of the river provided supporting fire.  The fort itself, however, was entirely inadequate.   Du Coudray wanted 2000 laborers to build up defensive walls, and a total of 30 cannons along with artillery crews and a garrison to defend the fort itself against a land assault.

By this time, however, Washington was more concerned about the British landing an army and did not want to pour more resources into building up Billingsport.  Instead, he encouraged the use of the primary defenses at the already established at Forts Mifflin and Mercer.

Naval Battle at Philadelphia

On September 27, the day after the British Army first marched into Philadelphia, the Continental Navy struck at the city.  The Continental Navy ships, the Delaware, and the Fly, as well as the Pennsylvania ship the Montgomery and some smaller gunboats, sailed up the Delaware River to Philadelphia.  Captain Charles Alexander sought to deliver a warning note to the British.  Earlier that day Commodore Hazelwood had instructed Alexander to deliver the note if he saw the British constructing any batteries along the river.  It would contain a warning that unless the British would cease and desist the Americans would fire on them.

The Delaware attacked Philadelphia, leading to its
capture by the British (from US Naval Institute)
I’m not sure why Hazlewood felt that such a warning was necessary in the middle of a war, but it probably had to do with his concern over firing on Philadelphia and perhaps wounding or killing innocent civilians. As Captain Alexander approached the Philadelphia wharf, the newly installed British batteries opened fire on his fleet.  

A brief firefight ensued.  Most of the American fleet returned downstream to Fort Mifflin. The largest ship, however, the Delaware, ran aground under heavy British artillery fire.  The British cannons took out the main mast, wounded six of the crew and killed one.  Captain Alexander was forced to surrender.  He and his crew were taken prisoner.  His officers were imprisoned in Independence Hall, from which they would escape several months later.

The capture of the Delaware, gave the British a 28 gun frigate that was upriver from the American defenses.  Two other American ships, the Effingham and the Washington, under the commands of John Barry and Thomas Read, had sailed upriver to Burlington, New Jersey the day before the British took Philadelphia.  Both of these ships were larger, but had still been under construction and did not have armaments to go into battle.  

The Americans feared that the British might sail up and capture both of these ships as well.  If the British were able to assemble a small fleet of ships upriver of the American defenses, and that fleet worked in concert with the British fleet downriver, it could make the American defenses much more difficult.  The British, however, did not go after the other ships and were content to hold Philadelphia and await the British fleet.  The fear of these other ships being captured, however, was a big source of concern for the American leadership.

Fort Billingsport

It had taken the British Navy more than a month to complete its deployment at the Head of Elk in the Chesapeake, then sail back around to the Delaware Bay and make its way upriver.  By early October 1777, about the same time the Continental Army was attacking the British at Germantown, American observers were reporting dozens of British Naval vessels entering Delaware Bay and making their way upriver.  

The British made their way up to New Castle, Delaware and Chester, Pennsylvania with little resistance.  The first real threat to the fleet came at Fort Billingsport.  There, as I said, the Americans had sunk several lines of chevaux de frise in the river and maintained the fort to fire on any vessel trying to work its way around them.

British Operations (from Wikimedia)
Before assaulting the fort, Admiral Howe sent a message to Commodore Hazelwood, calling on him to surrender his fleet.  I don’t know if Howe seriously thought there was a real chance that the Americans would surrender without a shot fired, but I guess he figured it was worth asking.  Hazelwood, of course, declined the offer of surrender and continued his preparations for battle.

About this same time Commodore Barry received a more secretive offer.  A messenger, whose identity was never made known, met with Barry aboard the Effingham, which was still in hiding up north of Philadelphia.  The messenger conveyed a British offer of 15,000 guineas to Barry if he sailed down to Philadelphia and surrendered his ship.  Further, Barry received an offer of a commission in the British Navy and could continue to command the Effingham in his majesty’s service.  Conjecture is that the offer was delivered by one of Barry’s in-laws, several of whom were known Tories.  These relatives were, by this time, working for the British in Philadelphia.  As Barry later told the story, he lost his temper and ordered the man off of his ship.

At the same time, Admiral Howe assumed his overtures would be rejected and continued his planning and preparations to retake the river by force.  Howe conferred with Captain Andrew Hamond of the Roebuck.  Hamond had been trolling the waters of the lower Delaware for several years and was the naval officer most familiar with the current state of American defenses.

Hamond told Howe that he would be able to work his way past the chevaux de frise in the river if Howe could take out Fort Billingsport and prevent any artillery harassment from there.  Until that was clear, Admiral Howe kept the bulk of his fleet further downriver, avoiding a direct engagement.

On October 2, the navy assisted two regiments of regulars under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Stirling to cross the Delaware to the New Jersey side.  Stirling had been tasked with the capture of Fort Billingsport.  By October, there were very few Americans left to defend the fort. General Washington had recalled almost all troops in the area to join his army in  Pennsylvania, first for the land defense of Philadelphia and then for the attack at Germantown.  As a result, there were only a couple of hundred militia at the fort for its defense.  

Further, the fort had never implemented the defenses recommended by General du Coudray.  Its walls and entrenchments had not been completed and would not stand up to much of a defense.  The fort commander, Pennsylvania militia Colonel William Bradford deployed a cannon  and several dozen militia to confront the advancing regulars.


Billingsport Evacuation (from Marine Shop)
He then used what time he had to evacuate as many guns and supplies as he could, moving them on boats to the Pennsylvania side of the river.  He spiked the cannons that he could not transport and set fire to the fort and all of its buildings.  By the time Stirling’s regulars arrived a few hours later, Billingsport was an abandoned burning ruin.

The British had succeeded in eliminating the threat of cannon fire from Fort Billingsport.  Captain Hamond then set about removing the chevaux de frise from the river and creating a path for the British Navy.  The Americans floated fire rafts down the river at night in an attempt to force the British to withdraw.  The British were able to prevent the fire rafts from doing any harm, and within a few days had cut a hole through the American underwater defenses.  They moved six ships north of Billingsport.  The next barrier separating them from Philadelphia was the defenses at Forts Mifflin and Mercer.

We will get to that next week when we cover the Battles of Forts Mifflin and Mercer.

- - -

Next  Episode 168 Forts Mercer and Mifflin 



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First Do No Harm

by K. S. Avard (Releases Sept. 25, 2020).

In 17th Century Vienna, a local watchman discovers a dead body outside of Stephansdom Cathedral.  He soon realizes that the black plague is sweeping across the city.  He must determine: Is there a medical cure that will stop this illness from devastating the population? or is the plague the result of other-worldly beings bringing God’s wrath to a sinful people?

Author Kurt Avard takes readers on a journey through a society still emerging from medieval Europe to embrace enlightenment.  The struggle between religion and science breaks into open warfare as a determined group searches for a way to end this terrible suffering.  First, Do No Harm releases on September 25, 2020.  Pre-order your book on Amazon today.

Further Reading

Websites

Billingsport https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/billingsport-new-jersey

Balderston, Marion. “Lord Howe Clears the Delaware.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 96, no. 3, 1972, pp. 326–345. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20090651

Coudray, Du. “Du Coudray's ‘Observations on the Forts Intended for the Defense of the Two Passages of the River Delaware’, July, 1777.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 24, no. 3, 1900, pp. 343–347. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20085927 or on archive.org: https://archive.org/details/jstor-20085927

Leach, Josiah Granville. “Commodore John Hazlewood, Commander of the Pennsylvania Navy in the Revolution.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 26, no. 1, 1902, pp. 1–6. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20086007

Mervine, William M. “Excerpts from the Master's Log of His Majesty's Ship ‘Eagle," Lord Howe's Flagship, 1776-1777.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 38, no. 2, 1914, pp. 211–226. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20086167

William Bradford: https://www.founderoftheday.com/founder-of-the-day/bradford-franklin

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Ford, Worthington C. Defences of Philadelphia in 1777, Brooklyn: Historical Printing Club, 1897. 

Adolphus, John The History of England, from the Accession to the Decease of King George the Third, Vol. 2, London: J. Lee, 1840 (p. 457-59). 

McGeorge, Isabella C & McGeorge, Wallace Ann C. Whitall, the heroine of Red Bank, Gloucester County Historical Society (N.J.) 1917.

McGeorge, Wallace The Battle of Red Bank, resulting in the defeat of the Hessians and the destruction of the British frigate Augusta, Oct. 22 and 23, 1777, Camden: Sinnickson Chew, 1905.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Anderson, Lee Patrick Forty Minutes by the Delaware: The story of the Whitalls, Red Bank Plantation, and the battle for Fort Mercer, Universal Publishers, 1999.

Dorwart, Jeffery, M. Fort Mifflin of Philadelphia: An Illustrated History, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1998.

Jackson John W. The Pennsylvania Navy, 1775-1781: The Defense of the Delaware, Rutgers Univ. Press, 1974. 

McGrath, Tim John Barry: An American Hero in the Age of Sail, Westholme Publishing, 2010.

McGuire, Thomas J. The Philadelphia Campaign, Vol. 2, Stackpole Books, 2007.

Reed, John Ford Campaign to Valley Forge, July 1, 1777-December 19, 1777, Pioneer Press, 1980 (orig. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965).

Smith, Samuel Steele Fight for the Delaware, 1777, Phillip Freneau Press, 1970.

Taaffe, Stephen R. The Philadelphia Campaign, 1777-1778, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2003

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan, 1952.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.