Showing posts with label Revolution in New York. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Revolution in New York. Show all posts

Sunday, October 13, 2024

ARP330 Evacuation of New York

Last week we covered the signing of the peace treaty ending the war.  The British still had an army occupying New York in the fall of 1783.   Both sides needed to figure out how to disentangle the two armies and implement the peace treaty.

Carleton’s Changing Mission

General Guy Carleton had become the commander of forces in North America in early 1782, after London received word of the British surrender at Yorktown and wanted to replace General Henry Clinton.  Carleton received his assignment just weeks before the fall of the North Government in London.  The new government under Lord Shelburne took power before he left and continued to support his taking command of North America.  Carleton and Admiral Robert Digby were named joint peace commissioners.  Their assignment was to end the war in America, but trying to find some way to “reconcile and reunite” Great Britain with its colonies.

Evacuation Day, Washington's Entry
Shortly after his arrival in New York, Carleton received word that the new government under Prime Minister Shelburne was prepared to recognize complete American independence and that Carleton’s job was simply to find a way to evacuate the army and loyalist civilians.  Carleton asked to resign his command, not simply wanting to oversee an evacuation, but they convinced him to stay and complete the task of evacuation.

The task of removing the army was not an easy one.  He had roughly 30,000 British and Hessian soldiers, including thousands of prisoners still held by the Americans.  Carleton also had nearly an equal number of loyalist civilians who wanted to leave with the army.  Carleton had to remove everyone, while avoiding the risk of an enemy attack before the withdrawal was complete.

Through much of 1783, Carleton managed the process of removing soldiers and loyalists from New York.  He made little progress since the numbers of loyalists seeking refuge in the city, and the return of British and Hessian prisoners, often more than made up for those he was able to ship out of the city.  Many of these people were forced to live in tents on Long Island, awaiting an opportunity to leave.  An important factor in how fast people could leave the city was the availability of ships.

Carleton set up an Office of Superintendent of Exports and Imports to manage the process.  He could not get a good answer as to how many refugees many locations could handle.  For example, Carleton had to send agents to Nova Scotia to assess things like timber reserves, arable land, and availability of water to get a better idea of how many refugees he could send there, that could be settled with the existing resources.

In another instance, the general appointed three loyalist colonels, Edward Winslow, Isaac Brown, and Stephen Delancey to serve as agents for more than five thousand loyalist soldiers who were to be settled in New Brunswick.  These refugees would create entire new communities out of almost nothing.

Refugees, of course, were free to go wherever they could get transport.  Many moved to places like Bermuda, Nassau, the Bahamas, as well as England itself.

As part of this process, Carleton also had to deal with a problem of corruption.  Administrators, both civilian and military, expected kickbacks for just about anything.  British guards still holding American prisoners regularly took meager food requisitions and sold them to others, allowing prisoners to starve.  The prices of nearly everything the army purchases were double market value, thanks to all the kickbacks that were expected.

Rather than investigate and prosecute all of this, Carleton simply fired or reassigned virtually everyone involved with procurements and expenditures, replacing them with new men.  This, of course, led to complications as new administrators had to figure out how to get things done.  Carleton also created a board to inspect the financial records, similar to a commission that Carleton had overseen in London a few years before.  

This Board of Public Accounts was headed by Colonel Duncan Drummond, who I discussed back in Episode 308.  At that time, Drummond had opened up an inquiry into corruption that General Clinton had quashed because it was right after Yorktown and Clinton did not want to send more bad news to London.  Drummond got his investigation moving forward under General Carleton.  Also on the board was Henry White, a civilian merchant who had provided supplies for the British Army under General Howe, much earlier in the war, as well as another merchant, Hugh Wallace.  Rather than sweep this problem under the table like his predecessor, Carleton personally chaired many of these weekly meetings, to get to the bottom of army corruption.  

Tappan Conference

In April of 1783, before Washington dismantled his army, he wrote to Carleton about the exchange of prisoners.  Washington was willing to return the 6000 soldiers captured at Yorktown if Carleton could provide the ships to transport them.  Carleton replied that all his ships were tied up moving men and equipment out of New York, and that the prisoners would have to march from Virginia to New York.

Washington also suggested that they meet to discuss cooperation in the orderly withdrawal of the British Army from New York.  Several of Carleton’s advisors thought that such a meeting would be problematic.  In earlier meetings, American negotiators had tried to get Britain to pay for the care of the British prisoners in American custody.  Carleton's advisors were afraid that this might become an issue at the meeting and that it would hold up the release of the British prisoners.

Carleton overruled his advisors and agreed to the meeting.  He took with him a civilian loyalist, Judge William Smith and two military aides.  They agreed to meet with Washington at Tappan, where the Americans had hanged Major John Andre less than three years prior.  The location was a convenient ride from Washington’s headquarters, and easily accessible up the Hudson River by a British ship.  Washington brought with him his secretary, Jonathan Trumbull, as well as New York Governor George Clinton, along with New York’s secretary of state and attorney general to discuss any civilian state issues that were relevant.

The meeting was cordial, but got right down to business.  Washington put three issues on the table.  He wanted to be assured that the British would return slaves that were under their control, as per the peace treaty.  Next, he wanted to come to an agreement on the exact date when British troops would leave New York City.  Finally, he requested that the British turn over control of Westchester County and Long Island within the next few days.

Carleton could not really agree to any of these terms.  The date of the final evacuation would still be some time away.  Clinton was dealing with the issues related to moving thousands of men and equipment.  Any schedule was largely dependent on available ships and weather. He assured the Americans that he wanted to leave as quickly as possible and was working to that end.  But he could not give them a date certain.

As far as giving up land, Carleton was willing to turn over control of Westchester County.  He still needed Long Island where he had thousands of refugees awaiting departure.  He could not cram all these people into the city.

The question of slaves was the most contentious.  Carleton refused to turn over those who had accepted British offers of freedom in exchange for supporting the crown.  Many of these men had served under arms.  Many others served in a civilian capacity.  He would not return them to slavery.  Instead, Carleton noted that he would keep track of those that he evacuated and that the owners could be compensated for their value.  This position seemed to be a direct violation of the peace treaty.  Carleton agreed to allow American inspectors at the docks to assure that the list of negro evacuees was as accurate as possible, but that was as far as he was willing to go.

After an afternoon of arguing the two sides sat down to dinner with one another, prepared by Samuel Fraunces of Fraunces Tavern.  Then the American joined the British aboard ship for drinks and more informal discussions.

Washington did send inspectors to monitor the black people being evacuated.  As he expected, many of the former slaves gave false names and lied about their owners or status before the war.  In the end, Carleton did not return any refugees to slavery and no owner ever received any compensation for their losses.

Release of Prisoners

The issue of exchanging prisoners turned out to be a complicated one.  The Huddy-Asgill Affair only ended in late 1782, when Captain Asgill was finally permitted his release.  Tensions only seemed to ease once both sides accepted that the peace treaty really was bringing the war to an end.

Even after that, at one point the Americans considered not returning their British prisoners in protest of Carleton not returning their slaves.  Cooler heads prevailed, however, and the Americans agreed to the return.

Even so, collecting the thousands of prisoners that had been spread out among inland towns proved difficult.  Many British officers who had received parole had to be called back.  Many Hessian prisoners had opted to remain in America.  Some of them had opted to join the Continental Army or repay a debt while working at a civilian job in order to obtain American citizenship.  These all had to be figured out.  Then there was the process of finding food and supplies to march the prisoner armies from Virginia to New York.  

The Americans had been prepared to turn over their prisoners by April of 1783, but because they had to march the prisoners to New York, the final exchange did not take place until late May. 

For the British, release of prisoners also came with some difficulty.  Carleton began releasing some of his sickliest prisoners in early 1782, and released all of his army prisoners by the end of the year.  After his corruption hearings turned up the fact that agents were selling the food that was meant for the American prisoners, Carleton also began investigating the conditions of the naval prisoners held on prison ships.  These fell under the jurisdiction of the Navy.  Despite this, Carleton received permission from Admiral Digby to inspect the ships.  When he found the deplorable conditions, he prevailed on the Admiral to allow the prisoners to be removed from ships during the hottest days of the summer and put on Blackwell Island in the East River, what we today call Roosevelt Island.  Over the winter, Carleton authorized the purchase of clothing to keep these prisoners warm. 

Britain also had hundreds of American sailors in British prisons.  Benjamin Franklin helped coordinate their release and repatriation to America.  By July, 1783, Washington wrote to Secretary of War Benjamin Lincoln that the last American held prisoners, a group of Hessians, were on their way back to New York.  All prisoners on both sides, who had survived the war were either home or on their way.

Loyalists

Loyalists continue to stream into New York seeking transportation to anywhere more friendly.  When the British evacuated Westchester County about a week after the Tappan Conference in May, violence against the loyalist civilians who remained behind spiked.  Washington had to send in Continental soldiers to restore order.

Many loyalists still held out hope for some sort of compromise that would allow them to remain in America.  Even as late as the summer of 1783, Judge Smith, who had attended the Tappan Conference with General Carleton, wondered if Washington might still be part of a secret plan to bring about a reunion between Britain and her colonies.  Rumors of Congress’ move from Philadelphia to Princeton gave some loyalists hope of a compromise since Congress was finally separated from the French Minister Luzerne, who remained in Philadelphia.  Many loyalists thought that the patriots were held in thrall by the French and that separating them might lead to a compromise. These notions seemed to be based more on some desperate hope than on any reality.

Loyalist refugees streaming into New York during 1783, should have been a much better indicator of what awaited New York loyalists who did not leave with the British Army.  Pamphlets also entered the city threatening horrors and vengeance on any loyalists who remained behind.

Not everyone, of course, thought this way.  Colonel Alexander Hamilton visited New York City in August, looking forward to setting up a law practice there.  While there, he met with General Carleton, expressing concern that almost all New York’s merchants were fleeing the city.  This would make rebuilding New York’s economy much more difficult.  Carleton, unwilling to provide Hamilton with much information, did not respond, but simply shrugged his shoulders.

In the fall of 1782, British intelligence captured Thomas Poole in New York.  He had in his possession incriminating documents and confessed to being a spy.  His mission had been to collect information on Americans who were collaborating with the British in order to take action against them after the British left.

This put Carleton in a difficult situation.  Hanging an American spy just as they were getting the Huddy-Asgill affair behind them could have caused all sorts of problems.  At the same time, Carleton did not want Poole being able to report back to New York officials on collaborators who might end up remaining behind.

Instead, Carleton shipped him off to Bermuda. He sent along a letter to the governor letting him know that Poole was a spy.  He claimed he was not executed for reasons of “humanity” but that he had knowledge that would endanger other loyalists.  Poole could not be held in prison since he had become “very decrepit” from his imprisonment in New York.  He asked that Poole be held on Bermuda or some other island, where he could not return to America.

Six months later, in May 1783, Poole arrived back in New York.  Bermuda’s governor said he had recovered his health and that Poole should be exchanged along with other prisoners.  Once again, Carleton returned Poole to Bermuda.  He sent another note saying essentially, look, we need to keep this guy out of America as he is a direct threat to many loyalists.  He’s not a prisoner of war and not subject to any exchanges.  We need to keep him there until things cool off. 

This set up a series of back and forth letters.  The governor of Bermuda essentially saying that if he’s a prisoner, he should be exchanged.  If he’s not a prisoner, we have no right to hold him.  In the end, Poole went to South Carolina. It’s not clear if he came back to New York later, but he apparently was not a problem for Carleton again after that.

Throughout the summer and fall of 1783, both Washington and the Continental Congress repeatedly pushed Carleton for a final evacuation date.  Carleton, however, would not leave until he had found refuge for all the loyalists, many of whom were still entering New York.  Although Carleton wanted to go home as much as anyone, he could not bear the idea of loyalists suffering the wrath of the patriots if they were left behind.

In the fall, Carleton sent a messenger to London with his thoughts about keeping an army of more than 10,000 regulars and Hessians in New York over the next winter.  Before that message could arrive in London, Carleton received a message saying that he needed to evacuate New York right away. He needed to evacuate right away.  He could not keep delaying the final evacuation.

Evacuation Day

On November 12, 1783, Carleton wrote to Washington saying that he expected to be able to make the final withdrawal before the end of the month.  He would abandon King’s Bridge on November 21, giving the patriots access to Northern Manhattan.  He would also relinquish Long Island that same day, holding only the main city, Brooklyn, Paulus Hook and Staten Island.  Carleton wrote again a week later, to make sure Washington was coordinating the changeover, and wanted to be assured that the Americans would not allow violence and lawlessness to follow the British withdrawal, as it had in Westchester.  Washington wrote back to assure Carleton that he and state officials were prepared to move into the city as soon as the British left.

On November 21, Washington led the Continental Army onto Manhattan for the first time since his retreat in 1776. Since most of the army had already gone home, his Continental Army consisted of about 800 men, accompanied by some New York militia.  He took up temporary lodging at a tavern in Harlem, awaiting the final British evacuation.

Four days later, on November 25th, the last British soldiers boarded ships at the pier and pulled away into the harbor.  A signal blast of 13 cannons signaled to Washington that his army should advance.  Washington marched his army into the city.  Riding with Washington was Governor Clinton, with the staff prepared to resume civilian control of the city.  Other top civilian leaders marched with the army as well.  General Henry Knox was given the honor of leading the march into the city.

Replacing the Flag at NY Battery
The transition took place without any incidents.  The only problem for the Americans was that the British had nailed a British flag to the poll at the battery at the southern tip of the island.  They had removed the halyard and greased the flagpole in order to prevent the Americans from raising their flag.  It took several hours to get someone who could scale the pole and raise the American flag.  Soon American flags began to appear all over town.

The British fleet remained in the harbor for nearly a week, awaiting favorable winds.  On December 1, Carleton sent a final letter announcing the fleet’s departure the following day.  Washington wrote back saying that “[I] sincerely wish that your Excellency, with the Troops under your Orders may have a safe and pleasant passage.”

I wish that I could end on that polite and gentlemanly note.  But as the fleet sailed out over the next few days, boisterous New Yorkers on Staten Island fired their guns into the air and made some not so polite hand gestures at the departing fleet.  In response a British warship fired a cannonball at the shore, causing the spectators to disperse.  With that final parting shot, the British sailed from New York, ending their seven year occupation.  

The war was really over.

Next week, with its mission accomplished, the last of the Continental Army disbands once and for all.

- - -

Next Episode 331 Washington Goes Home

Previous Episode 329 Signing the Peace Treaty

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Further Reading

Websites

A 1783 Thanksgiving: Evacuation Day https://americansystemnow.com/a-1783-thanksgiving-evacuation-day

Evacuation Day & Washington's Farewell https://www.frauncestavernmuseum.org/evacuation-day-washingtons-farewell

ERNST, ROBERT. “A Tory-Eye View of the Evacuation of New York.” New York History, vol. 64, no. 4, 1983, pp. 376–94. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23174025

Bowler, R. A. “THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND BRITISH ARMY ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM.” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, vol. 58, no. 234, 1980, pp. 66–77. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44223295

“Account of a Conference between Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, 6 May 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-11217

“To George Washington from Guy Carleton, 12 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12054

 “To George Washington from Guy Carleton, 19 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12084

“From George Washington to Guy Carleton, 22 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12091

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Riker, James Evacuation Day, 1783, New York: 1883. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, Willam H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Head, David A Crisis of Peace: George Washington, the Newburgh Conspiracy, and the Fate of the American Revolution, Pegasus Books, 2019. 

Reynolds, Paul R. Guy Carleton: A Biography, William Morrow & Co. 1980.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, April 21, 2024

ARP308 McDougall Court Martial


Last week we covered the events in Philadelphia after Yorktown.  While everyone was celebrating the victory, there was still a war to be fought.  The army desperately needed food and supplies.  With the public no longer in fear of a British attack, politicians were even less inclined to impose the taxes necessary to support the army.

Alexander Mcdougall

Washington spent about four months in Philadelphia, meeting and lobbying members of Congress to support the army.  Many, I think including Washington, had hoped that Yorktown would have convinced the British to give up and go home. There are some indications in late 1781 that Washington expressed privately a hope that he would be back home by the spring of 1782.

By February, however, word arrived from London that the King had addressed Parliament after receiving news of Yorktown.  The king called on Parliament to continue the war and not allow the loss at Yorktown to be a reason to give up on North America.  That speech let Americans know that Britain would not simply walk away, and that fighting would likely continue.

In March of 1782, Washington left Philadelphia, not home to Mount Vernon as he had hoped, but rather to rejoin the army in New York.

Clinton’s Reputation Impeached

In New York City, General Henry Clinton became even more isolated after the British surrender at Yorktown.  The British general was always paranoid about his reputation.  General Cornwallis had sailed to New York in November, after the surrender, then left for London in December.  Clinton knew that Cornwallis would spend the next few months blaming Clinton for everything.  This was not just conjecture, Clinton had forwarded on letters from Cornwallis to London which essentially blamed the loss at Yorktown on Cornwallis obligation to follow Clinton’s orders.

Gen. Henry Clinton

Clinton had other problems too.  Earlier Clinton had deployed Captain Thomas Baddeley to Charleston, South Carolina. There, the captain had fallen ill and died.  Nothing terribly unusual about that.  However, Captain Baddeley’s wife, Mary Baddeley was Clinton’s mistress.  Clinton and Mrs. Baddeley had met in Boston early in the war.  Ironically, she came to the general’s attention after her husband had been stripped of his rank after he had refused to allow another officer to have sex with his wife.  Clinton  ended up employing her as his housekeeper.

Supposedly nothing untoward happened at that time.  Clinton left Boston and Mrs. Baddeley when he moved to New York.  As it turned out Baddeley ended up in New York as well, with her son and destitute.  Clinton once again employed her as a housekeeper.  The two grew close, although they deny having a sexual affair until Mrs. Baddeley found her husband sleeping with another woman.  At that point, she separated and began a relationship with Clinton.

Although there is no way that Clinton knew that sending Captain Baddeley to Charleston would result in his death rumors around New York painted a conspiracy to get the husband out of the way.

Clinton also faced an attack on a financial front.  There had been accusations for several years that the army under Clinton was wasting far too much money.  Expenses under Clinton were far higher than under General Howe, even though Clinton had a smaller army.  While rumors persisted, the North Administration did not investigate. They did not want to push a winning general into resigning over complaints of a few pounds.  A financial scandal would also only feed the opposition.

In 1781, Colonel Duncan Drummond, a former aide de camp of General Clinton, began a financial investigation into expenses.  Clinton had approved the investigation to look into problems.  However, Colonel Drummond soon opened up a much larger investigation into corruption and waste in the army that the revelation was going to reflect very poorly on Clinton as the commander-in-chief in America.

Drummond’s zeal in his investigations was, at first, an annoyance for Clinton.  But opening a financial scandal on top of the military loss at Yorktown would be a one-two punch against the commander and would irreparably damage his reputation.

Clinton had requested to resign several times over the course of the war, and had been denied each time.  He had no great passion to remain in command in America, but neither did he want to be tossed out as a failure.

Clinton also has a growing feud with General James Robertson.  The general was also the Royal Governor of New York.  Clinton suspected that Robertson had pushed Drummond to take the corruption investigation further as part of a larger effort to get Clinton recalled so that Robertson could take command of the British Army in America for himself.  Robertson had sent letters to General Jeffery Amherst in London complaining about the corruption.  Robertson told Amherst that he could run the Army in America for about half of what it cost under General Clinton.

Clinton had considered resigning and returning to Britain.  The main thing keeping him from doing so was that he would have to leave Robertson in command.

A Prince in New York

New York had another VIP during this period.  While the fighting at Yorktown was still raging, Admiral Digby had arrived in New York from Britain with three ships of the line.  With the admiral was a 16 year old midshipman named William Henry.  What made this junior naval officer’s arrival so exciting, was that he was the son of King George III.  This was the first time a member of the royal family had come to America.

Prince William Henry
William was the third son of George III.  With two older brothers, it was never thought that he would inherit the crown. At age thirteen, in 1778, he received a commission in the navy.  He had been present at several battles and by all accounts was a cheerful and friendly young man.  The prince had instant celebrity status in New York. He took a walk down Wall Street, with loyalists turning to get a glimpse of the young prince.  Within a few days of his arrival General Clinton held a banquet for Admiral Digby and the prince.  Following the dinner, Digby send William back to his ship for the night.  Digby warned Clinton and the other officers that raising the profile of the prince would put him in danger.

That advice came too late.  The arrival of the prince had already caught the attention of Colonel Matthias Ogden. The colonel from New Jersey was a highly experienced officer.  He had been a part of colonial protests since the Stamp Act, and had joined the army at its outset in 1775, participating in the Quebec Campaign.  The famous painting of the Death of General Montgomery at Quebec depicts the general dying in the arms of then Major Ogden.  Later promoted to colonel, Ogden had fought in the Philadelphia Campaign, wintered at Valley Forge, and took part in the Sullivan Campaign in New York.  In 1779, he was court martialed, but acquitted of all the serious charges, being found guilty only of “gaming” that is playing cards or dice.  He received a reprimand and continued in service.  In 1780, he had been captured and taken to New York as a prisoner of war for six months before being exchanged.  

Shortly after the prince’s arrival in New York, Ogden became aware of that fact, through intelligence sources that he had cultivated inside the city.  He learned that the prince not only strolled through the city streets with little protection, he also often slept in town along with Admiral Digby, in a lightly guarded house in the city.  

Prince Wm in Uniform

Ogden put together a plan where he and about forty men would slip across the Hudson River at night, take the house where Digby and Prince William were sleeping and bring them back to American lines before the British could react.  It was a daring and risky plan.  George Washington reviewed Ogden’s plan and approved it.

Unfortunately for the Americans, British intelligence was on the ball. Britain Captain George Beckwith received intelligence that the Americans were planning some sort of kidnapping plot in New York.  After being informed, General Clinton doubled the guards around his own house as well as that of Admiral Digby.  He put the army on alert for such a raid.  When word got back to the Americans that the British were on alert for the raid, they ended up calling off their plans.

A short time later, Admiral Digby and Prince William sailed for the West Indies.  There would not be another opportunity to launch the raid.

Heath - McDougall Conflict

Washington always had other matters to occupy his attention.  It was around this same time that a dispute between two of his top generals came to a head.

General William Heath was among the first generals appointed by the Continental Congress in 1775.  He had been a leading officer in Massachusetts during the Siege of Boston.  You may recall that I talked about how Heath lived right by Dorchester Heights and had asked General Putnam to take the Heights.  Heath also had a book that explained how to take the Heights but did not want to let Putnam read it because he didn’t like to lend out his books.

William Heath

Heath received promotion to major general in August of 1776, when Congress promoted all the original brigadiers who had not yet received promotion.  Washington did not seem particularly impressed with Heath.  In 1777, he gave Heath a chance to lead an attack on Fort Independence in New York.  Something I discussed in Episode 128. The attack was a mess, and seems to have affirmed Washington’s view that Heath was not a competent commander.  

For the rest of the war, Washington refused to give Heath any position of importance.  Instead, the general held a string of administrative positions.  Even so, based on seniority, Heath rose to the top of the army.  By 1781, only General Horatio Gates was senior to Heath. At this time, Gates was on leave from the army following the debacle at Camden.  So Heath was the top ranking officer in the army after Washington himself.

As I said though, Washington kept Heath from any important positions.  When Washington took his army to Yorktown, he left Heath behind.  Washington took General Benjamin Lincoln with him as his second in command.  Given Heath’s rank, he had to do something.  Washington left him in command of the forces around New York, where there would be no expected actions.

Another lackluster major general left behind during the Yorktown Campaign was General Alexander McDougall.  You may recall McDougall was an active leader in the Sons of Liberty in New York City before the war.  When the war broke out, he took a commission as a colonel.  He was promoted to brigadier at the same time that Heath was promoted to major general.  A little over a year later, McDougall also became a major general.  The promotion probably had more to do with McDougall being one of the more senior brigadiers by that time and the decision by Congress that New York deserved to have a second major general in the army.  Washington also did not seem particularly impressed with McDougall’s leadership skills and never gave him much of anything important to do.  McDougall spent most of the war in the New York Highlands for most of the war, where there was little action. 

McDougall had been elected to the Continental Congress in 1780.  He was there for only about a month. McDougall insisted on collecting his pay as a major general as well as payment for his service in Congress.  He wore his uniform to congressional sessions, which seemed to annoy many delegates.  They insisted on referring to him as Mr. McDougall rather than General McDougall, much to his annoyance.

His fellow New York Delegate Alexander Hamilton, nominated McDougall to become the new Secretary of Marine, essentially the civilian head of the navy.  McDougall had worked as a merchant captain before the war.  McDougall wanted to serve in that capacity, but did not want to give up his commission as a major general in the army. Congress eventually voted that he could not maintain both.  The final motion praised McDougall for wanting to continue to serve his country in the army, but that if he really wanted to do that, he needed to resign as Secretary of Marine.  

McDougall eventually did that and returned to active duty in the Continental Army in New York.  As I mentioned last week, Congress never chose a replacement for Secretary of Marine, and Robert Morris took over those responsibilities himself, while also serving as Secretary of the Treasury.  When McDougall returned to the army, Washington put him back into an administrative position.  When the army left for Yorktown, McDougall remained behind at West Point.

Heath and McDougall never really got along.  Part of this may have been the natural dislike that New Englanders and New Yorkers had for each other.  It could have been that Heath was from an old established family, while McDougall was a recent Scottish immigrant.  Maybe it was just that both officers were prickly and rather insecure about their abilities.

Whatever the cause, Heath and McDougall did not seem to like each other from almost the beginning of the war.  Heath had been one of the few Continental leaders who recommended against the Continental Army abandoning New York City in 1776.  If Heath’s recommendation had held, the army almost certainly would have been completely destroyed by the British in Manhattan.  McDougall was particularly critical of Heath’s judgment on that decision.

A relatively minor incident arose shortly after Heath took command of the army in New York.  McDougall’s wife had ordered something from a merchant in New York City.  The item took forever to be delivered.  Between the time McDougall had purchased the item and the time it was delivered, Washington had issued an order cutting off the purchase of anything from British-occupied New York City.  To avoid any problems, McDougall asked Heath to approve that he could claim the items already purchased.  Heath refused.  He said only Washington or Governor Clinton could give such approval.  McDougall went to Clinton, who gave approval, but Heath’s prickly decision to refuse an accommodation greatly annoyed McDougall.

Heath began issuing orders regarding the distribution of supplies that McDougall regarded as absurd and illegal. The officers and men under his command were being denied adequate food and supplies while surrounding units received whatever they needed.  McDougall wrote to Heath saying 

Whatever orders you shall please to give, whether they are clearly or doubtfully in the line of service, shall by implicitly executed….but permit me at the same time to inform you that it is my determination for the future to disobey every unmilitary and absurd order which may be given by any of your executive officers, and to put them in arrest…  

Heath took this as a direct challenge to his command. 

A short time later, McDougall was sitting around a table drinking with some of his subordinate officers.  A discussion of the 1776 evacuation of New York came up.  McDougall called Heath a “knave” for his call to remain in the city.  McDougall claimed that Heath knew remaining was militarily foolish, but argued for it anyway because he knew that would increase his political popularity back in New England.  McDougall went on to accuse Heath of bypassing him and illegally requisitioning supplies in such a way that was weakening the military defenses at West Point.

Heath got word of McDougall’s diatribe and immediately drew up a list of seven charges against the general.  These included mismanagement of supplies and “tending to lessen confidence in the commanding general”.  He put McDougall under house arrest and transferred command of West Point to Brigadier General James Paterson. McDougall wrote to General Washington protesting his arrest.

Washington, in Philadelphia by this time, wrote to both men.  His response was more formal that what I’m about to say but he was essentially saying: guys, you are supposed to be the two grownups I left in charge of the army.  If you had a dispute, we could have solved it quietly amongst ourselves.  Now, by bringing charges, you are airing the army’s dirty laundry in front of everyone.  This is not helping you, the army, or the cause.  At this point though, we have no choice but to go through the official process.

Washington convened a court martial against General McDougall and ordered General Stirling to preside.  McDougall brought counter charges against Heath and also objected to Stirling and several other officers on the court martial as biased against him.  This and other objections led to several delays before the court finally began hearing the case in April, 1782.  Delays caused by further objections and demands for evidence meant that the court did not complete its work until August.

McDougall’s main argument against the charge that he brought disrespect on General Heath was that he only stated facts that everyone already knew about the general. He sought to show objectively that Heath was a knave and that calling him that did not diminish him any more than his actions already had.  In the end, the court acquitted McDougall on six of the seven charges.  It found him guilty of denouncing his commanding officer and ordered Washington to issue a reprimand.  Washington, compelled by court to do so, issued a reprimand, but said he did so “with extreme reluctance.” In the same letter he wrote of McDougall’s “generally acknowledge merit” and ordered him back to duty.

Lord Stirling
McDougall agreed to drop his counter-charges against Heath. It seems he took to heart Washington’s admonitions that these court charges were only hurting the army.  And he just wanted to put the matter behind him.  

Unfortunately, another general did not feel the same way.  Soon after the court marital rendered its verdict, McDougall received a letter from General Stirling complaining that McDougall had insulted him in his accusations to remove him as head of the court martial.  Stirling at least implied that he wanted a duel to protect his honor.  McDougall refused to apologize, but also replied that he had said nothing in his objections to question Stirling’s character, honor, or integrity.

Stirling did not back down.  He wrote again saying that even if McDougall did not use explicit words, he had insinuated that Stirling’s reputation was not, well, sterling.  

An exasperated McDougall wrote back “the trial is now finished and the sentence published.  Does your lordship wish to have me tried again by a court martial where you are to preside? If not, it is immaterial to you, and to me, whether my exceptions to you were legal or illegal.”  Stirling did not appear to press the matter any further, but the exchange resulted in two more Continental major generals who were no longer on speaking terms.

Without an enemy to distract them, the Continental Army seemed to be turning on itself.

Next week, we head to England to see how officials there reacted to news of the loss at Yorktown.

- - -

Next Episode 309 North Government Falls 

Previous Episode 307 Congress After Yorktown

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

William IV of the United Kingdom https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/William_IV_of_the_United_Kingdom

Court Martial of Matthias Ogden https://greensleeves.typepad.com/berkshires/court-martial-of-col-matthias-ogden

“Matthias Ogden’s Plan for Capturing British Officers in New York, March 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08061

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 28 March 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08052

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 2 April 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08074

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 27 May 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08537

Bowler, R. A. “THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND BRITISH ARMY ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM.” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, vol. 58, no. 234, 1980, pp. 66–77. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44223295

Alexander McDougall: https://www.americanhistorycentral.com/entries/alexander-mcdougall

“To George Washington from William Heath, 18 January 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives [charges against Gen. McDougall], https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07702

“To George Washington from Alexander McDougall, 27 January 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07741

“From George Washington to Alexander McDougall, 3 February 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07769

“To George Washington from Alexander McDougall, 8 February 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07792

“General Orders, 7 April 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08100

“General Orders, 28 August 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives [findings of court martial], https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-09275

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Fitzgerald, Percy H. The Life and Times of William IV. Including a View of Social Life and Manners During his Reign, London: Tinsley Brothers, 1884. 

Heath, William Memoirs of Major-General William Heath, New York: William Abbatt, 1901.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, William H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

MacDougall, William American Revolutionary: A Biography of General Alexander McDougall, Praeger, 1977. 

Somerset, Anne The Life and Times of William IV, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1981 (borrow on archive.org).

Willcox, William B. Portrait of a General; Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence, Knopf, 1964 (borrow on archive.org) .


* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, December 10, 2023

ARP291 New Dorlach and Johnstown

We last left the Mohawk Valley in Episode 270 with the battle of Stone Arabia and Klock’s Field.  Raids from British loyalists and the Iroquois subsided over the winter, but had not given up on driving the Americans out of upstate New York.

On February 5, 1781, New York Governor George Clinton wrote to the Continental Congress about the New York Frontier. Over 330 people had been killed or taken prisoner in 1780.  Six forts and hundreds of houses and barns had been destroyed. The enemy had driven off hundreds of cattle and destroyed most of the grain fields.

Many people had already fled the region. Those who remained were under no illusions that spring would not bring another round of brutal raids and combat.  By March of 1781, small Indian war parties began raiding farms and small settlements.  These were quick hit-and-run operations, designed to inflict harm and disappear before a counter attack could come.

Marinus Willett

In April, Governor Clinton appointed Colonel Marinus Willett as commander of the New York militia on the frontier.  I’ve mentioned Colonel Willett before.  He was one of the most critical offices in New York during the revolution.

Marinus Willett
Willett was born on Long Island, in Jamaica, Queens.  His family had lived in New York for over a century.  One of his ancestors, Thomas Willett, was the first English Mayor of New York.  Although Marinus was raised as a Quaker, he left home at age 18 to form a militia company during the French and Indian War.  Lieutenant Willett served in a provincial regiment commanded by Oliver De Lancey.  He was part of the British attack on Fort Ticonderoga, and several other actions in French Canada.  After falling ill, Willett convalesced at Fort Stanwix, which was under construction at the time.

By 1775, Willet was living in New York City.  Although most of his family were loyalists, Marinus joined the Sons of liberty.  That year, he attacked a British unit trying to remove guns from the city’s arsenal.  He took a commission as a captain in the new Continental Army and participated in the Quebec Campaign.  

In 1777, Willet received a transfer to Fort Stanwix, then under the command of Colonel Peter Gansevoort.  This was just before British General Burgoyne began his attack into New York.  As part of that attack British Colonel Barry St. Leger besieged Fort Stanwix. During the nearby battle of Oriskany, Willett was the officer who led the raid on the enemy camps, capturing most of their baggage.  This action caused the British to lose most of their Indian allies, and eventually retreat back to Canada, thus leaving General Burgoyne without expected reinforcements.

Once Burgoyne’s army surrendered at Saratoga, Willet returned to the main Continental Army under Washington, where he fought at the battle of Monmouth. He returned to New York in 1779 to participate in the Sullivan Campaign, which destroyed Iroquois towns and villages that were supporting raids from Canada. By this time Willet was colonel of the 5th New York Regiment in the Continental Army.  Due to dwindling enlistments, the five New York Regiments were consolidated into just two in 1780.  

Upstate New York

New York needed a military leader.  As the spring of 1781 began, Iroquois raiders under Joseph Brant and others began raiding the region.  In early spring, raiders captured thirty militiamen who were caught outside of Fort Stanwix, as this time also called Fort Schuyler.  Shortly thereafter, a flood, and then a fire damaged much of the fort.  

Some sources indicate that the flood destroyed much of the fort’s provisions at a time when the garrison was already running tight on rations.  The fire was either an accident or deliberately set by members of the garrison.  The garrison was starving and some may have hoped that the fire would allow them to abandon the fort and go somewhere else that had food.  

If that was the case, it worked. The remainder of the garrison abandoned what was left of the fort and retreated downriver to Fort Herkimer.

At Governor Clinton’s request, General Washington approved Colonel Willett’s transfer to New York.  He needed to rally the locals to put up a defense at a time when the main Continental Army was looking in the other direction at New York City, and most of the fighting was taking place in the south.  As such, those in upstate New York would be obliged to defend themselves against the raids from Canada.

After years of raids, the locals were as prepared as possible.  A string of 24 forts in the area provided protection. Some of these forts were simply reinforced houses that offered a minimum of protection.  Still, it was usually enough to discourage a small Indian raiding party from attacking.  Residents would run to the nearest fort when they received word of raiders in the area.

Most of the properties had been destroyed by this time.  Raiders were frequently destroying buildings that had been rebuilt after previous raids.  

At Governor Clinton’s request Colonel Willett received orders to take command of the state troops and militia in May of 1781.  General Robert Van Rensselaer, the previous commander, took heavy criticism for his weak leadership at the battles of Stone Arabia and Klock’s Field in the fall of 1780, and had been removed from command.

The overall commander of the Northern Department at this time was Continental Brigadier General James Clinton, the brother of Governor George Clinton.  General Clinton mostly stayed in Albany with his brother.  He was focused more on obtaining supplies, and left the field work in the Mohawk and Schoharie valleys to Colonel Willett.  General Washington pulled almost all Continental soldiers out of the region, as part of his attempt to gather up an army that could threaten New York City.  The only outside support came after Washington requested that Massachusetts militia support Willett in New York, but that request only came in late summer.

So Willett was pretty much on his own when he got there.  He arrived in late June and set up his headquarters at Fort Plain, also known as Fort Rensselaer.  Rather than keep small bodies of militia scattered across the region, Willett opted to gather together a militia army of several hundred men who could be on the move regularly to confront any enemy raiding parties. 

New Dorlach

Within a few weeks of arriving at Fort Plain, Willett would face his first major challenge.  Over the course of the winter and spring, most of the attacks consisted of smaller bands of Tories and Iroquois attacking isolated homes or people caught out in their fields.

On July 9, Willett dispatched Captain Lawrence Gross with 35 militiamen on a routine reconnaissance south of the fort towards the village of New Dorlach, today called Sharon Springs.  Later that same morning, Willett noticed smoke rising from the southeast, in the direction of Currytown.  He dispatched Captain Robert McKean with sixteen men to investigate and to collect militia along the way.

McKean’s force arrived at Currytown, about ten miles from the fort, to find the village had been plundered and burned to the ground.  His men could only douse the remaining fires.

The attack on Currytown was not the result of a small raiding party.  A larger force of 300 Iroquois and loyalists under the command of Lieutenant John Dockstader had ridden down from Montreal to raid the area.  Dockstader had lived in the area before the war, but had been forced to flee because of his loyalist sentiments.  

Dockstader apparently had some relationship to Joseph Brant, the Mohawk war chief and British officer.  According to some accounts, and records are spotty on this point, Dockstader had married a sister or niece of Captain Brant.  Some accounts also indicate that Dockstader was part Iroquois himself.  Whatever his background, Dockstader was a committed loyalist and an experienced raider who knew the area well.

During the attack on Currytown, the raiders killed and scalped several locals, and took a few others prisoner.  They plundered all the buildings, then burned whatever they could not carry off with them.  Once complete, the raiders rode southwest, toward the town of New Dorlach.

After dousing the fires in Curryown, Captain Gross tasked two of his local scouts to follow the trail.  The men determined that the raiders had set up camp in a swamp near New Dorlach.  

Since the raiding party was about 300 men, and Gross had only thirty, he could not do anything on his own.  He dispatched riders back to Fort Plain to inform Colonel Willett.  Gross then set up camp along Bowman’s creek, between Fort Plain and the enemy camp at New Dorlach.  

Upon receiving the news of the enemy’s location, Willett put out the call for anyone who could, to join for an attack near Currytown.  He gathered as many men as he could from Fort Plain, and moved overnight to surprise the enemy.  Willett’s force, along with those of Gross and McKean, arrived near the enemy camp at about dawn on July 10.

The force of mostly Iroquois warriors outnumbered the smaller force of about 150 militia that Willett had been able to muster on short notice.  Even so, he was determined to fight.  Willett sent about ten of his men toward the enemy camp, where they fired on the enemy and then retreated.  As expected, the warriors jumped on their horses and tried to ride down the small group.  The Iroquois were so fast that they managed to kill two of the retreating militia. The rest, however, rode the pursuers into an ambush set up by Willett.

The militia fired a volley into the warriors. Although they took casualties, the warriors rushed at the enemy lines.  Willett had kept back fifty of his soldiers, who fired another volley into the attackers.  The two lines continued to fight for about ninety minutes, before the loyalists retreated.  Captain McKean attempted to pursue the retreating enemy, but almost immediately took two balls in his chest, mortally wounded.  His son Samuel attempted to come to his aid and was also shot through the mouth.  The enemy disappeared quickly without anyone attempting to pursue immediately. 

After Willett’s force did advance, they found the enemy camp at the swamp. The enemy had gone, but had abandoned most of their equipment and the plunder taken from Currytown.  Willett later reported that the loyalist force had about fifty men killed or wounded.  Willett lost five men killed and nine wounded.  The loyalists had also killed most of the prisoners taken at Currytown after the encounter with Willett’s force.  Several of the prisoners survived long enough to be recovered, but most died of their injuries within days.

After the battle ended, Lieutenant Colonel Volkert Veeder arrived on the scene with three regiments of Tryon County Militia.  The militia had missed the battle but helped to deal with the dead and wounded.

Schell’s Bush

While the battle at New Dorlach turned out to be the largest fight of the summer, it was far from the only one.  Locals were always on alert for the next raid.  

Only a few weeks after the battle at New Dorlach, a Tory named Adam Crysler, from Butler’s Rangers, led a group of Tories and Iroquois in a raid a few miles further southeast, near the modern town of Gallupville.  They attacked several houses, killing and capturing locals.  

Days later, on August 6, loyalist Donald McDonald led another force of sixty Indians and loyalists within a few miles of Fort Herkimer.  Those who could, fled to Fort Herkimer.  But Johann Christian Schell chose to make a stand at his home.  He had fortified the home to prepare for an attack. When the raid came, two of his sons were captured while working in the field.  Schell made it back to his home where he, his wife, and his six other sons put up a defense.

The family managed to hold off the attackers for  hours, as they tried to burn down the home, or force entry.  McDonald personally rushed the door and attempted to force it open with a crowbar.  The defenders wounded him and dragged him inside. 

Several natives rushed the house and put their guns through loopholes in the walls.  Mrs. Schell took an axe and destroyed five barrels by bashing them.

At dusk, Schell feared the cover of darkness might aid the enemy.  Then from the second floor of his home, he shouted that he saw a relief force from Fort Dayton. He began shouting commands to the militia to locate the attackers.  As it turned out, there was no rescue party.  Schell just made it up.  But it managed to unnerve the attackers, who fled into the woods.

They left behind their commander, the wounded McDonald, who remained a prisoner. He was taken to Fort Dayton the following day.  There, he died from his wounds.  

Following the attack, patriots found eleven dead and six more wounded in the area around the house.  Schell’s captured sons were taken to Montreal.  After their eventual release when the war ended, they reported that another nine wounded attackers died on the march back to Canada.

No one in the house was killed or wounded.  Schell continued to farm his land. A year later, another raid again caught him working in his fields.  This time, he and one of his sons were killed.

Johnstown

Also as the summer came to an end, Walter Butler, the son of John Butler, commander of of Butler’s Rangers, led another force of 600 or 700 Tories and Iroquois into the Mohawk valley.  I’ve mentioned Butler before. He grew up in the area, but was forced to flee because of his loyalist sympathies.  He had been tried in New York and sentenced to death before escaping back to Canada.  Butler was among the most active Tory leaders, and had become particularly notorious following his role in the Cherry Valley Massacre in 1778.

The loyalists came back to the same area of the Mohawk Valley in October, including another attack on Currytown, to destroy anything that had been rebuilt since the July raid.  The raiders then moved north toward Johnstown.

Back at Fort Plain, Colonel Willett received word of the new raid.  Once again, he raised as many men as he could quickly and set out in pursuit.  Willett managed to raise only about 400 militia, so the enemy far outnumbered his force.  Even so, the patriot militia caught up with the raiders around Johnstown on October 25.

Willett divided his force, sending a portion of it in a flanking move to get around the enemy’s rear.  The remainder advance forward in a direct attack across an open field.  Willett’s men also had one small field cannon.  The fight raged for some time, with the two sides charging one another.  At one point the militia making up the patriots’ right flank fled in a panic. Willett attempted to rally his men as the Tories took advantage of the confusion.  

Just as a Tory victory looked imminent, the flanking force appeared in the Tory rear and threw the whole battle into confusion.  The fighting turned into small groups of men fighting as the British  eventually withdrew to higher ground.  

Over the next few days, the Tories withdrew, moving west back toward Canada.  Willet and the militia pursued them.  At one point, Butler tried to ford a river when a force of patriot militia and Oneida warriors caught him. Butler turned to taunt his pursuers when one of the Oneida shot him off his horse with a rifle. The warrior then charged into the river with his tomahawk to finish the job.

According to one story, Butler pleaded for mercy, but the warrior simply shouted “remember Cherry Valley” and finished him.  This is almost certainly made up after the fact.  A more likely account says that Butler was shot in the head and died instantly.  The Oneida warrior then scalped the dead body and took his coat, which were both later sold in Albany.  However it happened after Walter Butler was dead.

As it turned out, this was the last large scale raid of the war.  Shortly thereafter word of Yorktown arrived, and both sides settled down and waited for the end.

Next Week, we return to South Carolina, where the South Carolina under Thomas Sumter continues to contest control of the state - keeping the British pinned down around Charleston.

- - -

Next Episode 292 Dog Days Campaign 

Previous Episode 290 Grand Reconnaissance

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Bronner, Frederick L. “MARINUS WILLETT.” New York History, vol. 17, no. 3, 1936, pp. 273–80. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23135050

“To George Washington from James Clinton, 30 May 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05904

“To George Washington from Marinus Willett, 6 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06310 

“To George Washington from Marinus Willett, 13 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06396 

“From George Washington to Marinus Willett, 14 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06413

HISTORY OF SCHOHARIE COUNTY by Jeptha R. Simms - 1845 CHAPTER XV

The Frontiersmen of New York by Jeptha R. Simms Albany, NY 1883 Volume II, Page 487 Principal Events of 1781: http://threerivershms.com/simms1781.htm



Schell Family Victorious Battle: https://herkimer.nygenweb.net/schell3.html



Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Campbell, William W. Lecture on the life and military services of General James Clinton. Read before the New-York Historical Society, Feb. 1839. 

Campbell, William W. Annals of Tryon county; or, The border warfare of New York, during the revolution, New York: J&J Harper, 1831. 

Cruikshank, E. A. The Story of Butler's Rangers and the Settlement of Niagara, Welland, Ont. Tribune Print. House, 1893. 

Greene, Nelson The Story of Old Fort Plain and the Middle Mohawk Valley (with five maps), Fort Plain: O'Connor, 1915. 

Simms, Jeptha Root The frontiersmen of New York: showing customs of the Indians, vicissitudes of the pioneer white settlers, and border strife in two wars, Albany, NY: G.C. Riggs, 1882. 

Stone, William L. Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea, Vol 2. 1792-1844, New York, A. V. Blake, 1838. 

Thomas, Howard Marinus Williett, soldier-patriot, 1740-1830, Prospect Books, 1954 (borrow only) 

Wager, Daniel E. Col. Marinus Willett, the hero of Mohawk Valley, Utica: Oneida Historical Society, 1891. 

Warner, George H. Military records of Schoharie County veterans of four wars, Albany, NY, Weed, 1891. 

Willett, Marinus A narrative of the military actions of Colonel Marinus Willett, taken chiefly from his own manuscript, New York, G&C&H Carvill, 1831. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Berry, A.J. & James Morrison Marinus Willett, Saviour of The Mohawk Valley, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2014. 

Graymont, Barbara The Iroquois in the American Revolution, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1972. (borrow on archive.org

Lowenthal, Larry Marinus Willett: Defender of the Northern Frontier (New Yorkers and the Revolution), Purple Mountain Pr Ltd, 2000. 

Swiggett, Howard War Out of Niagara: Walter Butler and the Tory Rangers, Literary Licensing, LLC. 2012. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.