Showing posts with label American Revolution in the west. Show all posts
Showing posts with label American Revolution in the west. Show all posts

Sunday, September 8, 2024

ARP326 Fort Carlos


Last week we covered some of the closing events of the war as news of the peace treaty and the cessation of hostilities arrived in Philadelphia in the spring of 1783.  Getting the word out about peace was a lengthy process though.  Some corners of the war continued to do battle.

Spanish Control

Spain had maintained control of the area around New Orleans throughout the war.  It had received the Louisiana Territory from France at the end of the Seven Years War.  When Spain entered the war against Britain in 1779, it looked for any opportunities all over the world to take land from Britain.  After Spanish forces under Bernardo de Gálvez captured Pensacola in 1781, the British pretty much gave up on West Florida.

Counterattack at Arkansas Post
Spain wanted to use its control of the region to secure control of the Mississippi River.  It maintained posts as far north as St. Louis, in what is today Missouri.  The region’s commander, Governor Bernardo de Gálvez, had returned to Spain after the 1781 victory.  By 1783, Gálvez was back in the West Indies, planning an invasion of Jamaica. Colonel Esteban Rodríguez Miró was serving as acting governor.

Miró was the son of a Spanish official, born in what is today California.  He joined the army at age 16 while the Seven Years War was raging.  Following that war, he received a military education in Spain before transferring to Louisiana in 1778.  Miró served as Galvez’s aide during the regional fights with the British beginning in 1779.  He was a trusted officer who could administer the region from New Orleans.

By 1782, the British were no longer a military threat to the region.  Spanish leaders focused their attention more on the Mississippi River, and many of the hostile native forces that contested for control.  Further north on the Mississippi River, American forces, specifically George Rogers Clark, under the authority of Virginia, was asserting control of areas up to the eastern bank of the Mississippi River.  Spain disputed this territory, but seemed content to control the west bank, at least that far north.  Further south, in the area around Louisiana, Spain claimed control of the entire area.  Exactly where the lines would be drawn were still in dispute until the Treaty of Paris in 1783.

Spain never allied itself with the Americans against Britain.  It generally supported American efforts to attack the British and weaken their enemy.  But when American and Spanish interests bumped up against each other in the west, the relationship became much more gray.  Throw into the mix that British agents were still trying to exert influence, primarily through Indian allies, the lines between allies and enemies got even murkier.

James Logan Colbert

By the time the British had largely been pushed out of the region in 1781, the leader of the opposition to Spain fell to a man of Scottish ancestry named James Logan Colbert.  His personal background seems to be a matter of dispute.  Some sources say that he was born in Scotland, but traveled to Georgia in 1736.  One source even claims that he arrived on the same ship as future Continental General Lachlan McIntosh.  These stories have been called into question.

Other sources say that Colbert was born in the Carolinas.  One credible source believes that Colbert was the son of Joseph Calvert,  who lived on the North Carolina - Virginia border and that his last name got changed over time to from Calvert to Colbert.  This makes sense since Joseph Calvert had a father-in-law named James Logan, which would have been an obvious source for his son’s name James Logan Colbert.  According to some accounts, he had been a British officer for some time, although this seems unlikely.  It could be that he received some informal commission during the war.  It could also be that he simply claimed a command as a way to get others to follow him.  But he did go by "Captain Colbert" during the war.

Whatever his origin, Colbert, who often seems to be called by his middle name of Logan, made his way west into the region that is today Arkansas.  One account says that he was indentured to an Indian trader named Abe Colson.  However he got there, he began living with the Chickasaw Indians some time in the late 1730’s or early 1740’s.  He lived with the Chickasaw and started a family with a Chickasaw woman.  Records before the war report that he was an adopted member of the Chickasaw tribe, and also registered as a British Indian trader.  Over his many years with the Chickasaw, he had three wives and eight children. By 1783, he was in his 60’s, a well established figure among the Chickasaw.  He owned a large plantation with 150 slaves.

The Chickasaw were a relatively small tribe that had opposed the French and Spanish incursions for many generations.  In 1752, Colbert participated in a war against the French army, which attempted to wipe out the Chickasaw Nation entirely.  The French had taken 700 French regulars as well as Choctaw allies, to eliminate the Chickasaw.  This is sometimes called part of the Second Chickasaw War.  The French had also fought an earlier war in the 1720’s.  In this instance, as in the last, the French were beaten back and ceded the territory to the Chickasaw.

Because of their opposition to the French and later Spanish, the Chickasaw remained allied with Britain, who provided them with arms and supplies.  In 1781, Colbert led a Chickasaw attack on Fort Jefferson, an outpost built by George Rogers Clark’s men on Chickasaw land in what is today part of western Kentucky.  The attack led to an eight day siege on the fort, followed by a full on assault.  Although they failed to take the fort, after the battle, Clark abandoned Fort Jefferson, believing it too much of a target for future attacks.

Colbert and the Chickasaw seemed more focused on protecting their territory from any outside intrusion, and never seemed to form a strong alliance with any outside group.

In 1782, Colbert focused on harassing Spanish shipping in the Mississippi River.  His fighters consisted, not only of Chickasaw, but as others described as Englishman, and still others of African descent.  In May, they captured a boat carrying pay and provisions to the Spanish outpost at St. Louis.  Among their prisoners was the wife and children of the Spanish commander at St. Louis.

Colbert released the commander’s family and nine other prisoners, allowing them to return to New Orleans on parole.  The prisoners were on their honor to be exchanged for nine English prisoners being held by the Spanish at Natchez.  Miró refused the exchange.  He regarded Colbert not as an enemy combatant, but as a pirate and a criminal.  

In response, Colbert stepped up his raids on Spanish shipping. The Spanish tried to get their Indian allies to go after Colbert’s forces.  The Kickapoo attempted several raids, but were largely unsuccessful.  Since the British were no help at this point, Colbert attempted to establish an alliance with the Americans in South Carolina.  The response was that the Americans would help only if the Chickasaw would cede some of their lands to them. Colbert refused the deal.

In the early months of 1783, Colbert’s army seemed to grow.  They were supplied primarily by the boats that they captured.

Arkansas Post

Colbert decided he wanted to step up his attacks by going after a target on land.  The French had originally built the Arkansas Post about a century earlier.  It was about halfway between New Orleans and St. Louis on the Arkansas River near its junction with the Mississippi River.  The post had been moved and abandoned a few times, but had been continuously garrisoned for about the last 50 years.  

The Spanish named it Fort Carlos, after their King, Carlos III of Spain.  They maintained a small garrison of about 20 soldiers.

A few dozen families and their slaves had settled around the fort.  The town also served as a trading post for trappers, hunters, and others who were coming and going to locations further west.

The fort itself had pretty formidable 13 foot walls made of thick tree trunks. They would stop any small arms fire. Four cannons provided fire power against any attack and could also be used against any ship trying to make its way up the Arkansas River without authorizations.   

Concerned for the security of the fort, Miro deployed Captain Jacobo Dubreuil St.-Cyr to take command.  Dubreiuil arrived in January 1783.  He was no newcomer to the region.  For several years prior, Dubreuil had provided military escorts to supply convoys up the river and had commanded a small outpost just south of St. Louis.

When he redeployed to Fort Carlos, Dubreuil brought reinforcements, bringing the garrison to 67 Spanish soldiers.  He reported that three of the four wooden gun carriages had rotted and were being replaced.  Dubreuil also had his men carve musket slits into the fort walls. The larger garrison needed food stores in the case of an attack.  They formed hunting parties to provide meat, which could be dried and stored.

The Spanish also had a good relationship with the local Indians, from the Quapaw tribe.  Indians often served as scouts for the Spanish and also traded with the local trading post.  Dubreuil was aware that there could be an attack on the fort.  He used the Quapaw to scout the region and warn him of any approaching enemy.

The Attack

Dubreuil’s belief that an attack on the fort was coming was correct.  By mid-April, Colbert had assembled a force to attack the fort.  English speaking Americans made up the bulk of the force, 64 of them.  Most were loyalists.  A few were Whigs who just didn’t like the Spanish controlling the region.  There were also five African Americans, eleven Chickasaw and one Frenchman.

Colbert hoped to hit the fort by surprise, meaning he had to get his force past the Quapaw village undetected.  The men paddled down river in canoes using muffled oars at night. They passed the Quapaw village and landed near the fort at around 2:30 AM on April 17.  

The attackers encountered a ten man guard near the fort which they managed to overwhelm.  They killed two defenders and wounded two others.  The rest were taken prisoner, except for one man who managed to flee and warn the fort.

Colbert’s men had to secure the village which consisted of seven families.  Within a half hour they were at the gates of the fort. By that time, the garrison was waiting for them.  The two sides exchange fire for hours, into the morning.  The fort canons kept the attackers pinned down in a gully where they remained safe from the cannon fire. The attackers' musket and rifle shots at the fort did little damage as they could not penetrate the fort walls.

By 9:00 AM, it was light out but neither side was having much impact on the other.  One of the families that Colbert had captured was that of the Fort’s second in command, Lieutenant Luis de Villars.  Colbert sent Mrs. Villars under a white flag with a demand to surrender the fort.  The demand instructed the fort to surrender by noon, or the attackers would storm the fort, supported by 500 Chickasaw warriors.  If that happened they would kill everyone.  If the garrison attempted to alert their Quapaw allies, Colbert would kill the families he had taken hostage.

At the same time that Colbert was delivering his message under a flag of truce, Dubreuil was sending out his own offensive.  Ten Spanish soldiers and four Quapaw warriors rushed out of the gates, past the messenger under a flag of truce and charged the enemy.  The Spanish killed one of the attackers and wounded another.  The surprised attacking force under Colbert panicked and ran. They returned to their boats, taking their male prisoners with them, but releasing the women and children.

By noon, when Colbert had threatened to return with 500 Chickasaw warriors, The Quapaw Chief Angaska arrived with 100 of his own warriors to break the siege and aid the Spanish garrison. The enemy was gone, but Dubreuil scolded Angaska for failing to alert the fort to Colbert’s arrival and for the hours it took for him to show up with a pretty small relief force.  

According to Dubreuil’s report, the chief apologized that the attackers had passed his village unnoticed.  It took him time to gather a fighting force since most of his men were out hunting by the time they became aware of the situation.  It also appears that many Quapaw warriors had no interest in getting involved in a war between two groups of white men.

Dubreuil deployed twenty of his soldiers to accompany the 100 Quapaw warriors in search of the enemy and to retrieve the prisoners.  About a week later, this party caught up with Colbert’s men on the banks of the Mississippi.  Colbert was with the Chickasaw and the Quapaw chief really didn’t want to start a war.  Instead, he kept his warriors back, and approached Colbert to talk.  He told Colbert he had about 250 warriors, more than double his actual numbers, and that he would attack unless they could come to an agreement.

After some discussion Colbert released most of his prisoners, including Lieutenant Villars.  He held back eight prisoners: four Spanish soldiers, three slaves, and one child.  He told Villars that he was being given parole and that he expected the Spanish to release five loyalists who had been captured at Natchez in exchange.

Word of Peace

Unbeknownst to everyone there, word of the peace treaty had already reached the West Indies.  General Galvez had already ordered the parole of the Natchez prisoners, on the condition that they leave Natchez forever.  The parolees that Colbert was trying to get released were already on a ship headed for British Jamaica.

For the next few weeks though, Dubreuil continued to track Colbert’s forces.  Dubreuil considered Colbert a pirate.  He wanted to catch and execute this English criminal.  

Colbert continued to attack Spanish shipping along the Mississippi. On May 11, a Spanish convoy spotted Colbert’s camp.  Dubreuil’s men attacked as Colbert’s men withdrew.  The Spanish managed to kill a few of them, including Colbert’s second in command.  The attackers also managed to free three of the prisoners that Colbert had taken from Fort Carlos.

A few days later, word arrived from New Orleans about the peace treaty.  It included a newspaper that announced the treaty, as well as an English translation of the treaty itself.  Dubreuil had instructions to parley with Colbert and inform him of the end of the war.  Dubreuil sent a message that included a letter demanding the release of the rest of the prisoners taken at Fort Carlos, and for reimbursement for the supplies stolen by the raiders.

By this time, however, Colbert and his men were in full retreat.  It took nearly four months for him to receive the letter from Dubreuil.  When he finally received it, he replied that he would release the prisoners, but also inquired about Chickasaw prisoners still being held by the Spanish in St. Louis.  Colbert was not ready to pay for the supplies he had taken, but said he would consult with the British Governor in St. Augustine.

By that time, the Chickasaw had already made their own peace with Spain.  They had reached Dubreuil at Fort Carlos in August, telling the Spanish commander that the Chickasaw were prepared to live in peace with Spain, and that they had disowned Colbert and his family.

Colbert’s End of the War

Colbert, finding himself on the losing end of the war, was not sure what to do.  In July 1783, several months after his attack on Fort Carlos, Colbert wrote a letter to Virginia Governor Benjamin Harrison.  His letter tried to downplay his loyalist reputation and said that his fight was with the Spanish and the French. He was an American and he supported the Americans.

Colbert’s main concern in the letter is that he wanted his Chickasaw to have a good relationship with the Americans as they would all likely continue to struggle against the Spanish.  By all appearances, Colbert had learned that the Americans had won the war.  He was looking to be a part of the winning side, both for himself and the Chickasaw.

Colbert never received a response from Governor Harrison.  In January 1784, Colbert was riding through West Florida.  It’s unclear if he had been to St. Augustine to discuss matters with the British there, or whether he was meeting with Creeks in Georgia, or perhaps both.  

In a letter dated January 7, Alexander McGillvray, the son of a Scottish father and Creek mother, wrote a letter to Captain Arturo O’Neal, an officer employed by the Spanish government who was fighting with the Chickasaw.  McGillvray wrote that Colbert had been killed.  He had been returning to the Chickasaw nation.  While traveling through West Florida, in modern day Alabama, his horse threw him, killing him instantly.  

There has been some speculation that Colbert was actually killed by a slave who was riding with him, or perhaps at the instigation of Chickasaw chiefs who saw Colbert as an impediment to them being able to reach a peaceful settlement with Spanish officials.  Whatever the true reason, Colbert was dead.

For everyone else, the war was over.  It was time to make peace.

Next week, Continental Soldiers march on Philadelphia, and they are not happy!

- - -

Next Episode 327 Continental Instability

Previous Episode 325 The Threat of Peace

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Further Reading

Websites

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Colman, Roger Arkansas Post Story, Santa Fe, NM: SW Cultural Resources Center, 1987. 

Gayarré, Charles History of Louisiana, New York: William J. Widdleton, 1867. 

Martini, Don Chickasaw Empire The Story of the Colbert Family, 1986. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Haynes, Robert V. The Natchez District and the American Revolution, Univ. Press of MS, 1976. 

Kling, Stephen L. Jr. and Guy B. Braden James Colbert and His Chickasaw Legacy, THGC Publishing, 2022. 

Paquette, Gabriel (ed) & Gonzalo M. Quintero Saravia (Editor) Spain and the American Revolution: New Approaches and Perspectives, Routledge, 2019. 

Walker, Rickey Butch Chickasaw Chief George Colbert: His Family and His Country, Bluewater Publishing, 2013. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, July 28, 2024

ARP321 Blue Licks & Fort Henry

 ARP321 Blue Licks & Fort Henry

In the summer of 1782, most of the country seemed to believe that the war was over, that they were just awaiting final peace terms from Paris.  

The terms of a final peace, however, might be impacted by what was happening in America.  A matter of particular contention was the land between the Appalachian mountains and the Mississippi River.  Many loyalists and their Indian allies hoped to keep the Americans from claiming all of this land.  Britain had allocated much of this area to Quebec before the war.  They hoped that would remain  the case and that the land would remain British after the war.

William Caldwell

One loyalist still fighting for this outcome was Captain William Caldwell.  The Irish immigrant had moved to America and settled on the frontier in 1773.  

Almost as soon as he arrived, he was introduced to the violence in America when fighting began in what became known as Lord Dunmore’s War.  Caldwell received a commission as captain. Caldwell stuck with the royal governor in the effort to hold Norfolk in early 1776, after the revolution had begun.  Caldwell was wounded in the fighting. When the loyalists were defeated, he had to be evacuated by sea.

After his recovery, Caldwell traveled to Fort Niagara in upstate New York, where he received a captain’s commission in the loyalist regiment, Butler’s Rangers.  There he gained a reputation as an active leader in some of the brutal fighting that took place against the patriots.  He also fought alongside, and often led, Indian warriors who backed British interests there.  Among other things, Caldwell was part of the 1778 raid, where loyalists and patriots fought over the region that is today northeastern Pennsylvania.  He played some role in the Wyoming Valley Massacre, in which captured patriots were tortured and massacred by the loyalists and their Indian allies.

Later that year, Caldwell was part of a group of 50 rangers who were sent west to support Detroit.  For the next few years, Caldwell would move to various frontier outposts as needed.

In June of 1782, following the Gnadenhutten Massacre in what is today Ohio, Caldwell combined a small force of Butler’s rangers with Indian allies to confront the patriot expedition led by William Crawford from Fort Pitt into the Ohio territory.  This led to the withdrawal of the Americans back to Fort Pitt and the capture and tortuous death of Colonel Crawford and many other American militia.  (See Episode 313 for details).

Following that victory in Ohio against Pennsylvania militia, Crawford hoped to extend British control in the west, supported by his Indian allies, by moving south into what is today Kentucky.  It’s not clear how large the force was. I’ve read differing accounts that put the number between 200 and 600.  I think the truth is pretty close to the middle - probably a force of between 300 and 400 men.

Blue Licks

In August, Caldwell led a force across the Ohio River into Kentucky.  He led a company of Butler’s Rangers, along with a larger group of warriors from the Delaware, Huron, Shawnee, and other tribes.  Simon Girty, who I have mentioned before as a well known loyalist fighter, was also with Caldwell.  The force surrounded an outpost called Bryan’s Station on August 16th. The locals took shelter behind the stockade walls. 

Daniel Boone at Blue Licks
The attackers attempted to draw out the garrison by sending forward a relatively small force under Simon Girty.  They hoped the defenders would rush out to attack, and fall into an ambush. But those in the fort spotted Indians hiding nearby and refused to come out from behind the forts walls.

The attackers tried to rush the fort, but only took casualties.  At the same time, the defenders had to watch as the surrounding force destroyed their crops and livestock.  The attackers lost about 30 men, while those inside the fort lost four.

The defenders did manage to get two men out of the fort to ride for militia support.  Militia Colonel John Todd gathered a force of about 200 men who rode immediately to break the siege of Bryan’s Station.  When Caldwell received word that the militia were on their way, he abandoned the attack on Bryan’s station and withdrew back toward the Ohio River.

The militia in this region were experienced Indian fighters.  Many of them had moved to the region in the 1760’s.  The Iroquois had sold the land to speculators. The Shawnee, who actually lived there, did not recognize the sale by the Iroquois, leading to years of violent attacks and retaliation. 

One of the more notable men was a frontiersman named Daniel Boone.  Born in Pennsylvania, his family had moved to North Carolina.  Boone had made his way west as a young man.  He served as a teamster in the Braddock Campaign in 1755, along with his cousin Daniel Morgan. He returned home to participate in the Cherokee Wars.  In the mid 1760’s Boone explored parts of Florida with the intent of moving there.  Eventually, however, he moved into what is today Kentucky.  Boone made a living as a hunter and trapper.  Like everyone else in the region, he regularly fought with Indians, losing several family members.  Boone himself was taken prisoner by the Shawnee for a time.  He also regularly negotiated with Indians, trying to buy or establish land claims that he could sell to other settlers. 

By 1782, Boone was a community leader. He had even represented Kentucky in the Virginia legislature the year before.  At any time however, Boone knew there was a chance of an attack.  He led an active company of militia that was ready to assemble and fight at any time.  Boone’s men heeded the call by Colonel Todd to respond to the attack on Bryan’s Station.

For the rest of that day and the next, Todd’s militia pursued Caldwell’s forces for about 40 miles.  That night, August 18, Caldwell’s men camped along the Licking River at a spot called Lower Blue Licks. The area got its name from a local salt lick that attracted deer and buffalo.

At sunrise on the 19th Todd’s militia spotted the enemy on the north side of the river.  The militia found a ford and crossed over in pursuit.  The enemy was hidden, but believed to hold a position on the high ground above them. Todd divided his force into three columns.  Major Hugh McGarry took the center, Colonel Stephen Trigg led the right and Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Boone led the left.  

According to some later accounts, Boone advised against crossing the river and moving up the hill into what was likely an ambush.  He thought they should await reinforcements. However, Major McGarry advanced with a call for "all non-cowards" to follow him.

The militia climbed the hill until a line of enemy along the crest opened fire from about 40 yards away.  Boons left flank pushed forward driving the enemy back.  At the same time, the enemy flanked the American right flank, killing many of the militia, including Colonel Trigg and Colonel Todd.  The militia on the right flank broke and ran back toward the river.  Boone attempted to hold the enemy, but was also forced to withdraw.

At the river, the Indians and rangers attacked the retreating militia, killing many as they attempted to cross the river.  The militia managed to reform a line and fire at the pursuing enemy.  This caused the enemy to pause their pursuit at the river. The militia withdrew and retreated.

The fight had been short but fierce.  It lasted only about 15 minutes, but Boone later reported that the militia took about 50% casualties.  Among the dead was his son, Israel Boone.

Fort Henry

A few weeks later, the British carried out a second raid near what is today Wheeling, West Virginia, about 45 miles southwest of Fort Pitt.

While many western forts were little more than reinforced farmhouses, Fort Henry was more than that.  Virginia had built the fort in 1774, during Lord Dunmore’s war against the local Indians.  It has originally been named Fort Fincastle, in honor of the Governor of Virginia.  Lord Dunmore also held the title of Viscount Fincastle. After the Revolution began, patriots renamed the fort after the new Governor of Virginia, Patrick Henry.

Fort Henry was built along the Ohio River. It contained over a half acre of land inside.  A wooden outer wall had four blockhouses built at each corner. The blockhouses had towers between eight and seventeen feet high that allowed defenders to fire down on any attackers.  

The fort had withstood an attack in 1777, when local militia held off an attacking force of Indian warriors at least twice their size, see Episode 156 for details.  Since that attack, the defenders had recovered a cannon from the Monongahela River, possibly dumped there after the Braddock Campaign during the French and Indian War.  It was mounted and protected against a land attack from the west.

About 60 yards outside the fort was a large reinforced house that belonged to Ebenezer Zane.  Although he was aware of the approaching enemy, most of Zane’s family remained in the house.  It was situated in a way that would allow an effective crossfire between the house and Fort Henry.  It’s also likely that Zane wanted to remain there to defend his home from being burned by the attackers.

The Zanes

The Zanes were a prominent family in the region.  One of Zane’s ancestors, a Quaker named Robert Zane, immigrated to New Jersey in 1675, and had been one of the first settlers to come to Pennsylvania with William Penn.

Ebenezer was born in western Virginia in 1747, and moved to the region in what is today Wheeling in 1769 with his brothers Jonathan and Silas.  His brother Andrew and sister Betty joined them a few years later.  According to one account, Zane had been taken prisoner by the Wyandot Indian tribe earlier in his life, that he saw this area during a hunting trip with his captors and decided to move there after being freed.

Like most frontier families the Zanes faced occasional Indian attacks.  They fought in Lord Dunmore’s war, and were experienced Indian fighters by the time the Revolution began.

The Siege

The British commander in Detroit Arent DePeyster, authorized an assault force to attack Fort Henry in August of 1782. The force included a company of about 50 of Butler’s Rangers, and about 300 Indian warriors.  Shortly after the force left Detroit, DePeyster received orders from London that ended all offensive military operations in America.  These were the orders from the North Ministry that had been sent out in early 1782, but had taken months to arrive in Detroit.  They arrived too late for DePeyster to recall the raiding force that was already well into Ohio.

Captain Andrew Bradt commanded the company of Butler’s Rangers that headed the operation.  Bradt was a nephew of John Butler, the regimental commander.  Like most of the loyalist force under Butler, Bradt had been born and raised in upstate New York, near Schenectady.  He has spent years leading raids with the Indians against settlers in the Ohio Valley.

According to some accounts, Simon Girty was also with the attackers. This seems unlikely since Girty was with the force that had just attacked Blue Licks and it seems unlikely he would have found his way back to this one in time to be part of the engagement.  There are many accounts of Girty that are exaggerated since he became the face of the enemy in this western war.  Still, it is possible that Girty had returned in time to join up with this group.  It’s also possible that this was Simon’s brother George Girty who was with this group.

In any event the attackers arrived at the fort on the evening of September 11.  The defenders had received warning of their approach and were already inside the fort.  The attacking force consisted of around 350 loyalists and Indian warriors.  In the fort were about 60 women and children, defended by about 40 local militia.  Some sources say there were only about 20 defenders who were men of fighting age.

After arriving the British marched in front of the fort, waiving the British flag and demanding the fort’s surrender.  The defenders refused.  After sundown, the loyalists and Indians stormed the fort walls at least three times, only to be repulsed each time.  

The attackers also tried to set fire to the outer buildings, including Zane’s home.  A group of native warriors tried to get to the house with torches.  One of Zane’s slaves, a man known only as Daddy Sam, saw the Indians.  He killed one and chased off the others, thus saving the home.

After the sun rose the following morning, the attackers kept their distance, but also continued to fire on the fort.  The defenders returned small arms fire, as well as using their cannon.

There is one story from that day of fighting may be is rather suspect, but is worth mentioning.  The fort garrison found itself running low on ammunition.  The men had been firing almost continuously, while the women molded musket balls from melted lead.  

Betty Zane, knew that her brother Ebenezer had extra powder in his home, 60 yards from the fort walls.  Running there and back would make an easy target for the attackers.  Betty volunteered, betting that they would not shoot at an unarmed woman. She just walked out of the main gate toward the house. The attackers stopped firing, stunned at the sight of a woman simply strolling out of the fort.  At the house, she collected a small barrel of powder and began carrying it back to the fort.  Seeing her with ammunition the attackers opened fire.  Betty managed to dash back into the fort unharmed.

The firing resumed.  That night, after dark, the attackers stormed the fort again, but were repulsed yet again.  By the morning of the third day, Bradt was concerned that a relief force was on its way.  He withdrew from the fort and retreated back into Ohio.

Fort Rice

While Bradt was done with his raid, some of the Indians still wanted a win.  About 100 of the native warriors broke off and moved Northeast.  They attacked a tiny outpost known as Fort Rice.  This was a pretty small reinforced blockhouse owned by David Rice, that provided a defense for the three or four settler families that lived in the area that is today western Pennsylvania, between Wheeling and Pittsburgh.

The families were alerted to the approach and got inside the house before the Indians arrived. There were about 100 Indians while there were only six men inside the house, along with their families. The attack lasted most of the day.  One of the defenders was killed.  The attackers also killed and scalped one man and his son, who tried to get into the fort during the attack.  A third man was wounded but managed to get into the fort.

Unable to overrun the fort, the Indians satisfied themselves with burning or looting the crops and livestock as well as several nearby buildings.  They withdrew during the night.   

The following day, the local militia assembled about 60 men to chase down the war party.  However the natives withdrew quickly and were not found.

Return to Detroit

The loyalists and Indians spent some time among the Indian villages along the Sandusky River.  By the middle of October, they met up with Caldwell and the men who had fought at Blue Licks.  The combined force had a difficult time obtaining food.  DePeyster reported that when they got back to Detroit, the men were emaciated from hunger as well as very sick.

Having already received word of the end of offensive operations, this would be the last raid from Detroit during the war.

American Response

Of course, the settlers were not willing to let the matter drop.  Deadly raids like these required retaliation.  For some time, the settlers in this region, which was part of Virginia at the time, complained that they were receiving no protection.  The western commander, George Rogers Clark remained mostly around Louisville, which was too far away from them.

Benjamin Harrison who had become Governor of Virginia, at the end of 1781, called on Clark to do something, but could not provide any men or money to assist.  Clark, like many officers, was pretty much bankrupt since he had been obtaining supplies on credit and getting nothing from the state to repay them.

Despite this lack of support, Clark planned another raid into Ohio.  He coordinated with Continental General William Irvine at Fort Pitt.  The plan was for Irvine to lead about 1200 Continentals and militia west into what is today central Ohio.  Clark would lead about 1000 men north from Louisville toward the same area.  The combined force would wreak havoc on the Indian villages there.

Clark had no money or credit left.  He ended up trading 3200 acres of his own land in exchange for supplies for the expedition, which left Louisville on November 14.  As Irvine prepared to leave Fort Pitt, he received orders to stand down in light of the peace treaty negotiations that were taking place in Europe.  Irvine still kept up preparations for the attack in hopes that it would keep the Indians off guard as Clark’s force marched north.  But in the end, the Continentals at Fort Pitt would not be a part of the expedition, leaving Clark's force on its own.

Clark’s Virginians reached the Shawnee village of Chillicothe, just south of modern day Columbus.  They found that most of the Indians had fled in anticipation of his arrival.  They managed to kill and scalp ten warriors, took a few more prisoners and freed two white prisoners who were being held by the Shawnee.

The Virginians also burned all the crops and villages that they found, leaving the tribes without any food or shelter for the winter.  With that, they withdrew back to Kentucky.

Next week: we head east where fighting with loyalists continues, despite the war’s imminent end.

- - -

Next Episode 322 LBI Massacre and the Doan Gang (Available July 28, 2024)

Previous Episode 318 Peace Negotiations

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Forbes-Lindsay, Charles Daniel Boone, Backwoodsman, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co. 1908. 

Grey, Zane Betty Zane, New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1903. 

Withers, Alexander Chronicles of Border Warfare, Clarksburg, VA: Joseph Israel, 1831, 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Calloway, Colin G. The American Revolution in Indian Country: Crisis and Diversity in Native American Communities, Cambridge Univ. Press, 

Calloway, Colin G. The Indian World of George Washington: The First President, the First Americans, and the Birth of the Nation, Oxford Univ. Press, 2018 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Waller, George M. American Revolution in the West, Burnham, Inc. Publications, 1976. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, May 26, 2024

ARP313 Crawford Expedition


Back in Episode 310, we covered the ongoing war in the west, when militia from around Fort Pitt massacred a Christian community of Moravian Indians and whites at Gnadenhutten, in what is today Ohio.

The militia were upset over repeated attacks on their homes and settlements by various groups of Indians who were being encouraged in such attacks by the British at Detroit.

Planning an Offensive

General William Irvine took command at Fort Pitt just weeks after the Gnadenhutten Massacre.  He had to deal with the fallout from those events, but could not do much about it.  His tiny Continental Garrison was no threat to anyone.  In fact, he feared he and his garrison would be attacked by local militia if they did not share the anti-Indian sentiments that were widely held.

Crawford Expedition
The basis for those sentiments was the fact that the region was in a constant state of alert.  War parties from what is today Ohio, Michigan and Canada, regularly traveled to the area around Fort Pitt where they killed, and often tortured, murdered, and mutilated isolated families on the small farms in the area.  The British and the Indians knew that settlers would continue pushing westward into Ohio unless they could be intimidated by the hostile reception they met. Instead, however, the raids only inspired a series of revenge raids into Ohio.

General Irvine had developed what he hoped would be a plan to put an end to this problem. After he had received orders to take command of Fort Pitt, but before actually taking command, Irvine wrote to Washington with his assessment.

It is, I believe, universally agreed that the only way to keep Indians from harassing the country is to visit them. But we find, by experience, that burning their empty towns has not the desired effect. They can soon build others. They must be followed up and beaten, or the British, whom they draw their support from, totally driven out of their country. I believe if Detroit was demolished, it would be a good step toward giving some, at least, temporary ease to this country.

The Continentals had embarked on the Sullivan Expedition in New York to wipe out Indian villages there a few years earlier.  That did not really end the fighting.  The British in Quebec continued to provide support for Indian and loyalist raids into New York.  Quebec was too large to take.  But Detroit was a much smaller outpost.  If they could remove the British from Detroit, perhaps the Indians would not get stirred up so much.  The problem was crossing Ohio to get to it.

Irvine believed that a Continental army of 2000 men, with five cannons and sufficient supply wagons, could take Detroit and leave a path of destruction through Ohio that would at least greatly reduce the attacks in the region.

William Irvine

While Washington liked the idea of taking Detroit.  Raising an army, however, was out of the question.  Following Yorktown, it had become impossible to get more recruits, supplies, or much of anything. Washington was struggling just to keep an army in the field around New York.  The struggle to feed his army was almost more than he could handle.  With no threat of an imminent offensive by the enemy, a war-weary Congress had given up on trying to get the states to contribute more to the war effort.  There was no way they would contribute to an offensive in the west that had no impact on the security of their home states.  If there was going to be any action, it would have to be locally sponsored.

The local militia around Fort Pitt were still highly motivated to take action.  The action at Gnadenhutten had done nothing to slow down raids.  On May 8, an Indian war party came across the home of a Baptist minister.  Although he was not home, the Indians killed and scalped his wife and children.  Everyone knew that the raids would continue if they did nothing.

About 500 men answered the call for militia.  All of them were volunteers.  They had to provide their own arms, ammunition, and everything else they would need. Their only compensation would be whatever they could plunder from the enemy.  Even so, the men believed in the necessity of countering this ongoing threat, and were willing to lend their support.

William Crawford

Militia Colonel David Williamson had led the militia who had attacked Gnadenhutten a few months earlier.  He would probably be seen as the obvious choice to lead this expedition. General Irvine believed that Washington’s orders prohibited him from leading his small Continental garrison on this expedition.

When the men voted on an officer to lead the expedition, Williamson was up there, but came in a close second.  The militia selected William Crawford to lead them.  

William Crawford
Crawford was an experienced frontiersman.  He had grown up on the Virginia frontier.  Early in life, he had teamed up with a teen-aged George Washington to work on several surveying projects.  Crawford, along with Washington, also joined the Braddock campaign back in 1754 and the Forbes Campaign to capture Fort Pitt from the French in 1758.  When Washington returned home to Mount Vernon, Crawford remained on the frontier, working as a surveyor, farmer, and fur trader.  He regularly had to deal with both friendly and hostile Indians.  In 1774, he fought as a major in Lord Dunmore’s War in what is today West Virginia.

When the Revolution began, Crawford took a commission as a lieutenant colonel in the 5th Regiment of Virginia.  A short time later, Crawford became colonel of the 7th Virginia, replacing Colonel William Daingerfield, who resigned. It’s not clear why Daingerfield resigned, but I have to assume it was because he got no respect.  Colonel Crawford took several other commands during the war, and raised another Continental regiment among the frontiersmen of Virginia.in 1777.  He fought under Washington in the Philadelphia Campaign, specifically at Brandywine and Germantown.

When the Army went to Valley Forge, Crawford was transferred to Fort Pitt, where he served under a series of commanding officers there over the next few years.  Due to frustrations, perhaps related to lack of promotion, or to the dearth of funding, or support that Congress gave to the western armies, Crawford retired in 1781.

Despite his retirement, Crawford turned out for service in 1782 when the militia prepared for its raid into the Ohio Territory.  By some accounts, General Irvine encouraged Crawford to lead the expedition and encouraged the militia to vote him into command.  It could be that Irvine, as well as others, did not trust Williamson after Williamson had led the Gnadenhutten Massacre.  It could also be that Crawford’s decades of experience on the frontier, and his years of command in the Continental Army simply inspired greater confidence in the men.

The Expedition

Crawford’s substantial force of 500 militia was not substantial enough to threaten Detroit itself.  He and Irvine decided their target would be a series of Indian towns along the Sandusky River. This would take them deeper into Indian Territory than any Patriot force had gotten during the Revolution, about 175 miles west of Fort Pitt and about 100 miles south of Detroit.

Although the expedition was made up of militia, two Continental officers also went with the group. John Knight served as surgeon on the expedition.   The other volunteer officer was known as John Rose.  In actuality, he was the Baron Gustave von Wetter-Rosenthal, a Russian aristocrat who fled to America after killing a man in a duel.  Rose had fought in the Quebec campaign and was, at the time, serving as General Irvine’s aide-de-camp.

Crawford Expedition Map
The militia left Fort Pitt on May 25, 1782.  They hoped their raid would be a surprise, but that hope was quickly dashed.  The militia were highly undisciplined. Men would leave the column and would fire their guns at wild game during the march.  Rose also noted that Colonel Crawford was not very commanding and often got into arguments with other officers about what actions to take.  A number of the militia lost faith in the mission and deserted before they reached any of their targeted destinations.

Despite the problems, the expedition kept up a pretty good pace.  In just over a week, they arrived near Upper Sandusky, a Wyandot village deep into Ohio country.  On arrival, they found the town abandoned.  The Wyandots had moved about 8 miles to the north.

Although scouts had reached the town, the main army was stills some distance away.  Crawford held a council of war.  Many men believed the town’s abandonment meant that the Indians knew about their approach and were planning an attack.  Many wanted to turn around and go home before it was too late.  Another group under Colonel Williamson wanted to march to the abandoned town and burn it.  Crawford did not want to divide his force, so he took the entire column toward the town and camped overnight.

Before they marched very far, scouts reported a large war party of Native Americans advancing on their position.

The Indians

It turns out that the expedition was no surprise at all for the enemy, and it had nothing to do with the lack of discipline among the militia.  Spies had reported the expedition before it had even left Fort Pitt.  A week and a half before the militia even got started, Major Arent Schuyler DePeyster was aware of the expedition and planning to attack it.  He assembled an army that consisted of a great many Shawnee, Delaware, Mingo, and Northern Wyandot warriors, as well as others, referred to generally as “Lake Indians” by the British.  Also with the group was a company of loyalist cavalry from Butler’s Rangers, the group that had been raised in upstate New York but had been pushed out of there by the Americans.

One of the war chiefs leading this group was a Delaware known as Captain Pipe.  He had grown up in what is today central Pennsylvania.  Pennsylvania settlers had forced his people west into Ohio.  Over the years, he attended several conferences and treaty negotiations at Fort Pitt.

When the Revolution began, Captain Pipe advocated to keep the Delaware neutral and out of the war.  He maintained this view even after General Edward Hand led an expedition into Ohio in 1778, with William Crawford part of that expedition.  The soldiers killed his wife and children.  Despite this, he still granted another Continental force under General Lachlan McIntosh permission to pass through his territory a few months later in another failed attempt to reach Detroit.  When McIntosh tried to compel the Delaware to join him in an effort to destroy Detroit, the Delaware refused, Captain Pipe moved his people further west, where the British held more influence.  Finally, in 1781, when a patriot raid under Colonel Daniel Brodhead destroyed his village again, Captain Pipe firmly allied with the British

Another commander was Dunquat, a Wyandot also known as the Half-King.  Unlike Captain Pipe, Dunquat was a firm British ally from the beginning of the war.  He led a group of mostly Wyandot and Mingo warriors on multiple raids against the American frontier as early as 1777. He had led attacks against Fort Henry and Fort Randolph earlier in the war, and was probably a key leader in the continual raids into western Pennsylvania.  

Dunquat had also been particularly protective of the Moravian communities in Ohio.  He had made efforts to move them to safer locations during the war, and was likely particularly outraged when the Fort Pitt militia massacred them only a few months earlier.

Also with the Indians was Simon Girty.  I’ve discussed his background before, but as a reminder Girty grew up on the Pennsylvania frontier.  When he was a teenager at the outbreak of the French and Indian War, his town was raided by Indians who killed his stepfather, and took him prisoner.  He was eventually adopted into the Mingo tribe under great Chief Guyasuta.  After Pontiac’s rebellion, the Mingo were forced to return all of their white captives.  They returned Girty, who did not want to leave and tried to return several times.  When that proved impossible, Girty made a living on the frontier, working as a trapper and a translator.  During this time, he got to know William Crawford.

He acted as a scout during Lord Dunmore’s War in 1774.  At one point, he served under Crawford.  After Virginia Soldiers massacred Indian women and children during Dunmore’s War, Girty left the service and moved into Indian territory.  With the outbreak of the Revolution, he offered his services to the British in Detroit.  He had fought alongside Captain Pipe and Dunquat for many years, taking an active role in attacks on frontier forts and settlements. He strongly supported the attack on the Crawford Expedition in Ohio.

Battle of Sandusky

On June 4, 1782, a group of militia scouts under John Rose encountered a group of Delaware warriors under Captain Pipe.  They fought a running retreat as the outnumbered militia slowly fell back while fighting off the attackers.  Just when it looked like the militia scouts might be overrun and massacred, Crawford showed up with reinforcements to push back the Delaware.  

Crawford’s militia drove the Delaware back out of the woods and into an open prairie. There, Captain Pipe linked up with Dunquat’s Wyandot warriors.  This led to a three and a half hour battle between the two groups.  As it got dark the Indians withdrew.  That day, both sides lost five killed.  The Americans also had 19 wounded to the Indians’ 11.  

Both sides spent a sleepless night, clutching their weapons and fearing a night attack.  There was no attack, although men on both sides took time to scalp fallen enemies and steal their clothing and other personal items.  Fifteen militiamen deserted during the night, fleeing back to Fort Pitt. 

Battle of Sandusky
The next morning, fighting resumed.  The Indians were firing from 200 to 300 yards away with muskets, meaning there was little chance they would hit anyone.  Militia leaders believed the Indians were holding back because they had suffered heavy losses the day before.  In fact, the Indians were simply amusing the enemy, while waiting for reinforcements.  The Americans also observed that Butler’s Rangers were fighting alongside the Indians.  Even so, Crawford believed he could launch a night raid after dark and surprise the enemy. 

As the Americans watched the Indians fire at them from a distance, a group of about 140 Shawnee warriors slipped around the American line, effectively surrounding their camp.  Rather than attack after dark, the Americans decided, at that point, it would be better to slip away and retreat once the sun went down.  

That night, many of the militia rode off on their own, leaving the larger army divided.  The men also left behind many of their wounded, wanting to make a faster escape.  Crawford did his best to collect the wounded and keep the militia together in a single unit, but saw all that falling apart.

The following morning, the Americans had returned to the abandoned Wyandot village that they had found a few days earlier.  About half the militia had fled, reducing their numbers to less than 300.  A smaller group of Indians attacked the force, causing more of the militia to flee.  Colonel Williamson managed to mount an organized defense that drove off the attack, but leading to another three militia killed and eight wounded.

Over the next week, small groups of militia made their way back to Fort Pitt.  The main force under John Rose reached Mingo Bottom, just west of Fort Pitt, on June 13.  Indian pursuers managed to capture and kill a few stragglers.  In total, the militia suffered probably between 70 and 150 casualties.  We have that big spread, because numbers on frontier battles are just terrible.

Prisoners

There are no good numbers on exactly how many militia were killed outright or captured during the retreat.  We only have a few stories from survivors.  A scout named John Slover was captured with two other soldiers.  They were taken to a Shawnee town where they were forced to run a gauntlet. One of the prisoners was painted black, meaning the Shawnee had marked that man for death.  The men were badly beaten in the gauntlet.  The man marked for death was torn up with tomahawks and had his heart stuck on a pole outside of town.

Slover also recognized the bodies of three other prisoners.  These were Major McClelland, as well as Colonel Crawford’s nephew and his son-in-law.  The heads of these men were also stuck on poles just outside the village. Slover and the other prisoner were separated and sent to different villages.  They were expected to be burned at the stake.  Slover managed to escape on a stolen horse, which is the only reason we have his story.

Colonel Crawford and Dr. Knight got separated from the main army during the retreat.  When a larger band of Delaware encountered them, Crawford and Knight surrendered.  Several other men with them fled into the woods. The Indians chased them down, killing and scalping them.

Crawford was taken to a Wyandot village where he met up with Simon Girty. Girty informed him that the Indians wanted revenge for the Gnadenhutten massacre and were not inclined to show mercy.  The following day, Captain Pipe arrived.  He ordered Crawford and several other prisoners painted black and carried to another town.  Four of the prisoners were tomahawked to death and scalped during the journey.  When they arrived at the new town, all the other prisoners, except Crawford and Knight, were tomahawked to death and scalped.  The warriors taunted Crawford by slapping his face with the scalps of his former comrades.

Crawford execution
The Indians wanted to make Crawford’s death a spectacle.  Captain Pipe, accompanied by a group of Delaware warriors, gave Crawford a "trial" with Girty serving as interpreter.  They asked if Crawford played any role in the Gnadenhutten Massacre, which Crawford truthfully denied. Another Delaware woman recognized Crawford as a leader from a 1778 campaign in which Captain Pipe’s brother and mother had been killed.  Even if he hadn’t been at Gnadenhutten, he was an Indian killer and was condemned to death by fire.  

The following day, more than 100 Delaware gathered to observe Crawford’s fate.  Captain Pipe and Dunquat were both present, as was Simon Girty and another British agent.  Girty offered to pay a ransom to save Crawford, but it was refused.  

Crawford was first stripped naked and beaten.  Warriors shot him with blanks, burning his skin with the powder residue.  They cut off his ears and pressed burning coals against his skin.  They forced him to walk across burning coals.  Crawford begged Girty to shoot him and end his misery, but Girty could not interfere.

After several hours, Crawford lost consciousness.  The Indians scalped him and put hot coals on his head.  The pain caused him to revive briefly.  He was forced to walk a bit more before his body was finally pushed into a fire and burned.  Again, the only reason we have this account is because Dr. Knight witnessed it.  The following day, Knight was bring carried to another village for execution.  Along the way, he managed to bash his captor with a log and escape into the woods.  After weeks of making his way through the woods, he managed to make it back to Fort McIntosh.

Aftermath

The failure of the Crawford Expedition only emboldened Indian attack from the Ohio territory.  We’ll get into some of those in a future episode.  

Next week, we return to Philadelphia as the Continental Congress adopts the Great Seal.

- - -

Next Episode 314 The Great Seal 

Previous Episode 312 Huddy-Asgill Affair

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

William Crawford: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/william-crawford

Brown, Paul Reconstructing Crawford’s Army of 1782 https://journals.psu.edu/wph/article/download/3747/3565/0

Quaife, M. M. “The Ohio Campaigns of 1782.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 17, no. 4, 1931, pp. 515–29. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1916389

The Crawford Campaign, 1782: American Strategy: https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2018/08/28/the-crawford-campaign-1782-american-strategy-in-ohio-1781-1782

The Crawford Campaign, 1782: Birth of an Expedition: https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2018/08/30/the-crawford-campaign-1782-birth-of-an-expedition

The Crawford Campaign, 1782: Rout, Retreat, and Recovery https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2018/09/06/the-crawford-campaign-1782-rout-retreat-and-recovery

The Crawford Campaign, 1782: Captivity, Torture, and Execution: https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2018/09/10/the-crawford-campaign-1782-captivity-torture-and-execution

Burning Colonel Crawford: https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2018/07/26/burning-colonel-crawford

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Boyd, Thomas Simon Girty, The White Savage, New York: Minton, Balch & Co. 1928. 

Brackenridge, H. H. Narratives of a late expedition against the Indians: with an account of the barbarous execution of Col. Crawford, Philadelphia: Francis Bailey, 1783. 

Butterfield, Consul W. An Historical Account of the Expedition Against Sandusky Under Col. William Crawford in 1782, Cincinnati: R. Clarke & Co. 1873. 

Butterfield, Consul W. The Washington-Crawford Letters, Cincinnati: R. Clarke & Co. 1877. 

Butterfield, Consul W. History of the Girtys, Columbus: Longs College Book Co. 1950. 

Paul, James A Narrative of the Wonderful Escape and Dreadful Sufferings of Colonel James Paul, after the defeat of Col. Crawford, when that unfortunate commander, and many of his men, were inhumanly burnt at the stake, Cincinnati: Spiller, 1869. 

Stone, William L. ”Journal of a Volunteer Expedition to Sandusky, from May 24 to June 13, 1782The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1894.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Brusman, Denver and Joel Stone (eds) Revolutionary Detroit: Portraits in Political and Cultural Change, 1760-1805, Detroit Historical Society, 2009 (borrow on Archive.org).

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Sterner, Eric The Battle of the Upper Sandusky, 1782, Westholme Publishing, 2023. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.