Showing posts with label 1781. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1781. Show all posts

Sunday, November 9, 2025

ARP369 First Bank of the US

In our last regular episode, we covered some of the final events of the second session of the first Congress and the mid-term elections that were held mostly in the fall of 1790. 

Congress returned for a third session in December of 1790 which met back in Philadelphia.

Coast Guard

Before I get into the third session of Congress, I want to touch on one more event that happened in the second session back in New York.  I discussed in earlier episodes that Congress had created a tariff package to begin raising revenue.  

The problem with import tariffs, as the leaders well knew from the colonial era, was smuggling.  It was pretty easy for merchant vessels to avoid tariffs by offloading goods away from ports and avoiding customs officials.  To enforce tariffs, on the recommendation of Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton, Congress authorized the creation of the Revenue-Marine.  Ten ships would be built to control the coast and enforce federal tariffs.  Two fire New England, two for New York, one for the Delaware Bay, two for the Chesapeake, and two more for the Carolinas and Georgia.

To get Congressional support, Hamilton had each cutter built in the state where it would be used, thus creating local government jobs.  He also had the master of each ship oversee its construction.

These were relatively small ships. Hamilton limited the cost to $1000 each, although several of them exceeded that amount.  They were designed to be fast, with shallow drafts, so that they could chase down ships anywhere along the coast.  Each ship had a crew of ten and a few swivel guns to ensure compliance. 

The US had no navy at the time, and these ships were not designed to confront warships.  These were small coastal enforcement vessels under the authority of the Department of Treasury.  They would take orders from the local customs house.  

The main significance of the Revenue Marine is that they were a forerunner of the US Coast Guard. So the date of its creation: August 4, 1790 is used as the birth date of the US Coast Guard.

Return to Philadelphia

Congress returned for its third session in Philadelphia, in December, 1790.  As I said last week, this was after most states had held elections for the Second Congress, so many of those attending this session were lame ducks, although that term was not in use yet.  About one third of the House members had either retired or lost reelection, but still returned to continue their work in this First Congress.

When the Continental Congress had met in Philadelphia, they met in what we call today Independence Hall. At the time, it was the Pennsylvania State House.  That is, where the state legislature met.  It had also been used by Philadelphia city officials.

Because Pennsylvania was trying to convince the US Congress to remain permanently, they were doing everything they could to encourage Congress to stay and be comfortable in Philadelphia.  The state had just completed a new county courthouse right next to the State House.  They gave this building to Congress, Pennsylvania officials tried to set up the rooms similar to the way they had been in Federal Hall. New chairs and desks were laid out in a similar pattern as they had been in New York.  The Senate was decorated with huge portraits of King Louis of France and his wife, Queen Marie Antoinette. These paintings were gifts from the King and Queen.  

The House took over all of the first floor.  The Senate needed only half of the second floor.  Members of both bodies did not have separate offices. Rather, they had desks on the floor of the House and Senate, which they used to keep their papers.  They generally sat on the floor all day when Congress was in session.  In fact, members were required to remain seated unless speaking.  They could not get up and roam around the floor.

The state legislature would continue to meet in the state house, the main building we call Independence Hall today.  On the other side of the Hall, officials had built another building which would be used by the Mayor of Philadelphia and other city officials as the new city hall.  So federal, state, and local governments all worked together on the same block.  The Supreme Court ended up using City Hall when the Justices met in session.

Not only was Congress moving to Philadelphia, so was most of the new executive branch.  This influx of people led to overcrowding.  Landlords doubled their rental rates, and the city builders went on a housing boom.

Even before Congress arrived, government officials began carting government records and other items from New York to Philadelphia.  The Pennsylvania legislature, still hoping to tempt the government to remain permanently, authorized the construction of a large presidential mansion with a dome on top.  It was built on the western edge of town, on Ninth Street, about three blocks from Congress.  They had gotten as far as setting the cornerstone before the federal government arrived, but the house was not completed for another seven years.  It became less urgent when President Washington made clear that he would not live in the new house.

Instead, the President rented the House owned by Robert Morris.  It was considered the nicest house in the city.  General William Howe had occupied the home during the British army occupation of Philadelphia.  The house was just one block north of Congress.  Morris, perhaps the wealthiest man in America at the time, had purchased it in 1780.  Washington had been a houseguest there during the Constitutional Convention.  Morris offered the house to President Washington.  Morris moved out entirely and took residence in the house next door.  Washington agreed to rent the home.  The State of Pennsylvania ended up paying the rent.

Washington’s personal secretary, Tobias Lear, oversaw the move of all of Washington’s furniture and other items, 58 wagon loads, from New York to Philadelphia, setting up the new presidential residence.  Washington ordered considerable changes made to the house, including tearing down one wall to add large windows.

James Madison, still a bachelor, rented a room in a boarding House two blocks away from the President.  Thomas Jefferson, a widower, also took a small room several blocks away.  He rented a house in Market Street, using the upstairs as his residence.  The ground floor became the offices for the State Department. Alexander Hamilton moved into a house with his wife and children on Walnut Street.  He was only a block from the Treasury department, which continued to expand during the government’s time in Philadelphia.  Secretary of War Henry Knox, who was quite wealthy, rented a larger house for his family.  The War Department took up temporary quarters in several buildings, including a time in Carpenters Hall, where the First Continental Congress had met years earlier.

Pennsylvania leaders were doing everything they could to accommodate the new federal leaders. They hoped that they could convince them to remain in the city after the planned ten year period expired.

First Bank of the US

Meanwhile, Congress returned to work on December 6, 1790, to begin its third session.  Well, it actually had to wait a day before enough members arrived to reach a quorum, but that was better than the weeks that they had to wait to begin the first session back in New York a couple of years earlier.

The biggest item on the agenda became Alexander Hamilton’s proposal to create a national bank. In the 1790s banks were a relatively new concept.  The Bank of England was less than 100 years old.  The first bank in America was Robert Morris’ Bank of North America, established in 1781.  

Banks in this era were not commercial establishments for people to save money, as they are today.  The Bank of England was designed to borrow funds from wealthy investors to finance wars or other major government expenses.  Investors did not make deposits.  Rather, they became shareholders by putting their money into the venture.  Because the banks held a large amount of gold and silver, people would accept banknotes as currency, knowing that they could exchange their notes at any time for that gold or silver.  The bank could issue more paper money, under the hope that not all note holders would try to exchange them for hard currency all at the same time.  This allowed much more money to circulate.

The Bank of England had allowed the government a place to secure money collected from taxes, then borrow much larger sums during wartime to fund the increased costs of the war.  It permitted Britain to sustain wars much longer than other European powers, who had to impose massive taxes during wartime.

The Bank of North America, established by Robert Morris and Alexander Hamilton in 1781 had tried to do the same thing in America to help finance the Revolution.  Bank of North America banknotes held their value, unlike Continental Currency.  

Initially, the Bank of North America held a charter from the Confederation Congress, but took criticism that Congress was overreaching its authority and that the bank gave too much power to a few wealthy men.  To avoid the criticism of Congressional overreach, the bank got a new charter from the State of Pennsylvania.  Even there it had problems as the populist government did not like the power that the bank gave to monied interests in the state.

By this time a second bank had opened in America.  The Bank of New York was established after the war, in 1784.  A group of New York investors saw how profitable the Bank of North America was in Philadelphia and how the bank made it easier to raise investment money for new commercial projects.  Among the original investors in the bank were Alexander Hamilton, and Aaron Burr.

So when it came time to establish a financial system for the new federal government, Hamilton proposed creating a national bank, chartered by Congress.  This bank would be set up in ways similar to earlier banks.  It would acquire capital both from private investors and from government tax collections.  The government could then use much of the money raised to begin paying off its war debt.  The bank would also offer loans to private companies.  It would provide a paper currency to circulate easily while retaining its value.

Hamilton’s Proposal

Hamilton based his proposal for a national bank based on these earlier models.  In his report to Congress, he pointed out that money in the bank would be put to active use in the economy, unlike the traditional pattern of having merchants simply locking up their money in a chest and hiding it away.  This would let other people make use of the money right away, while the owner of the money earned interest.

Another advantage would be that the government could gain access to capital very quickly if the need arose.  It would make it easier for people to pay taxes.  It would improve the credit reputation of the US among both the citizenry and foreign bankers.  It would help to lower interest rates given the ease and availability of money available to borrow.

Hamilton wanted the bank to be a public-private partnership.  The bank would hold specie from both private investors as well as government tax revenues.  He envisioned a capital stock over ten million dollars, offering 25,000 shares in the bank valued at $400 each.  Investors could use public debt, that is those old Continental dollars, to pay for up to three-quarters of the purchase price.  The rest would have to be paid in specie (gold or silver).  Investors would receive interest of 6% per year.  That return would encourage investment. When paying out money, it would be in the form of bank notes, allowing the bank to retain specie to maintain public confidence.

Objections

Hamilton’s proposed bank had its opponents.  Rather quickly Thomas Jefferson and James Madison became the leaders of the opposition. Neither of them were opponents of banking generally. Jefferson had actually been an investor in the Bank of North America.  Madison had expressed some misgivings about the Bank of North America in the Confederation Congress, but ended up voting for it.

Jefferson and Madison had both acquiesced to Hamilton’s debt assumption plan in the earlier session, but both were growing increasingly concerned at just how powerful the federal government was becoming.

The main argument used by the opposition was that the Constitution did not authorize this.  Madison reminded his colleagues that the Constitutional Convention had debated and rejected the idea of giving the federal government the power to grant charters or articles of incorporation.  His view was that if the authorization for such a power was not in the constitution, then the government did not have that power.  Supporters argued that the Constitution’s “necessary and proper” clause granted Congress the power to do anything necessary and proper to carrying out its other duties.  Since Congress had authority to collect taxes, spend money, and pay off its debts, a bank would be a key component of that.

Jefferson also noted that the Tenth Amendment reserved undelegated powers to the states, not the federal government.  But the Tenth Amendment also had not been ratified yet.  The Jefferson-Madison view of interpreting the constitution became known as strict construction.  If a power was not expressly delegated, then the government did not have that power.

Hamilton’s loose construction of the Constitution also set a dangerous precedent.  If Congress could just make any argument for creating a new thing that had not been explicitly authorized by the Constitution, there would be no stopping point.  The government could grow to do just about anything.  Even most federalists who wanted a more powerful federal government after the Confederation, feared the idea of a national government with unlimited authority to do anything.

Beyond this legal argument, there were other reasons for opposing the bank.  The post-war era had been rife with political dissension between farmers and working people against the wealthy merchants and bankers.  This new bank seemed to give special privileges and advantages to a small group of moneyed interests at the expense of everybody else.

In particular, the bank would tend to benefit merchants and businessmen in the cities, at the expense of farmers and others.  The vast majority of the population worked as farmers.  They had come to see banks as their enemy, making this project highly unpopular.  The south especially, where there was very little commercial activity outside of farming was concerned about how much power a bank would move toward northern interests.  Some politicians also feared that establishing this bank in Philadelphia might end up being a reason why the government would not want to relocate to the Potomac after the agreed ten year period in Philadelphia.

Opponents also saw the bank as a source of political corruption. It was the case in Britain that members of Parliament often held stock in the Bank of England, which gave them a self-interests position in supporting anything that benefitted the bank.  It would almost certainly be the case that members of Congress would invest in the bank and have that same conflict of interest.  The idea that the bulk of the nation’s wealth would cause greater wealth to accrue to a small group of wealthy and powerful men, which would disadvantage everyone else.

A bank would also promote speculation.  With so much money to be made through investment, Jefferson warned that people would turn their lives toward speculation rather than being productive workers.  Speculation, unlike labor, had no benefit to the country and was essentially a form of gambling.  It would be destructive of morality.

Debating the Bank

Hamilton had submitted his report in mid-December, 1790, at the beginning of the third session of Congress.  The Senate took up the bill first, proposing a twenty year charter for the bank.  A minority wanted to limit the charter to ten years, but that effort failed.  Relatively quickly, by the end of January, the Senate passed the Bank bill by a vote of ten to six.

The House took up the bill at the beginning of February, when Madison rose to oppose it, raising the issues that I just outlined.  Congress was under a pretty strict deadline.  Since the first Congress had begun on March 4, 1789, the Congress had to wrap up by that date in 1791. Otherwise, members would serve longer than two years, in violation of the Constitution.  At that point, they would have to be replaced by the members who were elected in the most recent elections.

The House debated the bill for just one week.  At the end of the week, they called a vote passing overwhelmingly, by a vote of thirty-nine to twenty.  Congress waited another week before presenting the bill to President Washington.  Both sides used that extra time to draft arguments for their side.  The day before the bill reached Washington’s desk Attorney General Edmund Randolph issued an opinion that the bill was unconstitutional.

The day after Washington received the bill, Jefferson presented his own argument that the Bank was unconstitutional.  Washington, uncertain what we would do, asked Madison to draft a veto message in case he decided to veto the bill. 

Hamilton, raced to complete his own lengthy argument on why the bank was constitutional.  The president had ten days to decide whether to sign or veto.  Hamilton finally submitted his arguments on day eight.  Hamilton essentially argued that the president should defer to the legislature, and that Constitution gave the government power to create entities that were necessary and proper to carrying out their enumerated powers.

The debate over the controversial bill weighed heavily on President Washington.  His thought were not really focused on whether the bank was a good idea.  He was more concerned about whether he would be violating the Constitution by signing it, or being seen as not deferential enough to the legislature by vetoing it.  The bill has passed with nearly two-thirds support in both houses, so an override was quite possible and would be embarrassing.  The bill was also particularly unpopular in his home state of Virginia.

Washington considered his options waiting until the last possible minute, but he ended up accepting Hamilton’s arguments and signing the Bill.  The Bank of the United States would begin operations a few months later.

Next Week: we take a look at the controversy over Vermont joining the Union as the fourteenth state.

- - -

Next Episode 370 Vermont Joins the Union 

Previous Episode 368 The Census of 1790 

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Further Reading

Websites






“Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bill for Establishing a National Bank, 15 February 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-19-02-0051

“James Madison to George Washington, (draft veto message) 21 February 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-07-02-0232

[A. Hamilton] “Final Version of an Opinion on the Constitutionality of an Act to Establish a Bank, [23 February 1791],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-08-02-0060-0003

Hamilton's Opinion as to the Constitutionality of the Bank of the United States: 1791 https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/bank-ah.asp

Dimmitt, Bradley T. Hamilton and the National Bank, East Tennessee State Univ. [Master’s Thesis], 2010 https://dc.etsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3043&context=etd

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia The First Bank Of The United States, 2009. 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Holdsworth, John Thom The First Bank of the United States, University of Pennsylvania [PhD Thesis] 1915. 

Holdsworth, John & Davis Dewey The First and Second Banks of the United States, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1910. 

Lewis, Lawrence A History of the Bank of North America, Philadelphia: J.B Lippincott & Co. 1882. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bordewich, Fergus M. The First Congress: How James Madison, George Washington, and a Group of Extraordinary Men Invented the Government, Simon & Schuster, 2016. 

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Chervinsky, Lindsay M. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution, Belknap Press, 2020. 

Cowen, David J. The Origins and Economic Impact of the First Bank of the United States, 1791-1797. Garland Publishing, 2000. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation, Knopf, 2000.

Ellis, Joseph J. The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution 1783-1789, Alfred A. Knopf, 2015. 

Evans, Stephen H. The United States Coast Guard, 1790 1915; A Definitive History, US Naval Institute, 1949. 

Ferling, John Jefferson and Hamilton: The Rivalry That Forged a Nation Hardcover, Bloomsbury Press, 2013. 

Hogeland, William Founding Finance: How Debt, Speculation, Foreclosures, Protests, and Crackdowns Made Us a Nation, Univ. of Texas Press, 2014. 

Hogeland, William The Hamilton Scheme: An Epic Tale of Money and Power in the American Founding, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2024. 

Hunger, Harlow Giles Mr. President: George Washington and the Making of the Nation's Highest Office, De Capo Press, 2013. 

Meacham, Jon Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Random House, 2012

Ostrom, Thomas P. The United States Coast Guard, 1790 to the Present, Red Anvil Press, 2004 (borrow on archive.org). 

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases. 

Saturday, April 27, 2024

ARP309 North Government Falls


This week we’re going to look at the British Reaction to hearing the news of the surrender at Yorktown.

The first word of the loss of the army under General Cornwallis came from a ship that heard about the news in France.  On November 25, 1781, a packet ship sailing from Calais to Falmouth arrived with word that officials were celebrating in Paris over a great victory in Virginia.  

Frederick North
A messenger carried the news to Lord Germain, the American Secretary.  Although it was a Sunday, he sent word to the king and met with several other top officials. They personally carried the news to Prime Minister, Lord North, who exclaimed “Oh God, oh God, it is all over!”

That day, word of the loss was still really a rumor. That night, however, the navy ship Rattlesnake arrived carrying Admiral Thomas Graves’ report of the surrender.  For most of the government, officials seemed to share Lord North’s reaction, if not his emotional outburst.  The loss of the army under Cornwallis probably meant that it was time to end the war in North America.

One man who did not share that opinion was George III.  The king had long been the leading advocate for continuing the war, and was largely responsible for maintaining a government that had supported this position.  

Two days after word arrived, the King was due to give a speech before the opening of a new session in Parliament.  The speech had been written well before the news arrived, but called for continued efforts to defend and preserve the empire.  The King, however, addressed the news of Yorktown:  “The events of war have been unfortunate to my army in Virginia, having ended in the loss of my forces in that province.  But I retain the perfect conviction of the justice of my cause.”  Despite the setback, the king wished to continue the war in America.  

The King believed that North America was vital to the British empire.  Giving up there would only mean that other colonies around the world would also push for independence.  For him, the fight for the colonies in North America was a fight for the continuation of the British Empire itself.

The King’s speech helped to rally the Tories, but opposition to the war had been growing long before news of Yorktown.  This loss only strengthened the position of the opposition.

Revised War Plans

George III asked Germain to develop a new plan for the war.  The American Secretary’s response was a proposal that Britain should retain its occupation of New York, Charleston, and Savannah.  The two southern cities were particularly important as support bases for the war in the West Indies.  The recapture of Newport, Rhode Island and establishment of a base in Delaware to block trade to and from Philadelphia could provide valuable bases.

The British Navy would continue efforts to blockade or attack rebel ports, cutting off outside trade and assistance.  Loyalists and Indian tribes would continue to receive military aid that would be used to harass the rebels

Britain would give up on trying to control entire colonies or even large portions of land.  It would simply hold a few port cities, block most trade, and wait for the misery in the colonies to get the enemy to return to their senses and rejoin the British.  

George Germain
Germain’s memo also noted that the rebel governments had essentially put themselves under French control. When the colonists realized their choice would be between serving France or Britain, they would inevitably want a return of British rule. The King reviewed this plan and gave it his support.

In January, Germain began implementation of new plans.  He wrote to General Clinton in New York, telling him that he would not be getting significant numbers of reinforcements, but that he should continue to hold all current areas that were under British control. Those towns would support naval actions along the American coast.

Germain also sent instructions to General Frederick Haldimand in Quebec to continue providing support to loyalists and Indians who wanted to continue the fight with the Americans along the northern border and western frontier.  Haldimand should also work on a diplomatic effort to draw Vermont back into British control.

Despite putting the onus for North American on the navy, the leadership was not prepared to provide more resources for that effort. Instead, the focus was on other parts of the empire. Lord Sandwich, the first Lord of the Admiralty, sent instructions to Admiral Digby in New York to take the bulk of his fleet down to the West Indies to protect British interests there.

Sandwich also deployed a fleet to India, carrying several more regiments of infantry and cavalry.  As I discussed a few weeks ago, the French fleet under Admiral Suffren was attacking British interests in India, with the cooperation of Hyder Ali and the Mysore Kingdom.  Britain had to protect its interests there.

At the ministry’s request, a member of Parliament named David Hartley wrote a letter to Benjamin Franklin.  Hartley and Franklin were friends from when Franklin was living in London before the War.  Hartley broached the idea of trying to enter into separate negotiations with the American Peace Commissioners with the idea of calling a ten year truce between Britain and America.  

Franklin’s response shut down that option pretty quickly.  For starters, the Americans were not permitted to seek a separate peace from France.  Their treaty with France obligated them to remain in the war until France also secured peace with Britain.  Further, it didn’t take a diplomatic genius to see how bad an idea a ten year truce would be.  That would only give time for Britain to defeat France and Spain, then rebuild its military, then renew its war in America.  Franklin made clear that the US was not quitting until the war with France ended, and that any conclusion of that war would recognize permanent US independence.

What is clear from these communications, however, is that the North government realized that continued fighting in America at this time would only cause more problems.  The focus was on the rest of the empire, with the hope of keeping the war in America on hold for as long as possible.

British Opposition

Meanwhile, the opposition was moving in a different direction.  On December 12, Sir James Lowther introduced a motion that determined that the British war in North America had “proved ineffectual” and that the government should abandon its attempts to compel obedience in America.  The motion ignored trigger words like “independence” but the intent was clear.  Britain should give up on America, end the war there, and focus on France, Spain, and the Netherlands.  Debate on the bill was heated, but in the end, it failed 220 to 179 - a decisive win for Lord North’s government.

Charles James Fox
One of the opposition leaders at this time was Charles James Fox.  This leader in Parliament had begun his political career at age 19, when his father purchased a seat for him in the House of commons in 1768.  In his early years, Fox was pretty closely aligned with the king on many issues.  He had been one of the leaders seeking to punish John Wilkes.  His break with the king began in 1770 when he opposed the Royal Marriages Act, which gave the king the authority to veto any marriage choice by the royal family.  George III considered this very important and took any opposition as a personal rejection.  Several additional issues, having nothing to do with America drove the two men apart over the next few years.

By 1774 Fox was engaging more with Edmund Burke, another member of parliament and a firm Whig who focused on restricting the king’s authority in government.  Burke became a staunch opponent of government policy in America, supporting instead a negotiated peace that respected American rights.  Over the course of the war, both Fox and Burke recognized the need to accept American independence and led much of the opposition against the government’s war in America.

Burke had also started his political career as secretary to Charles Watson-Wentworth, the 2nd Marquess of Rockingham.  Lord Rockingham had been close to George II, holding the title of Lord of the Bedchamber.  After the death of George II, Rockingham became an early opponent of George III and was removed from most of his government positions.  Rockingham briefly served as Prime Minister in 1765-1766, during which time he repealed the Stamp Tax in America.  The king viewed this as the cause of all the troubles, since it rewarded the rioters in America and gave them the idea that they could win more concessions through violence.  In the king’s view, Rockingham’s accommodationist policies were a disaster.

Throughout the war, Rockingham led opposition to the North Government in the House of Lords.  He had long been a supporter of accommodation, and as early as 1779 believed that the war in America could not be won and that refusing to recognize that fact only created further harm to Britain.

Germain Leaves 

The vote on the Lowther motion to end the war took place at 2AM on the last day of the legislative session before Parliament left for Christmas.  More than 100 members were already gone and did not vote on that matter.  Both sides knew they would have to revisit the issue when Parliament returned in January, so both the North government and the opposition spent Christmas break lobbying for their side.

When I say the North government lobbied, I mean officials in the government led by Lord North. The Prime Minister himself did not do much talking at all.  After Parliament adjourned in December, North met with the King and told him that he believed it was time to recognize American independence. The King insisted that North remain publicly silent on the matter, only discussing it with Lord Stormont and Lord Hillsborough, two of the most pro-war leaders still in the government.  The King likely hoped these two men could bring North back to supporting the war.  In the meantime, he did not want North talking independence with anyone else.

As a way of placating the opposition, the North Ministry decided there needed to be a human sacrifice.  Lord Germain was the most outspoken supporter of continuing the war in America.  The king, North, and others decided he would have to go.  Simply firing Germain or having him quit over the failures in America would not do since that would only highlight the British failures in America.  Instead, they came up with a way to push Germain out quietly.

General Clinton had wanted to resign as commander of North America and return home.  This became more compelling when General Cornwallis returned in January and began blaming Clinton for Yorktown.  

The ministry decided to replace Clinton with General Guy Carleton. You may recall from earlier episodes that Carleton had managed to defend Quebec from rebel occupation at the beginning of the war.  He had been recalled after the loss at Saratoga, but was not blamed for that.  In fact, that loss highlighted the more conservative approach that Carleton had advocated.

Carleton’s main problem was Lord Germain.  Carleton had served on the court martial during the Seven Years War that got Germain kicked out the Army.  Germain never forgave him for that and made it his mission to damage Carleton’s career whenever he could.  So the decision to appoint Carleton as the new commander of North America would almost certainly result in Germain’s resignation as the American Secretary.

The parties discussed this maneuver ahead of time to make sure it had a minimal impact on the war effort.  Germain set the price for his resignation as a new title and a seat in the House of Lords.  After some debate, he received a title as viscount, which entitled him to sit in the House of Lords.

Germain’s replacement, Wellbore Ellis, was a longtime member of Parliament.  He was pushing 70 and was selected primarily because he would be a nonentity who would sit quietly and not rock the boat.  Ellis’ only demand in taking the job was the promise of a pension.

Votes to end the War

Several weeks after Parliament returned, a moderate member of Parliament, former General Henry Conway, put forward another resolution that called for an end to the offensive war in America.  This was a bit less aggressive. Ending the war only meant things went on hold.  It did not mean recognizing American independence. This motion also failed by only a single vote, 194-193.  A week later, Conway tried again with a slightly revised resolution.  North proposed an amendment to have the government “treat with America on the footing of independence.” By introducing the “i” word to the debate, North hoped to increase opposition to the measure.  When that failed, North called for a delay on the vote for a few weeks.

Henry Seymour Conway
The members rejected all these efforts.  The members knew that North was simply maneuvering in an effort to avoid losing the vote.  Parliament remained in session, finally voting in favor of the motion at 2:00 AM on February 28 by a vote of 234-215.  Later that day, the General Advertiser hit the streets with the headline PEACE WITH AMERICA.

This headline may have been premature.  The Crown was not ready to concede.  The following day, the King received the leaders of the House of Commons to discuss the matter. Standing next to the King during this discussion was General Benedict Arnold.  A few days later, the King gave a vague and evasive reply which seemed to indicate that he was not ready to concede the war.

In response, Conway proposed another resolution that said “the House of Commons would consider as enemies to His Majesty and this country” anyone who “advised or attempted to prosecute an offensive war in America.”  This resolution passed as well.

A few days later, things got even worse when news arrived that the British outpost at Menorca had fallen to the Spanish.  The opposition was confident enough by this point that they prepared to call for a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister.  Such a vote would remove Lord North from office and put a peace candidate in charge of the government.  North began a counteroffensive, reminding members of all the other things the opposition might do once they were in charge.  This went well beyond ending the war. There were a whole bunch of other issues the opposition supported to which many members objected. He managed to defeat the motion by 10 votes, but in doing so, North knew his days in office were numbered.

Opposition coalesced around Lord Rockingham as its leader.  Burke insisted that if he did take office, Rockingham could not let the king veto American independence.  That was the critical change that needed to happen.   Burke was also interested in purging the civil list, that is terminating jobs for a great many government workers, something the King used to reward his friends and manipulate votes in Parliament.

When the King heard all this, he drafted a speech abdicating the crown, turning his office over to his son, the Prince of Wales, and that George III would move back to Hanover and no longer reign over Britain.  Lord North managed to talk the king out of giving the speech and remaining on the throne.  But this gives some idea of where the King's head was.

Still, the king absolutely hated Lord Rockingham.  Although the king normally meets with a would-be prime minister who is seeking to form a new government, in this case, the king refused such a meeting.  George could not stand to be in the same room with Rockingham.

On March 20, the House of Commons prepared to move a vote of no confidence against Lord North.  Before they could do so, North demanded the floor.  Lord Surrey was scheduled to take the floor, to call for the vote of no confidence. So when north demanded the floor, everyone expected him to resign.  The opposition wanted to embarrass the ministry by forcing a no confidence vote rather than a resignation, so Parliament got into a heated argument about who was allowed to speak first.  During the arguing, North just blurted out that they were wasting their time since the entire government had already resigned.  North then moved for an adjournment and went home.

The Rockingham Government

Lord Rockingham already had majority support lined up.  The king still refused to meet with him, instead agreeing to meet with Lord Shelburne.  Rockingham had Shelburne provide the king with a list of new government officials, none of whom the king liked.  Even so, the king had no choice but to approve.  Edmund Burke became the new paymaster of the forces.  Lord Shelburne would be secretary of state for home and colonial affairs. Charles James Fox would be secretary of state for foreign affairs.  The position of the American secretary was abolished.

Lord Rockingham
Most of the new ministers wanted an immediate recognition of American independence.  Shelburne was an exception to this.  He was still hoping the government might negotiate some sort of reconciliation by making other concessions to the colonies.   For this reason, Fox demanded a role on the team that would negotiate with the Americans, preventing Shelburne from dragging out the negotiations.  Burke, even before the new government was created, had written to Benjamin Franklin in France, informing the Americans that Parliament now supported American independence and that it was just a matter of working out the details.

On April 1, the Rockingham Government purged the government of North loyalists, replacing government officials with their own people.  That same month, the ministry sent Richard Oswald to France to open up peace negotiations with the American Commissioners.  It would take months for the negotiations to begin, but the process of ending the war had begun.

We’ll get to those negotiations in an upcoming episode.  In the meantime, we turn to America next week as disputes with native Americans result in the Gnadenhutten Massacre.

- - -

Next Episode 310 Gnadenhutten Massacre

Previous Episode 308 Congress After Yorktown

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Solomon M. Lutnick, and Soloman M. Lutnick. “The Defeat at Yorktown: A View from the British Press.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 72, no. 4, 1964, pp. 471–78. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4247059

Lord Frederick North: https://history.blog.gov.uk/2015/08/12/lord-frederick-north

Frederick North: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Frederick-North-Lord-North-of-Kirtling

Lord Rockingham: https://www.britannica.com/event/Stamp-Act-Great-Britain-1765

Charles James Fox: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Charles-James-Fox/The-Fox-North-coalition-1783

Edmund Burke: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/burke

Rockingham's Second Ministry: https://www.historyhome.co.uk/c-eight/ministry/rocky2s.htm

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Donne, W. Bodham The Correspondence of King George the Third with Lord North, Vol. 2, London: John Murray, 1867. 

Keppel, George Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham and His Contemporaries, Vol. 2, London: Richard Bentley, 1852

Lucas, Reginald Lord North, Second Earl of Guilford, London: A.L. Humphreys, 1913. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Hoffman, Ross The Marquis: A Study of Lord Rockingham, 1730-1782. Fordham Univ. Press, 1973 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Mitchell, L.G. Charles James Fox, Oxford Univ. Press, 1992.  

Pemberton, W. Barring Lord North, Longmans, Green and Co. 1938 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Roberts, Andrew The Last King of America: The Misunderstood Reign of George III, Viking, 2021. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, April 14, 2024

ARP307 Congress After Yorktown


Over the last few episodes, we covered the ongoing war in the Carolinas, and war spreading around the world.  We last left the main Continental Army back in Episode 300 with the surrender at Yorktown.

Following the victory at Yorktown, the bulk of the Continental Army returned to the area around British-occupied New York City. 

Captured British flags from Yorktown
brought to Philadelphia
General Washington left the army for a time. He ordered General Benjamin Lincoln to take charge of the army’s movement back to New York.  Washington left Yorktown on November 5.  His first stop was to visit his stepson, who was recuperating from “camp fever” that had infected him while in volunteer service at Yorktown.  Following the British surrender, Washington sent Jack Custis to stay with a relative not too far from Yorktown, where he could receive better care.  

Washington arrived the day after leaving Yorktown, only to find that Custis had died moments before his arrival.  For the next few days, Washington escorted his grieving wife and daughter-in-law back to Mount Vernon.  It took more than a week to get home, as every town along the way wanted to celebrate the victory at Yorktown with the commander.  Washington remained at Mount Vernon for only a few days before heading to Philadelphia.

The Continental Congress was still celebrating the victory at Yorktown when Washington arrived on November 26.  Celebrations aside, Washington had some real concerns about the state of the Congress.

President John Hanson

John Hanson of Maryland had been unanimously elected president a few weeks earlier.  Hanson had only been in Congress for a little over a year.  It seems that no one really wanted to serve as president.  The office came with a great deal of responsibility and no power.  Hanson took over from Thomas McKean of Delaware, who had only taken the office for a few months after Congress elected Samuel Johnston.  Johnston refused to take the seat, stating that he was leaving Congress to run for Governor of North Carolina.  When McKean took up the chair, he informed Congress that he would only remain there until the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania returned to session in the fall, where he was Chief Justice.

John Hanson
Only a week after Hanson’s election, he wrote to his son-in-law that he wanted to resign.  He found his duties “irksome.” He did not feel well and thought he needed to go home.  The main reason he did not resign was that no one else wanted the job, and it was unclear that Congress could even seat a quorum to vote for a replacement.

Attendance at Congress was also a frustration.  When Washington addressed Congress on November 28, two days after his arrival, three states did not have the necessary two delegates to vote on behalf of their states.  Seven other states only had two delegates present, meaning that if they disagreed on a matter, the state could not vote.  Most of the better delegates had moved on to other positions in their home states, or as diplomats abroad.  So, Congress was a shell of its former self.

One reason Hanson disliked his new job was that the president was responsible for handling all correspondence of Congress.  This meant writing state officials, to beg for men, money, and supplies, as well as diplomatic and military correspondence.  Hanson determined almost immediately that this was not for him.  He assigned all the work of correspondence to Congress’ secretary, Charles Thomson.  And to be clear, Thomson was not just a secretary taking Hanson’s dictation.  Hanson was reading and replying to all official correspondence using his own judgment.

Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance

In truth, most of Congress’ work had been outsourced by this time.  As I mentioned back in Episode 281, Congress had determined in early 1780 that it could not handle both legislative and executive duties.  It created several new departments to be headed by an appointee to run the government.  The only one they appointed at the time, and the most important was Robert Morris, serving  as Superintendent of Finance.  In Britain, the top financial position, the minister of treasury, was also usually the Prime Minister.  So it was little surprise that Morris was seen as the effective leader in the Confederation government.  Hanson held the title of president, but anyone who needed something done came to Morris.

Robert Morris

Like many capable men, Morris had grown tired of government work.  As a political moderate, he suffered near constant criticism from the radical Whigs who controlled Pennsylvania politics.  He had hoped to return to private practice. Instead he accepted this appointment, given the desperate circumstances of the country's financial system, and a belief that Morris was best suited to manage things.  Once taking the job, Morris acted aggressively.  

He did not limit his own authority to financial matters.  He took control of the marine committee, and abolished the board of admiralty.  Since the Continentals did not have much of any navy by this point, few objected.  Morris  was also deeply involved in foreign diplomacy, since the only hope of keeping the financial system running was with the help of foreign loans or gifts from US allies.

I’ve talked about the continually growing mess that Continental finances had suffered over the course of the war.  The Yorktown Campaign only made that worse.  Agents had scrambled everywhere to come up with money to pay for that campaign, meaning that any available dollar and any debt that could be incurred on behalf of its success was done.  The campaign had been successful, but the debt situation was even worse as a result.  

Morris had to take some radical steps.  First was a decision not to repay any debts incurred prior to January 1, 1782.  The idea was that no one would accept Continental credit if they had to get behind so many other creditors to collect their money.  Morris hoped that an assurance that new creditors would be at the front of the line, might make those loans possible.  Of course, simply telling old creditors that they would have to wait until some time after the war for payment of anything due was not exactly something that gave new creditors confidence that they might later be pushed into that same category.

Morris also made the hard choice that he would not pay the army.  Since most officers and enlisted men were already used to receiving none of their promised pay, this was not really a big change in practice.  But declaring that everyone was going to have to work for the foreseeable future without getting paid was a slap in the face to the military.  Again, Morris had to prioritize new creditors for payment.  

To help the army, Morris largely gave up on relying on states to provide food and supplies for the soldiers.  Instead, Morris used some of the savings from non-payment of debt to enter into agreements directly with government contractors to provide food and supplies to the army directly.  These contracts were put out for public bid so that the government could get the best deal possible.

Since the Continental Congress’ credit was shot, Morris pinned his hopes on his new Bank of North America, which was funded through assistance provided by the King of France.  Morris hoped to grow that money by getting people to invest in the bank and accept bank notes produced by the bank, which were based on specie held by the bank.  Morris also issued “Morris Notes” which were used as currency backed by his own personal credit.

Confederation Cabinet

Near the end of 1781, Congress finally got around to appointing two other department heads.  Robert Livingston received an appointment as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.  If you are not sure what the Secretary of Foreign Affairs did under the Articles of Confederation, don’t feel bad.  Livingston had no idea either.  He mostly learned what he could not do.  

Robert Livingston
He could not make any foreign policy decisions on behalf of the US.  Anything he wanted to do had to go before Congress for a decision.  Since Congress often did not have enough delegates for a quorum, Congress could not make the decision either. Livingston expressed frustration that when he brought a question to Congress, he could watch the debate but could not offer any advice and could not ask any questions of that body.  He was not allowed to correspond directly with diplomats from other countries, nor with the US diplomats in Europe if those letters involved anything related to foreign affairs.  Any such letters had to go before Congress for approval before being sent.

Livingston did get authority to hire a couple of clerks. One of them was a Frenchman who had been serving in the Continental Army under General von Steuben.  This appointment seemed to cause many in Congress to argue that Livingston was simply a shill for French policy.  The limitations and concerns about Livingston did not seem to have anything to do with him personally.  He was a widely respected patriot leader who had himself served in the Continental Congress for years.  He was also Chancellor of New York during this same time.  Congressional restrictions seemed to have more to do with the trouble of the delegates themselves letting go of any small amount of authority to a separate body.

All of this only frustrated Livingston, who hadn’t really wanted the job in the first place.  To give you some idea of his frustration, in September of 1782, about a year after his appointment, he wrote a letter to Benjamin Franklin, the US Ambassador to France, and a peace delegate to complain that he had not received a single letter for six months. This was during the time that Franklin and others were actively negotiating a peace treaty with Britain - something that was of interest to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs.  As a result, Livingston did little on his own but report things to Congress and meet with Robert Morris.

Congress’ choice for a Secretary of War was even more contentious.  Horatio Gates was still head of the Board of War, but since his embarrassing performance at Camden, no one really wanted him anymore.  Washington seemed to favor Philip Schuyler, since he was no longer an active general and was an able politician and administrator.  The New England delegates, however, really disliked Schuyler.  Nathanael Greene and Henry Knox were both considered, but since they still played vital roles in the army - Greene as the southern commander and Knox as head of artillery, Congress did not want to remove them from those roles.  

Benjamin Lincoln

In the end, they settled on Benjamin Lincoln.  The general was acting as Washington’s second in command, but ever since his surrender at Charleston, no one seemed inclined to trust him with an independent command.  The consensus was that he was a great administrator, but not so much a field officer.  So Lincoln got the job.

At the time of his appointment, Lincoln was moving the Continental Army from Yorktown back to around New York. He still managed to get word of his appointment and got to Philadelphia two days ahead of Washington.

Like Livingston, Lincoln had no authority to make policy on his own.  His main jobs were to keep track of military men and supplies on hand and to prepare estimates of needs for future campaigns.  He also spent most of his time conferring with Robert Morris.

One other new job created around this time was for Thomas Paine.  The famous writer had fallen on hard times and could not seem to find anyone to pay him anymore.  He had created quite a few enemies in Philadelphia through many of his past attacks in the press.  Washington and Morris agreed that Paine would be useful as public relations for the government.  He did not have a title, and his job was not publicly known.  His salary would come out of funds set aside for Livingston’s use in secret services.

Washington’s stay in Philadelphia was primarily for the purpose of getting more supplies for the army.  Many were convinced that Yorktown had effectively ended the war.  If they were reluctant to come up with money while the enemy was an active threat to the states, they were even more reluctant now that the immediate threat seemed to be on the wane.

Washington used Morris to push an agenda that would get the army what it needed.  Always cautious about being seen as infringing on civil affairs, General Washington did not want to push Congress directly, but used Morris as his attack dog.  Morris pushed hard for direct taxes that would fund the army.  Congress refused.  

Congress did place requirements on the states to provide funds to the Bank of North America.  In that case, the States refused.  When the first quarterly payment was due in April of 1782, the bank received nothing.  After a few weeks, New Jersey sent a fraction of what it owed.  Morris noted that the amount sent was enough to fund the government for about ¼ of a day.

British Spies

Meanwhile the British in New York remained active in their efforts to undermine the Congress in Philadelphia.  Earlier in 1781, the British had captured a clerk named Thomas Edison.  Under interrogation, Edison convinced his captors that he could give them access to Congress’ private records.  As an assistant to Charles Thomson, secretary of Congress, Edison had access to documents related to the recent Silas Deane debates, internal arguments over western territories, problems between Congress and the French Ambassador.  

Captain George Beckwith had become the head of British intelligence in America after the capture and execution of Major John André.  He agreed to release Edison on the promise that Edison would help to gain access to Congressional records in Philadelphia.

James Moody
Beckwith assigned the project to James Moody, a loyalist officer.  When the war began, Moody was a New Jersey farmer who attempted to remain neutral.  When he refused to take the patriot loyalty oath, he was branded a traitor and suffered harassment and threats.  In 1777, a group of patriots attempted to shoot him.  Shortly after that incident, he fled to New York and became a lieutenant in a loyalist regiment.  Over the next couple of years, he spent most of his time performing intelligence operations in New Jersey, recruiting soldiers for the loyalists, and even leading several raids against patriot outposts.  In 1780, he led a failed attempt to kidnap New Jersey Governor William Livingston.  A little later, he helped rescue another loyalist from prison who was facing execution.  He also took prisoner several patriot officials and militiamen during his raids into the state.

As his reputation became more prominent, patriot leaders focused on his capture.  In August of 1780, while returning from a raid, Moody made it to the British fort at Bull’s Ferry in New Jersey. While he was there, a troop under General Anthony Wayne captured the fort and took him prisoner.  Because he was in uniform when captured, he was initially treated as a prisoner of war.  But when Governor Livingston learned of his capture, he demanded Moody be tried for espionage and treason.  

This was about the same time that Benedict Arnold had fled to the British, so the Continental mood toward spies was particularly hostile at the time.  Moody was held in chains at West Point.  He learned that Governor Livingston planned to prosecute the case against him personally, and that he also stacked the court that would hear Moody’s case, pretty much ensuring a guilty verdict. 

Moody realized that the way this was playing out meant that he would probably be dangling from a gallows in the very near future.  Despite the fact that officials posted a guard inside his cell to watch him 24/7, Moody worked on an escape.  He found a post half buried in the ground.  After asking for a coat to stay warm, Moody used the post to break off his hand cuffs, using the coat as cover from the guard.  He waited for a moment when his guard was not paying attention, then dashed out the door, grabbing the musket from a second guard outside the door.

He found himself outside and in the middle of a Continental Army camp, with alarms raised about the escaped prisoner. Rather than run for it, he simply shouldered the musket that he had taken from the guard and marched through camp like any other soldier.  He managed to make it out of camp and spent the next few days carefully making his way back to British lines.

Despite this close call, Moody spent the next couple of years continuing to go back into New Jersey on intelligence missions.  Several times, he was able to take out couriers carrying messages between Washington and Congress.

When the British learned of the opportunity to obtain embarrassing papers from the Continental Congress, they called on Moody to carry out the plan.  The plan itself was brazen, but quite simple.  Edison would be released and allowed to return to Philadelphia.  At an agreed time, he would let the British agents into the State House (what we call today Independence Hall) providing them the agreed documents.  The men would bring them back to New Jersey and smuggle them back to the British in New York.

Moody did not go himself to Philadelphia.  He remained just across the river in New Jersey while his brother John and a third loyalist named Lawrence Marr picked up the documents.  Moody had rented a room where the men could stay for the night.  While there, he overheard a conversation in the tavern.  A man said that there had been a plot to break into the Continental Congress’ records but that one of the conspirators had betrayed the conspiracy.

It turns out that Edison blew the whistle on the action.  According to Moody, Edison lost his nerve at the last minute and informed authorities.  According to Edison, it was his plan all along to lure the agents in and then get them captured.  I think Moody’s story makes more sense since Edison did not reveal anything until the last minute.  But authorities believed Edison’s story and later rewarded him for his actions.

Moody’s brother John and Marr were both captured.  Both were sentenced to hang as spies, but only Moody’s brother went to the gallows.  James Moody managed to escape the tavern just before a large patriot patrol arrived in search of him.  According to Moody’s later account, he threw himself in a ditch then crawled into a hay rack to avoid deduction.  The next day, he stole a canoe on the Delaware River and paddled upriver more than 100 miles to northern New Jersey.  From there, he was able to make his way back to New York City.  This final close call was the end of Moody’s career as a spy.  Shortly afterward, he left America and sailed for London.

Next Week: General Washington returns to New York and approves an attempt to kidnap a future King of England.  Continental General Alexander McDougall faces a court martial.

- - -

Next Episode 308 McDougall Court Martial 

Previous Episode 306 War in India

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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Further Reading

Websites

The John Hanson Story: https://www.constitutionfacts.com/us-articles-of-confederation/john-hanson-story

Nuxoll, Elizabeth M. “The Bank of North America and Robert Morris’s Management of the Nation’s First Fiscal Crisis.” Business and Economic History, vol. 13, 1984, pp. 159–70. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23702711

The Debt Problem: 1781 to 2014 https://www.siue.edu/~rblain/debtproblem.html

The Wartime Adventures of Lt. James Moody https://www.royalprovincial.com/military/rhist/njv/njvmoody2.htm

Lawrence Marr Jr. and John Moody https://www.angelfire.com/az/MarrHollow/LawrenceMarrJr.html

Conn, Kevin A. “Contingencies, Capture, and Spectacular Getaway: The Imprisonment and Escape of James Moody” Journal of the American Revolution, Nov. 24, 2020. https://allthingsliberty.com/2020/11/contingencies-capture-and-spectacular-getaway-the-imprisonment-and-escape-of-james-moody

Continental Congress Amendment to Report on Thomas Edison:  https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-03-02-0160

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol 21, Washington: Gov’t Printing Office, 1912. 

Moody, James Narrative of the Exertions and Sufferings of Lieut. James Moody, in Cause of Government Since the Year 1776, New York, Privately Printed, 1865 (original, London, 1782). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Dangerfield, George Chancellor Robert R. Livingston of New York, 1746-1813, Harcourt, Brace, and Co. 1960 (borrow on archive.org).

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, William H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Mattern, David B. Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution, Univ. of S.C. Press, 1995 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Rappleye, Charles Robert Morris: Financier of the American Revolution, Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.