Sunday, May 20, 2018

Episode 045: Governing from Salem




Two weeks ago, we saw Gen. Gage become Gov. Gage with the task of compelling Massachusetts to comply with Parliamentary authority.  After a brief detour to Virginia for an Indian war last week, I am returning to Massachusetts to take a look at how Gage attempts to enforce the new laws from London.

Government moves to Salem

Following his instruction from Secretary Dartmouth, Gage used the Navy to close Boston Harbor, then moved the government to Salem. One of the main purposes of the Boston Port Act was to close Boston and make the people there suffer.  Not only would there be no trade, removal of government to another part of the colony would complement that.  Boston was going to become a derelict shell of a town. No one would want to remain there.  London officials believed that the hotheads were in Boston.  The rest of the colony was still loyal to the King.  Destroying Boston economically would take care of the resistance and set an example for others.

The Governor had been forcing the Assembly to meet in Cambridge, just across the river from Boston.  This had been a sore point for years.  Days after his arrival in the colony, Gage had ordered the Assembly in Cambridge to adjourn and to begin a new session on June 7 in Salem. Instead of just crossing over the river, Bostonians would have a twenty mile journey to get to legislative sessions, half a day’s ride for most.

Gov. Gage took up residence in the village of Danvers, just outside of Salem.  Living in the Massachusetts countryside, would allow Gage to live in a more relaxed atmosphere, without the hassles and violence in Boston.  Or so he thought.  Gage would soon discover that was not the case.

On June 7, 1774, a week after the port had closed, the Assembly convened in Salem.  Its first order of business was to complain about having to convene in Salem. It protested the new Governor’s decision to move them from Boston.  It spent the first two days putting together an argument about why moving the legislature away from Boston was a source of discontent.  Gage shrugged it off: Yeah, too bad.  You are meeting in Salem now, and that is the way it is.  Gage thought that getting standing firm on such issues would prove his leadership and convince the colonists to obey.

London Cartoon, 1774 showing Bostonians
suffering from the Port closure.
(from Digital History)
Next, the Assembly proposed the new Council.  As they had done traditionally, the Assembly proposed a wide array of Councillors, some conservatives, some moderates, some liberals and some radicals - representing a wide range of viewpoints and positions.

Gage vetoed more than half of them.  Although he had that right under the old Charter, Governors usually only rejected a handful at most.  Gage was making clear that he was not the usual pushover, only angering the legislature even more.  On June 6, The Boston Gazette printed details of the Government and Justice Acts debates in Parliament.  Since the Government Act would soon give Gage full control over the Council appointments, he had no incentive to compromise on this point either.

The Assembly formed a special committee to discuss how to respond to the Port Act.  Samuel Adams headed a Committee to plan their next steps.  Nineteen of the twenty committee members were committed patriots.  The one Loyalist, Thomas Leonard, was a problem. If the Committee started discussing resistance or other radical measures, Leonard would report to the Governor who would dissolve the Assembly.

So for several days, the committee met to discuss possible options of repaying the cost of the tea, or other more moderate measures.  For Gage and Tories in the colonies, it sounded as if the radicals had finally understood their predicament and were willing to make peace with London.  It was, however, just a show.

After the committee ended business each day, Leonard would go home and the other nineteen committee members would get down to business.  They set up plans to call for a Continental Congress and choose a delegation to attend.  Of course, the full Committee would have to vote on the measure before it could go to the Assembly.  Unlike discussions, the Committee would have to remain in session.  Leonard would discover what was going on and report it to the Governor.

On the day of the vote, Robert Treat Paine offered to ride with Leonard to his home district to observe some court proceedings.  Leonard assumed that the committee’s moderate debate would continue, and agreed to go.  During his absence, the Committee voted to submit the proposal for a Continental Congress to the full Assembly.  The Proposed Congress would meet on September 1 in Philadelphia.  Massachusetts would send five radicals as delegates: Samuel and John Adams, James Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, and Robert Treat Paine (although Bowdoin would not make the trip, due to a need to care for his sick wife).

Robert Treat Paine
(from Wikimedia)
The next problem was getting the proposal through a vote of the full assembly.  Unlike the committee who had just one Tory, the Assembly had many.  The radicals could not sneak this past all of them.

When he brought the proposal to the full Assembly on June 17, Adams ordered all the doors locked, with no one allowed in or out.  Despite this, one conservative member feigning illness, was allowed to leave.  He promptly ran to the Governor to tell him what was happening.  Gage ordered his secretary, Thomas Flucker to run over to the Assembly and deliver his order that it be dissolved immediately.  Of course, the doors were locked and no one would let him in. Flucker shouted his proclamation through the doors while the Assembly voted on the issue.

The assembly also appropriated £500 for the expenses of those travelling to the Continental Congress.  Since the Governor likely would not approve the appropriation, it called on towns to come up with the money.  It also passed measures recommending that the people of Massachusetts renounce all consumption of tea, encourage domestic manufacture, and end the use of all imported items.  It also criticized the new Governor for failing to call for a day of fasting a prayer, and called on local ministers to set a convenient day for that purpose.  Once passed, the Assembly closed its business and obeyed the order to dissolve after only ten days.

Town Meetings Continue

So the State legislature was not going to accommodate Gage’s new policy of firmness against opposition, but surely the small towns and villages around Massachusetts were not going to kick up a fuss, right?  Over the summer, town meetings all over the colony raised protests, first over the Port Act and then over the other Coercive Acts, as they became known.  A few took moderate or pro-government positions, but most expressed outrage and called for boycotts against Britain.

Gage could look forward to those pesky meetings going away on August 1, when the Government Act’s ban on town meetings went into effect.  Except, no one seemed to pay attention to that.  Towns continued to hold meetings in violation of the law.

Salem, the new seat of government,  announced that it would hold a town meeting on August 20 to select representatives to send to an upcoming county meeting.  Gage immediately issued a notice that the meeting was illegal and was not to take place.  To underscore his position, he brought in two companies of British Regulars, armed and ready to move on the Meetinghouse.  Next, Gage summoned the leaders of the Meeting and ordered them to disperse the people.  If they did not, he would call on the sheriff to do so.  If the sheriff would not or could not, he would use the soldiers.

The leaders tried to argue legal points with Gage, but he cut them off.  Gage soon ordered the soldiers to advance on the meetinghouse and break up the meeting. The soldiers obeyed, but in the time it took Gage to finish his arguments with the local leaders, the people had quickly done their business and left before the soldiers arrived.  Nothing like the threat of advancing soldiers to speed up proceedings.
Thomas Gage
(from Wikimedia)

Furious, Gage ordered the leaders of the Salem town meeting arrested for sedition.  A local judge arrested several leaders, but quickly decided to release them without bail after learning that more than 1000 armed militiamen were advancing on his jail to free the men by force.  Gage, seemed truly shocked by this act of defiance, decided not to continue with the prosecution.  He was beginning to understand that the colonists were willing to call his bluff if he wanted to force the issue.

This really was an important turning point for Gage.  A few months earlier, he had told the King he could control New England with four regiments.  Now he understood just how far the colonists would go, and how widespread the opposition was.

Gage had to make a decision.  If he continued to press his hard line, he would have to use his soldiers to suppress the militia.  Gage had only a few thousand regulars in Massachusetts.  If the people rose up by the tens of thousands, and almost all of them well armed and apparently ready to fire on the Regulars, there was no guarantee that his forces would win the battle.  The tough talking Gage now realized he would need a great many more soldiers if he was going to enforce London’s policies.  All of the colonists, not just a few radical leaders, seemed ready to bear arms and fire on the King’s soldiers if necessary.  Gage was not ready for political compromise yet, but he knew he would need a bigger army before he could fight this fight.

As a result, Gage began to back away from confrontations for the moment.  The colonists, however, were not ready to back down.  The judge who had issued the arrest warrants in Salem soon discovered that no one in the colony would do business with him.  He quickly found he had trouble buying food to feed his family.  Government officials were now seen as collaborators.

A few days after the confrontation in Salem, the village of Danvers where Gage was living, held its own small town meeting, deliberately remaining in session for several hours, daring the Governor to act.  Asked for orders, Gage replied, “Damn ‘em.  I won’t do anything about it unless his Majesty sends me more troops.

Realizing that his position in the countryside still left him surrounded by hostile locals, Gage decided to move back to the Governor’s mansion in Boston.  There at least, he could have his regiments of soldiers close at hand.  He wisely began work building up defenses on Boston Neck so that his soldiers would defend against a possible armed invasion.  There was no telling how far these crazy colonists would go.

Closing the Courts

With Gage trapped in a defensive posture in Boston, colonists moved to shut down all government activities in the colony.  Before the recent changes, the Governor had appointed judges, sheriffs, and other court officials, with the consent of the Council.  With the changes in the Government Act, the Governor could appoint and remove officials at his own pleasure.  Even if the Council had been involved,  now that it was not elected, the people of the colony had no say in who ran the courts.  Juries previously had been selected from lists drawn up by locally elected selectmen.  Now, the governor-appointed sheriffs drew up jury lists, again meaning this power moved from elected officials to crown appointed officials.

These changes meant that the colonists believed all colonial courts to have lost authority over them.  Courts now controlled by the Coercive Acts had become illegitimate tools of the tyrannical measures against them.  Therefore even judges who did nothing objectionable were now seen as the enemy. They were collaborating with the new government and implicitly accepting the validity of the Coercive Acts.

Any judge who took office, or even continued in office with an appointment from the Governor, were validating the Coercive Acts by his mere presence.  Many colonists simply refused to serve on juries.  Sheriffs could not enforce court orders. Many were compelled to resign or face consequences.

In western Massachusetts especially, farmers never really liked the courts much.  Their main purpose was to arrest poor farmers who fell behind in repaying their debts.  In prior years, it was not unheard of for farmers to bring out their guns and prevent a sheriff from removing a neighbor from his land.  Parliament’s decision to pay judges, thus removing local pressure had not set well.  The decision to appoint judges, serving at the pleasure of the Governor, put the people over the edge.

Colonists in the western county of Berkshire got together and proclaimed that they no longer recognized the authority of the courts, and decided they would just get along without them.  When judges came to the courthouse to start the new session, they found the building packed with about 1500 locals.  The small building was so packed that no one else could enter.  The sheriff tried to demand they make way for the judges. The protesters responded by saying they did not recognize the court’s authority and refused to budge.  The judges knew enough about local intimidation to back down before things got ugly.  They simply gave up and left.

Massachusetts (from: Revolutionary War and Beyond)
One justice of the peace had not shown up at the courthouse.  To make sure he got the message, a mob broke into his house in search of him.  He had already fled, but was captured about 35 miles away by a mob of about 200 men.  They forced him to sign the Berkshire Covenant, denying the authority of the courts in their county.  He eventually signed, was released, and fled to Boston, fast becoming the only safe refuge for anyone in Massachusetts who openly supported the royal government.

Similarly, in Springfield, three to four thousand gathered to force the judges and other government officials from Hampshire County to disavow their appointments from the Governor under the new laws. Some proved initially resistant, though the threat of tar and feathers eventually forced the most reluctant to disavow.  As in Berkshire, the courts, and other government offices closed and remained so until further notice.

By this time, Gage had realized the enormity of the problem.  The issue was not a few radical leaders in Boston whipping up the people.  Pretty much the entire population of Massachusetts sided with the radicals.  They opposed the changes brought about by the Coercive Acts, and were willing to do whatever they needed to put a stop to them.  Further, the colonists were very well armed and seemed willing to turn out with weapons in hand when necessary.  So Gage, now in Boston, refused to provide any assistance to the Courts that were closed.  Royal authority in Massachusetts now covered only Boston, and only there because the soldiers could enforce it.  The rest of the colony had effectively freed itself from all government controls.

The Colonial Council

Gage could not even appoint members to his new Council.  By mid-August, his 36 man Council had only 24 members.  Others either rejected their commission or simply refused to show up.  All the Council members were from prominent and respected families.  Many had been militia officers in their home districts.  Most had held other highly respectable positions.  Some had even been elected to Council under the old laws.  But no amount of past respect and support would help them now.

As Council members left Boston and returned home, they found themselves subject to various forms of persuasion to resign.  In some cases, simple acts of shunning were enough.  One Council member attended church, only to see the entire congregation walk out when he arrived.  Another, who ran a store, found that his customers immediately dropped to zero.

Others took more persuasion.  Several had mobs come to their homes at night, demanding that they resign their positions or face the consequences.  Some fled to other parts of the colony, only to find that they were not safe there either.  Many took the hint and resigned their positions on the Council.  By the end of August, only 14 Councilors remained, all of them taking refuge in or near Boston along with the Governor and the Regular Army.

The Revolution has begun

Many people, including John Adams, talk about the revolution having begun before the first shots were fired. These events are examples of what they’re talking about. British authorities were quite frankly shocked that the whole people could rise up, not rallying around a particular leader, but around the idea of freedom.

Throughout the Empire and in England too for that matter, most people were peasants who did not have the luxury to care about anything other than where their next meal is coming from. Most were bound to a Lord who controlled the land that they worked. If the Lord decided to rebel, the people rebelled with him. If the Lord was loyal to the crown the people remain loyal.  They certainly would not, on their own, stand up against a regular army ready to fire on them.

America, especially New England, was very different. Land ownership was widespread. Most men owned their own farms, or could look forward to doing so someday.  They had taken part in town meetings all their lives and were used to the idea of governing by a consensus of the population, not orders from up above. They had grown up on the idea that they had to defend their basic rights or liberties and that they needed to be well armed in order to make sure that those liberties were not taken from them. Passage of the Coercive Acts had led to a consensus among vast majority of New England colonists that taking up arms was necessary.

General Gage and officials in London had no idea how to contend with such force.  They could not arrest and hang a few leaders. They were not ready to commit genocidal rampage and murder the entire colony. They had no experience trying to negotiate with a large group of commoners.  Over the next couple of years they would certainly do their best to try to suppress the rebellion militarily. But they simply did not have the experience and tools to overcome a well armed motivated population of commoners dedicated to protecting their liberties.

Next Week: Gage’s attempt to secure munitions in the colony alarms the countryside and almost starts a war.

Next Episode 46: The Powder Alarm

Previous Episode 44: Lord Dunmore's War

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com) for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

Further Reading:

Web Sites

The Big Mystery of Lt. Gov. Thomas Oliver http://boston1775.blogspot.com/2008/04/big-mystery-of-lt-gov-thomas-oliver.html

A Description of Occupied Boston, 1774-75: http://www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/presentationsandactivities/presentations/timeline/amrev/shots/describe.html

McAllister, Jim "Salem Sparks a Revolution" Essex County Chronicles, 2012: http://www.salemnews.com/opinion/mcallister-salem-sparks-a-revolution/article_6df45fb0-1550-5e12-9750-22ae23ff8d44.html

The Worcester Revolt of September 6, 1774: http://www.massar.org/setting-the-record-straight-the-worcester-revolt-of-september-6-1774

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bolton, Charles (ed) Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New York, 1774-1776, Boston: Charles E. Goodspeed, 1902.

Cushing, Harry (ed) The writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 3, New York: G.P. Putnum's Sons, 1907.

Dana, Elizabeth Ellery (ed) John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1924 (Barker was a British officer stationed in Boston).

French, Allen The Siege of Boston, New York: Macmillan, 1911.

Frothingham, Richard History of the Siege of Boston, Boston: C.C. Little and J. Brown, 1851.

Frothingham, Richard Life and times of Joseph Warren, Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1865.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Smith, Whitney (ed) Concord town records: manuscript transcripts, 1774-1776, Boston, 1774.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Bunker, Nick An Empire on the Edge, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.

Carp, Benjamin Defiance of the Patriots: The Boston Tea Party and the Making of America, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010.

Daughan, George C. Lexington and Concord: The Battle Heard Round the World, New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2018.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775,  Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Labaree, Benjamin W. The Boston Tea Party, Oxford University Press, 1964.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Viking, 2013.

Raphael, Ray & Marie The Spirit of ‘74: How the American Revolution Began, New York: The New Press, 2015.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Unger, Harlow American Tempest: How the Boston Tea Party Sparked a Revolution, Cambridge: Da Capo Press, 2011.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).


Sunday, May 13, 2018

Episode 044: Lord Dunmore’s War




The last few weeks have been all about Boston and New England, and so will the next few weeks as well.  Today though, I want to step away from Boston and spend some time on another incident further south that flared up around the same time.

Lord Dunmore

While agents, mostly from Pennsylvania, were trying to set up the colony of Vandalia that I discussed back in Episode 37, Virginians hoped to make their own advances into the same region.  These attempts led to what became known as Lord Dunmore’s War in 1774.

I mentioned Lord Dunmore back in Episode 38 when he served briefly as Governor of New York and tried to get rich selling land already owned by the New Hampshire farmers who became the Green Mountain Boys.  I promised then that I’d give a little more background on Lord Dunmore at some point, and today that point has arrived.

Battle of Point Pleasant (from Virginia SAR)
John Murray, the 4th earl of Dunmore came from a prominent Scottish family.  His father made the mistake of supporting the Jacobite Rising of 1745-46.  You may recall that the Duke of Cumberland, uncle of the future King George III, had built his military reputation by crushing these rebels in the battle of Culloden in 1746.

John’s father survived that battle, only to be thrown into the Tower of London.  John’s uncle the second earl of Dunmore did some heavy lobbying to keep his brother alive and to protect the family title.  As part of that effort, John joined the British Regular Army in 1750 at age 19.  That same year, the King pardoned his father and allowed him to return home.  A few years later the uncle died childless and John’s father became the third earl of Dunmore.

When his father died in 1756, John became the fourth earl of Dunmore and soon took a seat in the House of Lords.  For Scottish aristocracy, a seat in the House of Lords was not automatic.  Only 16 of around 90 Scottish Lords got to sit in Parliament.  All the other Scottish Lords voted on who would get to go, but even that was a technicality.  The King issued a list of recommended members and the Lords almost always rubber stamped that list.  The king recommended Dunmore, and Dunmore went to London.

Although Dunmore had a title, the lands that went with that title brought in almost no income.  Dunmore needed to find a way to support himself.  His lifestyle was putting him deeper in debt with no serious income.  Fortunately, his wife’s family had connections in the Privy Council.  Dunmore used those connections to finagle an appointment as the new Governor of New York in 1770.  Unlike Parliament, a Royal Governor got a substantial annual salary, in New York £2000.  A governor could also earn extra money from fees for issuing land patents or other official actions.

Dunmore traveled New York, where he immediately got into that fight with Lt. Gov. Colden about dividing up fees on land patents New York was selling in what would later become Vermont.  Dunmore wanted to go halfsies on all the fees Colden collected since Dunmore had received his appointment but before he arrived in the colony to begin work.  We are talking a fair amount of money.  Dunmore got his appointment in December 1769, but did not arrive in New York until October 1770.  During that time Colden had been distributing land grants as fast as he could.

Dunmore had the law on his side for claiming half.  However, Colden told him that’s not how we do it in New York.  When the issue came up once before a Governor had tried to collect half the fees from the Lt. Governor and had not gotten it, despite the law.  Neither side wanted to compromise, and both sent letters to London demanding their position prevail.  In the end, the dispute lasted for years.  Colden never turned over a penny before he died a few years later.

That Dunmore immediately picked this fight with the Lt. Governor as soon as he arrived, and would not back down, shows just how concerned he was with getting money.  Going forward, Dunmore would get all the fees for new land patents.  Despite the ongoing dispute with colonists with New Hampshire grants, Dunmore immediately started granting land and collecting fees.

In February 1771, only four months after he had arrived, Dunmore received word from London that, Lord Botetourt the forgettable Governor of Virginia, had died suddenly. Dunmore got promoted to Governor of Virginia.  Although Virginia was a promotion, and paid more, Dunmore did not want to leave.  He mostly argued that he did not like the Virginia climate.  His real concern though, was that he was in the middle of an illicit land deal that would give him over 50,000 acres of land in what would later become Vermont.

Lord Dunmore
(from Wikimedia)
Dunmore sent word back to London that thanks but no thanks, I’d like to stay in New York.  But his protests fell on deaf ears.  Lord Dartmouth told him his replacement, Lord Tryon from North Carolina would be the new Governor of New York.  Tryon arrived in July 1771, but Dunmore refused to leave.  He eventually allowed the new Governor to be sworn in, but Dunmore stayed in New York, hoping that word would arrive from London that his request to stay New York Governor had been approved.  When that did not happen, Dunmore finally packed his bags and headed for Virginia.

When he arrived, the House of Burgesses only seemed to want to pass resolutions complaining about how Parliament was infringing on their rights, and trying to coordinate with New England radicals.  Like most colonies, Virginia had an appointed council and an elected assembly, called the House of Burgesses.  In case you were wondering, the term Burgess comes from Scotland and originally referred to a free citizen living in a Burg or Borough, a walled city from medieval times.  Eventually the term evolved to mean city leaders, and later members of parliament who represented Boroughs.  Virginians adopted this term when they set up their first elected legislature in 1619.

Dunmore occasionally tried to convene the Burgesses to get them to appropriate funds to run the colony and attend to matters, but he usually had to dissolve the sessions within days because the Burgesses insisted on using the session to complain about London.  As a result, little got done in his first few years.  Gov. Dunmore and the leading colonists simply had different views on how to run the colony, and neither seemed ready to compromise.

One area, though, where the Governor and legislature did agree, was on westward expansion.  As he did in New York, Dunmore pursued land speculation, this time in western Virginia.  Again, he would hope to make a fortune from changes in land ownership rules that he would have a hand in creating.  The conflict of interest rules that we have today were just not a thing during this era.

There was, however, a big problem with this plan.  While Dunmore and the Virginians were eager to push westward, King George’s Royal Proclamation of 1763 still made it illegal to settle west of the Allegheny mountains.  A decade after that Proclamation, everyone seemed to be jockeying for position for when that ban finally fell.  Other land speculators knew that if the Governor had some skin in the game, he would be much more helpful in getting these lands opened for settlement.  Dunmore had no problems receiving a personal interest in several land speculation companies.

Dunmore began granting land patents west of the Alleghenies to veterans of the French and Indian War.  He also renewed claims for Pittsburgh to be part of Virginia.  These moves were popular in Virginia and one area where he could work with the colonists.  The legislature even named a county after him in the Shenandoah Valley, though the county would be renamed a few years later after Dunmore became a hated figure during the Revolution.  In the early 1770’s though, Dunmore seemed helpful in assisting with Virginia’s claims to more western lands.

Lord Dunmore’s War

As I mentioned back in Episode 37, despite the Proclamation of 1763, the Iroquois had sold out the Indians living in what is today West Virginia at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768.  The local Shawnee, Delaware, and Mingo who actually lived on this land did not accept that treaty and were prepared to fight over it.  In the fall of 1773, a hunter named Daniel Boone led a group of about 50 colonists to settle in some of these disputed lands.  A local tribe captured several of them, including Boone’s son.  The Indians proceeded to torture and kill them, in order to send a message.  Message received, Boone and his party abandoned their expedition and pulled out of the region.

Over the next few months, Indians and settlers attacked and killed each other.  Virginians were trying to occupy western territories while the local tribes made every effort to stop them.

Yellow Creek Massacre

In April 1774, a group of Virginia frontiersmen, responding to a Cherokee raid that stole several horses and killed two men, moved in on what was by all accounts a small peaceful Mingo settlement on Yellow Creek, in what it today West Virginia.  As with many of these frontier accounts, there are very different stories depending on who is writing them.  Some shade the facts clearly in favor of the colonists, others in favor of the Indians.  I’d urge you to check out the variety of accounts available it you want to get a better idea.  What follows is simply my best interpretation of events.

Map of area of Dunmore's War (from oocities.com)
The Virginians settled into camp on one side of the creek where a tavern and trading post run by a man named Joshua Baker lived.  According to settler accounts, the group of 21 Virginians led by a man named Daniel Greathouse came to Baker’s rescue after he had received a report that the Indians were planning to kill him and destroy his tavern.  At least that was their claim later.  The group of Indians that came to the tavern did not seem particularly threatening.

A group of Mingo, five men, one or two women, and a baby, crossed the creek to visit the tavern.  Three of the indians began drinking with the white men, and everyone seemed to be getting along.  The men then set up targets for a shooting contest.  The Indians shot first.  As soon as they had emptied their guns by firing at the targets, the Virginians opened fire on the Indians.  Those not killed instantly, were finished off with tomahawks or knives.  They killed the unarmed women too.  The only survivor was the baby, who the Virginians believed had a white father living in Pennsylvania.

Next, the Virginians crossed the creek where there were still a few other Mingo men, women and children.  The Indians fled for their lives, downriver seeking places to hide.  The Virginians hunted them down, killing anyone they found.  In total, they killed about 15 people, mostly women and children.

The next day, the same men also attacked a party of Shawnee seeking to trade at Fort Pitt, killing one and wounding two others.

These events became known as the Yellow Creek Massacre.  The Mingo victims were the family of a fairly powerful Mingo Chief named James Logan.  Some sources refer to him as John Logan.  Others use a variety of Indian names, all of which are disputed and which I would probably butcher if I attempted to pronounce them.  So I’ll just call him Logan.  Logan was the son of a Cayuga Chief, who by some accounts was a Frenchman, adopted by the tribe as a young boy.  Logan had been living on friendly terms with the colonists, that is until they massacred his family.  As you might guess, that set him off.  He led a war party that killed dozens of colonists along the Virginia frontier over the next few weeks.

Call to War

Dunmore and Lewis Routes
(from WV Encyclopedia)
Gov. Dunmore was not going to allow this killing to continue.  Regardless of who started the fighting, and it was the Virginians who started it, Dunmore’s military instincts kicked in.  He called on the Virginia House of Burgesses to raise three regiments of militia.  They would invade the territory and pacify the Indians through military intimidation.  A successful war might result in the native tribes ceding more land to Virginia for colonization, meaning money for speculators like Dunmore.  It would also help secure Virginia’s claims to land that Maryland and Pennsylvania also claimed.

Dunmore got the Burgesses to raise his regiments to fight the Indians, who had the audacity to be upset about being massacred and about colonists encroaching on land which the King had guaranteed they would not.  Dunmore personally led two of the regiments down the Ohio River from Fort Pitt.  Col. Andrew Lewis led a third regiment from near where what is today Lewisburg West Virginia, to Point Pleasant on the Ohio River.  Like most wars with Indians, this would be one without much respect for the enemy. If they found any Indians, they would kill them.  If they found any Indian property, they would destroy it.


Battle of Point Pleasant

By October 1774, Lewis reached Point Pleasant and awaited Dunmore’s larger force.  Once he arrived, the two groups would cross the Ohio River to take out several Shawnee villages.

Shawnee Chief Cornstalk received intelligence about this.  He decided to attack Lewis before the larger force could join him.  Around dawn on October 10, Cornstalk’s warriors attacked Lewis’ Regiment.  Lewis had about 1100 men while Cornstalk controlled an estimated force of 900-1000 warriors.  Mostly of them were Shawnee, but other local warriors were in the mix as well.

Battle of Point Pleasant, artists conception (from Wikimedia)
Cornstalk’s warriors attempted to push back the Virginians against a bluff, but hit a stiff resistance.  Fighting continued all day, some of it hand to hand.  Late in the day, one company of Virginians was able to sneak away to one side, circle around and hit the Shawnee from behind.  Fearing this was the first wave of a relief force, and because it was near dusk, Cornstalk pulled his force back across the river.

Both sides suffered major casualties.  As with a great many battles, I see a range of estimated casualties that don’t seem to agree.  As best I can tell, the Virginians lost about 75 killed and another 140 wounded.  The Indians lost between 50 and 230 casualties -- again, estimates vary greatly.  Among the Indian dead was the father of Tecumseh, the famous warrior who would fight the Americans later in the War of 1812.  Because the Virginians held the field at the end of the day, they are considered the winners.  The local tribes would not be able to mount another major battle against the Virginians.

Treaty of Camp Charlotte

A few days later, Dunmore’s reinforcements arrived.  Dunmore had been delayed because he was concluding treaties with the Delaware at Fort Pitt, agreeing to end hostilities.  Dunmore’s arrival forced Cornstalk to sign the Treaty of Camp Charlotte.  Cornstalk agreed not to allow Shawnee to hunt east of the Ohio River, and not to harass shipping along the River.  The Treaty effectively pushed Virginia’s western border from the Allegheny mountains to the Ohio River.

This did not end all fighting though.  Chief Logan and his small band of Mingo refused to surrender or come to terms.  Funny how having the enemy wipe out your whole family makes you stubborn like that.  The Mingo continued to fight until the Virginians destroyed their main village of Seekunk a few weeks later.  Logan survived that battle and continued to raid settlements along the Pennsylvania and Virginia frontier for years to come.  When the Revolution began, he fought with the British to kill more colonists.  His end is unclear.  Some sources say he was murdered, others claim he died of natural causes, perhaps related to heavy drinking, around 1780.

Aftermath

Lord Dunmore seemed to hope his leading the Virginians to victory and expanding their territory would win him some support in the colony.  The events of 1774 became known and Lord Dunmore’s War.  The colonists were generally happy with his victory and his attempts to convince London to open up the new territory to settlement.  But by the end of fighting in late 1774, other political issues had taken center stage.  Dunmore continued his hard line  by shutting down the House of Burgesses, and working to squash any protest over British policies in the colonies.  Any harmony the Governor and colonists could have established over their shared interest in killing Indians and taking their land would be overshadowed quickly by events in Lexington and Concord a few months later.

James Logan
(from Ohio Supreme Court)
There were also contentions over the war itself.  Col. Lewis complained that Dunmore had set him up at the Battle of Point Pleasant.  When Cornstalk attacked Lewis, and Dunmore was miles away at Fort Pitt, Lewis accused the Governor of setting him up for failure. He said Dunmore expected Lewis and his regiment to be wiped out at Point Pleasant.  This would have allowed Dunmore to avenge the massacre and make himself a hero. Although there is no good evidence that these accusations were true, the stories did nothing to help Dunmore’s standing in the colony.

Some historians argue that the Battle of Point Pleasant should be considered the first battle of the American Revolution.  Like the Battle of Alamance Creek that I discussed back in Episode 35, I think that characterization is wishful thinking by locals who want that claim to fame.  Point Pleasant saw British authorities and colonists fighting on the same side against Indians.  If anything, the battle links up better as part of the French and Indian War or Pontiac’s Rebellion than it does the Revolution.  In any event, it was the last major battle with Indians prior to the outbreak of war between Britain and its colonies.

Next week: As Massachusetts suffers under the Coercive Acts, Gen. Gage attempts to get tough with the colonists and discovers they are not the pushovers he had hoped.

Next Episode 45: Governing from Salem

Previous Episode 43: Colonies React to Coercive Acts

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com) for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

Further Reading:

Web Sites

Lowe, William C. John Murray, Fourth earl of Dunmore : https://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/Dunmore_John_Murray_fourth_earl_of_c_1730-1809

Schenawolf, Harry “John Murray, Lord Dunmore – the Last Royal Governor of Virginia and the First to Offer Freedom to American Slaves” Revolutionary War Journal, 2015: http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/lord-dunmore

Lord Dunmore’s War: http://www.uswars.net/lord-dunmores-war

Garnett, James Mercer “The Last Fifteen Years of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1761-1776” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1910, pp. 213-223: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4243059

Fleenor, Lawrence J., Jr. The History of Yellow Creek, 2014: http://danielboonetrail.com/history-perspectives/the-history-of-yellow-creek

Yellow Creek Massacre: http://greathouse.us/archives/usa/va/augusta/1774-letters-from-yellow-creek.htm

Yellow Creek: http://danielboonetrail.com/history-perspectives/the-history-of-yellow-creek

Gallo, Louie P. The Yellow Creek Massacre, 2014: https://intriguinghistory.wordpress.com/2014/02/10/april-30-1774-a-turning-point-in-american-history

Yellow Creek Massacre, links to primary documents: http://www.wvculture.org/history/thisdayinwvhistory/0430.html

Logan’s Lament: https://nativeheritageproject.com/2014/01/26/logans-lament

James Logan, Biography: https://www.britannica.com/biography/James-Logan-American-Indian-leader#ref102047

Dunmore Proclamation: http://greathouse.us/archives/usa/va/augusta/17740425-dunmore-proclamation.htm

McAllister, J.T. “The Battle of Point Pleasant” from The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , 1902, pp. 395-407: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4242460

McAllister, J.T., “The Battle of Point Pleasant (Continued)” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1902, pp. 75-82: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4242485

Battle of Point Pleasant: http://www.burnpit.us/2011/10/battle-point-pleasant-virginia-militia-defeat-indians-dunmores-war

VIDEO: Glenn Williams discusses his book, Dunmore’s War: The Last Conflict of America’s Colonial Era. C-SPAN, 2017: https://www.c-span.org/video/?437886-1/1774-dunmores-war-battle-point-pleasant


Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bailey, Kenneth The Ohio Company of Virginia and the westward movement, 1748-1792, Glenndale, CA: Arthur H Clarke Co. 1939.

Kerchieval Samuel History of the Valley of Virginia, Winchester: Samuel M. Davis, 1833.

Lewis, Virgil A. History Of The Battle Of Point Pleasant, Charleston, WV: Tribune Printing Co. 1909.

Simpson-Poffenbarger, Livia Nye The Battle of Point Pleasant; a Battle of the Revolution, October 10th 1774, Point Pleasant, W. Va. The State Gazette, 1909.

Sipe, C. Hale Indian Wars of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg: Telegraph Press, 1929.

Thwaites, Ruben G. Documentary History of Dunmore’s War, Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society, 1905.

Whittlesey, Charles A Discourse Relating to the Expedition of Lord Dunmore, Cleveland, Sanford & Co. 1842.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Badgley, C. Stephen A Point of Controversy: The Battle of Point Pleasant, Badgley Publishing, 2010.

David, James C. Dunmore’s New World, Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2013.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. I, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Swisher, James The Revolutionary War in the Southern Backcountry, Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing, 2007.

Williams, Glenn Dunmore's War: The Last Conflict of America's Colonial Era, Yardley: Westholme Publishing, 2017.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links). 


Sunday, May 6, 2018

Episode 043: Colonies React to the Coercive Acts




Last week, I discussed the Coercive Acts that Lord North and Parliament decided would finally cow the colonists into submission and show them who was boss.  This week, we’ll take a look at how that worked in practice.

Gen. Gage replaces Hutchinson

While Lord North passed the Coercive Acts in the spring of 1774, he knew he would need a strong hand in the colonies to enforce them.  He decided to replace Gov. Hutchinson.  Gen. Gage, the military commander of North America, would be the new Governor of Massachusetts..

I have discussed Gage’s exploits in America in previous episodes and gave a background on him back in Episode 19 when he became succeeded Gen. Amherst as Military Commander of North America.  But now might be a good time for a refresher.  The second son of an English Viscount, Gage joined the army at age 20 to fight in the War of Austrian Succession.  He came to North America with Gen. Braddock in 1754.  In 1758, he found time to marry a Jersey Girl, Margaret Kemble, and start a family in America.  He continued to serve throughout the French and Indian War, fighting under General Amherst when he defeated the French in Canada in 1760.  He then became the military governor of Montreal.  When Amherst returned to England in 1763, Gage became the North American Commander, just in time to clean up the mess of Pontiac’s Rebellion.  He spent the next decade as Commander, much of it living in New York City.

London Political Cartoon, 1774 showing Lord North forcing
the Coercive Acts down the throat of America.
(from Library of Congress)
In total, Gage had served in North America for nearly 20 years.  In 1773, he returned to England for the first time since he had crossed the Atlantic with Gen. Braddock in 1754.  There, he heard about the Boston Tea Party.

Gage supported the Coercive Acts and had even suggested similar measures in a letter to London four years earlier.  He seemed like just the man to return to the colonies and bring order to Massachusetts.  Lord North summoned him for discussion and decided he should return as the Governor of Massachusetts where his strong leadership and military bearing would force the colonists to accept the new laws.

Despite years as a military Governor in Canada, Gage would not really be described as a politician or diplomat.  He was a military officer who obeyed orders from superiors and expected obedience from his subordinates.  Of course, that is what officials London wanted - someone who would stand up to the locals and intimidate them into submission.

Gage left for Massachusetts in April 1774, just days after passage of the Port Act, and while debate on the Government Act and the Justice Act, or “Murder Act” as it would become known in the colonies, was still under debate.  Gage knew a fight was coming.  His job was to prepare to suppress any resistance, by fear and intimidation if possible, or with guns if necessary.  He arrived in Boston on May 13, with news of the Port Act's closure of the Port of Boston and the unhappy news for Gov. Hutchinson that he was out of a job.

Gage told Hutchinson that his appointment as Governor was temporary, just until the colony calmed down and accepted British authority.  After that, Hutchinson might return.  The Ministry still approved of Hutchinson, but didn’t think he had the military bearing and forceful will to handle what was coming next.  I think Michael Corleone expressed the sentiment best: “You're not a wartime consigliere, Tom. Things may get rough with the move we're trying… You’re Out Tom.

Thomas Gage
(from Wikimedia)
Thomas Hutchinson spent a few weeks getting his affairs in order, then caught a ship to London with his family on June 1, the same day the harbor closed to incoming traffic.  Outgoing vessels still had another two weeks to depart.  Unlike many other Royal Governors, Hutchinson came from a long line of colonists.  He considered Massachusetts home, and felt like a stranger in London.  Hutchinson went to England to confer with authorities, expecting to return someday, but that never happened.  Hutchinson would spend six years in England before dying rather suddenly in 1780, a hated man in the country of his birth.

There was no need to remove Lt. Gov. Oliver.  He had died suddenly from an illness in March 1774.  To give you some idea of how bitter things had gotten, the Sons of Liberty cheered at his burial.

The people of Boston seemed to welcome Gen. Gage at first.  It was not the first time a military commander had served as their Governor.  Gov. Shirley had also served as Commander in Chief of North America.  They were so ready to be done with Gov. Hutchinson that they thought anyone would be an improvement.  But as they would say in Massachusetts, the honeymoon period was wicked short.

Despite the cordial greeting, Gov. Gage immediately set about preparing to bring order to Massachusetts.  In preparation for closing the Port of Boston on June 1, only two weeks after his arrival, he moved the Customs Office to Plymouth and the seat of government to Salem.

No Compromise

I mentioned a couple of episodes back that following the destruction of the tea in Boston, anti-tea hysteria struck most of the colonies, leading to even more destruction of tea and a complete boycott of all tea consumption. Bostonians had even tarred and feathered another customs official in January.  The Tea party had ramped up radical zeal.

At the same time though, there were a number of moderate patriots, men like John Dickinson or George Washington who thought the destruction of the tea had gone too far.  Washington commented on hearing of the events that he thought the Bostonians had gone mad.  However, as news of the Port Act and other Coercive Acts arrived, most moderates thought that London had also overreacted to events.  Word of the changes to the Massachusetts Charter and the military occupation of Boston made clear that everyone had to pick a side.  This pushed a great many moderate leaders into the Patriot camp.

After Gage Arrived in Boston, a group of more than 100 merchants tried to petition him to let them pay off the damages from the destruction of the tea, in order to keep open the port.  Merchants were going to lose far more than the £10,000 or so in tea costs than they would from an extended port closure.  Some individual merchants offered to put up hundreds, even thousands of pounds individually in order to protect their business.

Gage, however, remained vague on exactly what it would take to reopen the port.  He did not want a few loyal merchants paying a ransom to bring things back to normal.  He wanted the colony as a whole to repent and show that everyone collectively was willing to repay for the harm and change their ways going forward.  With no guarantee that coming up with £10,000 would reopen the Port, the private attempts to avert closure failed.

People instead had to hope that the Boston Town Meeting would look for a compromise solution with London, but that was not going to happen.  The Boston Town meeting, headed by Samuel Adams, considered and rejected a proposal to pay any compensation for the destroyed tea.  The radicals made clear that anyone looking for a moderate solution would be deemed a collaborator and treated as such.  The battle lines were drawn on both sides.  There was no room for middle ground.

Solemn League and Covenant

After receiving confirmation in May that Parliament would be closing Boston Harbor, the Boston Committee of Correspondence issued circular letters calling on all the colonies to refuse all trade with Britain until it reopened Boston Harbor.  Radicals hoped that such a drastic measure would shock London officials into realizing they had come down too hard on Boston, that the resistance to the Tea tax was an issue that had strong support all across the continent.

The plan, known as the Solemn League and Covanent, the name of which was taken from an agreement between Scotland and England during the English Civil War, received mixed reviews.  Some communities supported it strongly.  Others had concerns.  Banning all imports essentially killed the economy and put whole sectors of colonists out of business.  I’m going to discuss the reactions of the other colonies to this in more detail in a few minutes.  For now, I just want to say that right off the bat, Massachusetts was calling for the mother of all boycotts and asking the entire continent to get on board with the plan.

Gage Closes Boston

Over the summer of 1774, as the colonies talked about doing something, Boston deteriorated.  By June 15, the last of the merchant vessels had cleared Boston Harbor.  Only British naval vessels enforcing the blockade remained.  Local ships carrying food and fuel to Boston could still enter, but had to be searched at a neighboring port prior to entry.

Gage enforced the restrictions with a ruthless zeal.  He did not even allow smaller boats to move internally within the harbor.  He required ships carrying food and fuel to Boston to be unloaded completely with all cargo searched thoroughly before being reloaded for final delivery, a costly and time consuming process.  His clear goal was to isolate the city of Boston, make its people suffer, bring them to their knees and hold up their capitulation as an example to the rest of the colonies.

London Cartoon, 1774 showing Bostonians
suffering from the Port closure.
(from Digital History)
For anyone who has visited Boston today, the sprawling city that allows one to travel easily from downtown Boston to the surrounding area, is very different from Boston in 1774.  Much of the modern city of Boston is built on landfill.  In the 1800’s the city filled in the back bay area surrounding the town in order to help with expansion and transport.  In 1774, the small peninsula of Boston was surrounded almost completely by water.  At low tide it was muddy mess, but still impassable.  The only way in or out of the city by land was a thin strip of land known as Boston Neck.  This geography made it simple to cut off Boston from the rest of the colony.

By late June and early July, the British shipped three regiments of soldiers to Boston to occupy the city.  These were in addition to the regiment still deployed at Castle William.  Several more large ships of the line arrived, with Admiral Samuel Graves replacing Admiral Montegu.  Boston now existed under full armed military occupation.

Gage reinforced the defenses around Boston Neck and posted a 24 hour guard there.  With the waterways closed, nothing came in or out of Boston without military approval.  By August when the Government and Justice Acts took effect, Gage had six regiments of Infantry quartered in Boston, as well as the seventh in Castle William.  He also had an artillery unit of 60 soldiers and eight cannon.

As I said, Gage’s strategy, approved if not directed by officials in London, seemed to be to isolate and punish Boston as an example to the rest of Massachusetts and other colonies.  This is what happens if you cannot keep law and order.  It seems, though, that officials believed what the colonial Governors had been telling them: that all these problems were the work of a bunch of radicals in Boston, the colonists overwhelmingly supported the King and would dutifully fall into line if pressed.

Colonies Unite

Other colonies were not happy about what happened to Boston, but also did not want to see their own colonies shut down, either by order from London or by agreeing to the Solemn League to end all trade with Britain.

In New York, Radicals Isaac Sears and Alexander McDougall called a meeting of local merchants to discuss their response to the Boston Port Act.  Conservatives and moderates flooded the meeting, making sure that the colony did not jump into some radical plan to cut off all trade with Britain.  Cutting off the tea trade was one thing.  There was plenty of smuggled Dutch tea to replace it.  Cutting off all trade would cut off the colony from the necessities of life.

Still, New Yorkers did not want to leave Boston out on its own either.  They decided to form a Committee of 51, because it had 51 members on it.  The committee headed by a moderate named Isaac Low, included radicals like Sears and McDougall, but it also included conservatives like Benjamin Booth, a recent failed consignee for the East India Company.

Alexander Mcdougall
(from Wikimedia)
A week later the Committee met to discuss further action.  They shot down the radicals’ plan to join the Solemn League and halt all trade.  Instead, moderates thought it would be better to delay action until they could organize a regional Congress to discuss a coordinated action.

Unlike the Massachusetts plan for a Continental Congress that would coordinate opposition to Britain, New York’s idea of a Congress seemed to be a way of putting off any immediate boycotts and give time for tensions to calm.  Some conservatives saw it as a way of advising Boston on how to resolve its dispute with Parliament peacefully, and without any further rash behavior.

In Philadelphia, radicals called for a meeting on May 20th.  Radicals, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Thomson, and Joseph Reed met with John Dickinson beforehand to get him on board.  Dickinson still had strong patriot cred because of his Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, that had spurred the Townshend Act protests.  He had continue to write some protest articles since then.  But Dickinson was a pretty moderate guy who did not want to see any rash action.  A continental boycott right away seemed like too much.

Instead, they concocted a plan for the May 20 meeting.  Radicals would demand an immediate non-importation agreement, after which, Dickinson would suggest instead calling on the Governor to call the Assembly into session to discuss possible solutions.  Coming as an alternative to the immediate non-importation plan, Dickinson’s proposal would seem moderate and get the support of the conservatives. They also agreed to suspend all port activity for one day on June 1, in solidarity with Boston.

Conservatives considered this a victory.  They had prevented a non-importation agreement and just called for future meetings.  In reality though, the plan got the colonial legislature back in session in time to vote to participate in the Continental Congress and move the colonies farther along toward the ultimate break with Britain.

In Annapolis, the Maryland radicals got control of their meeting on May 25 and agreed to an immediate cessation of all commerce with Britain until repeal of the Port Act. They even added another measure, asking colonial attorneys not to file any suits for debts on behalf of English merchants until Parliament repealed the Port Act.   Several other local town meetings agreed to stop imports, including the important port city of Baltimore.  They also agreed that a Continental Congress to discuss matters further made sense.

Raleigh Tavern: Williamsburg, VA (from: Wikimedia)
Virginians received word of the Port Act.  The House of Burgesses was already in session.  On May 24, the House voted simply to declare June 1st a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer.  That was enough for Gov. Dunmore to end the session and dissolve the House.  Undeterred, delegates walked down the street to the Raleigh Tavern.  There, 89 delegates agreed to form a private association, urged all Virginians to boycott all East India Company goods, and supported a Continental Congress to coordinate further responses.

South Carolina was one of the last colonies to get word of the port closure.  The people of Charleston voted to send assistance to Boston: food and money to help the victims, and also agreed to attend the Continental Congress.  As I’ve discussed before, South Carolina’s patriot leaning legislature and its royalist governor had been at a standoff for years, unable to pass any legislation at all.  South Carolina radicals held an illegal convention in July to select representatives to the Continental Congress.  They also created a committee to run colonial affairs in the absence of a functioning legislature.  This committee served as the first provisional government in the colonies, operating outside the authority of the governor.

So even before June 1 when the Boston Port closed, most colonies had adopted a response to what they saw as an act of tyranny and despotism.  Months earlier, proposals to hold a Continental Congress had been considered radical.  At this point, they seemed to be the moderate response by the colonies.

In the end 12 of the 13 colonies agreed to attend the Continental Congress.  Only Georgia failed to send delegates.  Some saw the convention as a way to unite the colonies in opposition.  Others saw it as a way to slow down radical reactions and possibly prevent harmful trade sanctions.

Those who thought that the Congress would cool passions and allow for moderation did not count on the fact that over the summer, even worse news from London would continually arrive.  Most first reactions came only after word of the Port Act.  When word of the Government Act, Justice Act, Quartering Act, and Quebec act arrived over the summer, colonial tempers only worsened.  They also did not count on the violent resistance that Massachusetts would show to the new laws.  We will get into more of that in a couple of weeks.

By early September when the First Continental Congress met in Philadelphia, the mood for opposition had risen measurably.  The Continental Congress would allow colonial leaders to express their dissatisfaction in a more unified way than ever before.

Next week: Virginia Governor Dunmore starts a war with the Indians in an attempt to secure more western lands for his colony.

Next Episode 44: Governing from Salem

Previous Episode 42: The Coercive Acts

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com) for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

Further Reading:

Web Sites:

John Malcom tarred and feathered, Jan. 1775: http://common-place.org/book/impressions-of-tar-and-feathers-the-new-american-suit-in-mezzotint-1774-84

Letter from George Washington to George Fairfax, June 1774, discussing Virginia’s response to the Port Act: http://founders.archives.gov/GEWN-02-10-02-0067

Summary View of the Rights of British America, by Thomas Jefferson: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/jeffsumm.asp

Letter from Gov. Gage to Lord Dartmouth, Aug. 27, 1774: http://amarch.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-amarch%3A93419

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bolton, Charles (ed) Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New York, 1774-1776, Boston: Charles E. Goodspeed, 1902.

Cushing, Harry (ed) The writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 3, New York: G.P. Putnum's Sons, 1907.

Dana, Elizabeth Ellery (ed) John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1924 (Barker was a British officer stationed in Boston).

Dickinson, John An Essay on the Constitutional Power of Great Britain Over the Colonies in America, Philadelphia, 1774.

Erlanger, Steven, The Colonial Worker in Boston, 1775, US Dept. of Labor, 1975.

Ford, Paul L. (ed) The Writings of John Dickinson, Philadelphia: The Historical Society of Philadelphia, 1895.

French, Allen The Siege of Boston, New York: Macmillan, 1911.

Frothingham, Richard History of the Siege of Boston, Boston C.C. Little and J. Brown, 1851.

Frothingham, Richard Life and times of Joseph Warren, Boston:Little, Brown & Co. 1865.

Hancock, John An oration; delivered March 5, 1774: at the request of the inhabitants of the town of Boston; to commemorate the bloody tragedy of the fifth of March 1770, Boston: Edes and Gill, 1774.

Hoyt, Albert Donations to the people of Boston suffering under the Port Bill 1774-1777, Boston, 1876.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Quncy, Josiah Observations on the act of Parliament commonly called the Boston port-bill, Boston, N.E. 1774.

Quincy, Josiah Memoir of the life of Josiah Quincy, Jun., of Massachusetts, Boston: Cummings, Hilliard & Co. 1825 (written by the son of the subject).


Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Beck, Derek Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Bunker, Nick An Empire on the Edge,  New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.

Carp, Benjamin Defiance of the Patriots: The Boston Tea Party and the Making of America, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775,  Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Labaree, Benjamin W. The Boston Tea Party, Oxford University Press, 1964.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Raphael, Ray & Marie The Spirit of ‘74: How the American Revolution Began, New York: The New Press, 2015.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Unger, Harlow American Tempest: How the Boston Tea Party Sparked a Revolution, Cambridge: Da Capo Press, 2011.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).