We sat down with filmmaker, Otto Aouita, to discuss his upcoming movie about George Washington
Here is a summary of the discussion:
Filmmaker's Motivation and Movie's Focus:
Otto Aouita has always been fascinated with George Washington and noticed a lack of films about him, while other historical figures such as Napoleon have been covered far more.
His movie aims to tell the "human story" of Washington, portraying him as a complex and flawed man of his time. The script refers to him as "George" to emphasize this personal aspect.
The film will cover lesser-known aspects of his life, including his relationships with his mother Mary (described as his "first general" and very hard on him), his stepbrother Lawrence (a mentor), and George and Sally Fairfax (including a love story with Sally).
Crucially, the movie will explore his relationship with his slaves and his journey from being born into the institution of slavery to freeing them in his will.
His Masonic brotherhood is also a significant part of the film's narrative.
While touching upon his monumental roles as an American Revolutionary hero and first president, the primary focus is on the personal story of George Washington.
Washington's Early Life and Aspirations:
Despite his image as a wealthy planter, Washington had humble beginnings. His father died when George was young, and his mother, Mary, was strict and poor with finances.
Unlike his older brothers, George did not receive a top-notch education in Britain and inherited relatively little from his father.
His "roughest time" was around 15 years old when he "really had nothing".
His first significant break was working as a surveyor, a job he used to his advantage, understanding lands, which later proved useful against the British.
Washington greatly admired and sought to emulate the gentlemanly class, heavily relying on Lord Fairfax and the Fairfax family for mentorship and to learn their manners and lifestyle, including sports like fox hunting.
Early Military Career and Lessons Learned:
Washington began his military career around age 22, joining the Freemasons at the same time.
He was sent to confront the French in the Pittsburgh area, which led to the French and Indian War.
His early military experiences, particularly at Fort Necessity, highlighted his inexperience and resulted in a "mess," including his capture and signing a "confession" related to an assassination.
He subsequently joined General Edward Braddock's campaign, which ended in disaster.
These early failures, where he "lost almost every battle," were crucial in shaping him, teaching him that "it's okay to fail" and helping him learn from his mistakes for the American Revolution.
He had disagreements with General John Forbes during the war over road construction and strategy, with John Fairfax acting as a plea for Washington.
Marriage to Martha Custis and Financial Standing:
After resigning his commission in 1758 and a period of illness during which Sally Fairfax visited him, Washington married Martha Custis in early 1759.
Martha was the wealthiest eligible widow in Virginia. Her finances were crucial for Washington to reconstruct Mount Vernon and expand his businesses.
Washington controlled a significant fortune but did not own most of it; he held it in trust for his stepchildren.
Despite the financial advantages, Washington is believed to have truly loved Martha, as evidenced by surviving letters and his will. Martha burned hundreds of their letters.
Martha also played a vital role in supporting the Continental Army's morale, joining Washington at Valley Forge.
Becoming Commander-in-Chief and Presidency:
Washington, having left the military in 1758, appeared at the Second Continental Congress in his military uniform, signaling his readiness for a military role.
He had ambition but pursued it quietly and elegantly, believing he had more to offer. He was known for great bravery on the battlefield, even being described as nonchalant under fire.
There's debate on whether he expected to be commander-in-chief, but he accepted the challenge, viewing it as a "too big of a task" but embracing the "American entrepreneur spirit". His idol was Cincinnatus, a Roman figure who served as a general and then returned to farming, a parallel to Washington's actions.
As president, he was reluctant to serve, wishing to remain at Mount Vernon, but felt a duty to ensure the new country's success. He initially thought it would be a two-year commitment but served eight years.
He ran the government much like the army, relying on the advice of his cabinet, letting them debate issues before making decisions. He avoided favoritism, even with Hamilton, and tried to be even-handed.
Washington disliked the idea of political parties and factions, believing they artificially divided people. He desired a government where individuals were elected on merit and worked together for the common good.
He aimed for stability and normalcy during his presidency. He saw the presidency as subservient to Congress, deferring to civilian authority, echoing his behavior during the war.
He was incorruptible and championed a policy of neutrality in foreign affairs, prioritizing American issues over proxy wars.
Washington initially refused a salary during the war but accepted it as president.
During his presidency, Vermont and Kentucky joined the Union, and he oversaw the development of the vast Northwest Territories.
Evolving Views on Slavery:
Washington was born into a society where slavery was the norm, and his views changed significantly throughout his life due to the Enlightenment ideas that fueled the American Revolution.
He eventually freed his slaves in his will, a significant act at the time. He hoped others would follow his lead and wished to see legislation towards abolition.
Washington did not approve of whipping and had a structured approach to runaways, sending only two to Barbados as an example. He was actually more "vicious" on his soldiers for infractions like drinking or profanity, with severe lashings.
He allowed his slaves to participate in a free market; for example, his head chef Hercules earned significantly more than overseers or gardeners.
Billy Lee, his personal valet, was the first slave freed by Washington and received a pension. All his personal slaves received pensions, clothes, and the option to stay at Mount Vernon.
Washington was actively involved in farming alongside his slaves, teaching them and using his tools. He even paid his slaves to donate their teeth for his dental needs.
The film explores the hypocrisy of fighting for freedom while owning slaves and acknowledges the complexity of the issue, including the economic concerns and the new concept of freedom for enslaved people in places like Philadelphia.
His growth on the issue is a "main spine" of the film, showing that he left the world a better place.
Movie Release Details:
The movie is scheduled to be released on July 4th, 2026, for the 250th anniversary of American independence.
For more details, check out the movie's website at: www.ceenema.com
Last week, we covered the first presidential election and ended with Washington riding to New York to be sworn in as president.
New York had become the seat of government in 1785, after Congress had left Philadelphia because they felt the local government did not do enough to protect members from angry soldiers who were being denied their pay and promised benefits. Congress had operated for a time in Princeton and Trenton, but the members found that they really needed a larger town to ensure they had the amenities they needed.
Federal Hall
New York wanted to remain the nation’s capital. The city paid for a massive renovation of its city hall, at the corner of Broad and Wall streets. They designated the building as Federal Hall. Pierre L’Enfant was in charge of the renovations. L’Enfant was a French engineer who had first arrived as a young military officer in 1777. He had served on Washington’s staff at Valley Forge, but later served in combat, being wounded at the Siege of Savannah, and captured at the surrender of Charleston.
After the war, L’Enfant settled in New York where he worked as an architect. The work to Federal Hall was considerable. L’Enfant began his work on the hall in 1788, while the Confederation Congress was still meeting there. The city moved all of its municipal offices out of the building so that it could be dedicated to the new federal government. The House of Representatives met in the large first floor chamber. The US Senate met on the second floor. There was also a third floor for other uses. Renovations were still underway when Congress began meeting there.
George Washington arrived in New York on April 23, 1789. As he had requested, Madison had found a residence for him. The government rented a house owned by Samuel Osgood, a Massachusetts politician who had settled in New York City. The house contained a residence, as well as a private office where Washington could work, and a public office where he could receive guests.
Washington hired former tavern keeper Samuel Fraunces to manage the house, and its staff of twenty servants, including seven slaves that Washington brought from his home Virginia. Washington held several events at Fraunces Tavern at the end of the war, and got Fraunces to return from retirement to manage his household.
Inauguration
Washington’s inauguration was planned for April 30, only seven days after his arrival.
Even before his election, Washington had begun working on an inauguration address. Washington’s aide, David Humphreys, had been at work at Mount Vernon drafting a lengthy 72 page speech, which included a long list of legislative recommendations.
Washington was not happy with this, and turned to James Madison. In February, before Madison left Virginia, Washington showed him a copy. The two men met at Mount Vernon to discuss the address. The two men agreed to scrap the first draft. Washington provided Madison with an outline of the points he wanted to cover, then left it to Madison to draft a short speech that would cover these points.
While awaiting Washington’s arrival in New York, Madison drafted a four page address for the president to read. While he was at it, Madison also drafted the House’s reply to the President’s address, and the president’s response to the House’s reply.
Congress was not really sure how the inauguration should work. There was no precedent, and the Constitution simply said that the president needed to take the oath before entering into the execution of his office. Congress appointed a joint committee to decide how to conduct the inauguration.
One April 30, Washington rode in his state provided coach to Federal Hall. Initially, he had ordered a black velvet suit for the occasion. However, after giving it more thought, Washington wore a plain brown suit made of homespun cloth, made domestically. He went up to the second floor balcony. Since there were no federal judges yet, Robert Livingston, the Chancellor of New York, administered the oath on the balcony of the second floor of Federal Hall, as members of Congress and the public witnessed it. An estimated 10,000 people packed the streets around Federal Hall, hoping to witness the event. The local Masonic temple lent a bible, on which the president placed his right hand before taking the oath.
There are many details missing from the primary accounts of the inauguration. For example, we don’t know if Washington actually said the oath, or whether it was read to him in the firm of a question and he simply responded in the affirmative. None of the accounts at the time noted that he added the words “so help me God” upon completing the oath. The first account that has him uttering those words is in a biography written by George Washington Irving 65 years later. There is some reason to believe it was used since Congress did add the “so help me god” to the oath taken by judges in the act passed in 1789, so there can at least be some inference that it would be a common usage at that time.
Following the oath, several accounts say that Livingston proclaimed “Long Live George Washington, President of the United States” followed by the firing of 13 cannons. After that, the president read the inaugural address that Madison had written. Some accounts say he read it on the balcony. Others say that he moved inside and delivered it from the Senate chamber. Most accounts say that Washington was nervous, that he mumbled much of the speech, and that few people understood it. However, it was printed in newspapers after the event.
Washington essentially said that the people had summoned him, and that his love of country obligated him to accept the position, despite his “incapacity as well as disinclination” for the job. He called on “that Almighty Being who rules over the universe” to provide the people with a government that could protect their “liberties and happiness.”
He went on to note that the Constitution said the president should recommend to congress “such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” In his first draft of the speech Washington had included a whole laundry list of such measures, which probably would have taken him hours to read. Instead, in the speech he gave, which lasted only about ten minutes, he called on Congress to do their best to create the new government with a sense of patriotism, and to avoid “local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities”.
He also called on Congress to offer him no pay. Instead, as when he commanded the army, he requested only that Congress pay his expenses. This is not what happened. Congress insisted on pay. But we'll get into that in future episodes. He concluded his speech:
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
Following the inauguration, Washington and the members of Congress, walked down Broadway to St. Paul’s Chapel for a special service. That evening, the city was covered with lanterns, in the streets, in building windows, and on ships in the harbor. The public enjoyed a display of fireworks. Some accounts say Washington enjoyed the display from the home of the Spanish Minister to the US, along with Robert Livingston, Henry Knox, and David Humphreys. The streets remained so crowded that Washington had to walk back to his home at around 10:00 PM. No carriage could pass through the streets with all the people still filling them.
There was no inaugural ball that night. There was one a week later, on May 7. Washington attended. Martha had not arrived yet, so Washington danced with many of the prominent young women in attendance.
Presidential Title
It would take months for Washington to get his cabinet appointed and in place. In the first few critical months of his presidency, Washington and Vice President Adams, pretty much made up the entire executive branch. Washington relied heavily on Madison during this time. Some historians characterize Madison as acting as a prime minister. He was certainly the key connection between the legislative and executive branches during these first months.
One of the first issues for the new government was what to call the president. This was actually more of a big deal than you might think. Once again, people were afraid that to fancy a title might make the president sound like a king. Others worried that if the president was too plain and simple no one would respect his authority. As Benjamin Franklin put it at the time “We have been guarding against an evil that old states are most liable to, excess of power in the rulers. But our present danger seems to be defect of obedience in the subjects.”
Vice President John Adams, perhaps the result of having spent many years at the Court of St. James in London after the war, advocated for showing more ostentation to secure the respect of the new government. He rented Richmond Hill, a large mansion along the river, and rode in a fancy coach to Federal Hall each day to preside over the Senate. He wore expensive suits and a powdered wig. Adams suggested that the president’s title should be “His Highness, the President of the United States of America and Protector of their Liberties.”
Washington completely disagreed with this approach. Several accounts note that Washington began mocking Adams’ public displays. Similarly, others began referring to Adams as “His Rotundity” or “The Duke of Braintree.”
The House of Representatives, probably at the suggestion of Madison, came up with a much simpler title “George Washington, President of the United States.” That simple title appealed to Washington, and was the one that stuck. It took about two weeks for Congress to settle that matter on March 14. Of course that wasn’t the only matter Congress was considering during that time, but it was a lengthy process to decide on a title.
Washington focused on the smallest details of social interactions, as well as his interactions with Congress. Around this time, while discussing how he should address the House of Representatives, he wrote to Madison. “As the first of everything, in our situation will serve to establish a Precedent, it is devoutly wished on my part, that these precedents may be fixed on true principles.”
Hamilton suggested that the president remain available, but aloof, which probably fit well with Washington’s personality. Hamilton recommended that the president hold weekly levees which would be short. He also suggested small dinners with six to eight visitors, again, with the president not remaining at the table for too long. Hamilton also suggested that the president make himself available to Senators, but not Representatives.
Department of War
The first federal department to be created was the war department. The government had inherited a small army from the government under the Articles of Confederation.
When the Continental army disbanded in 1783, the size of the army fell to only 80 men. Fifty-five men were garrisoned at West Point in New York. Another twenty-five garrisoned Fort Pitt in western Pennsylvania. That was it. The senior officer in the army was a captain by the name of John Doughty. Although commissioned as a captain, he was breveted to the rank of major in 1782, before the war ended. The reason he became the highest ranking officer was only by chance. He was in command of the artillery company that remained at West Point after the war and that was one of the two companies that were not decommissioned. He received a commission as major after the war ended.
A year later in 1784, the Confederation approved the establishment of the First American Regiment, which would be responsible primarily for frontier issues involving conflicts with the Indians. The new regiment brought the size of the army up to around 700 men, and needed a new commander. With so many recent officers having left the army after the war, one would think Congress could choose a wise and experienced leader.
Instead they chose Josiah Harmar. You’ve probably never heard of Harmar before. He seemed to have been a reasonably capable officer who rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel during the war. He also served as the private secretary to Thomas Mifflin when Mifflin was President of the Continental Congress. President Mifflin pushed for his secretary, Harmar, to become its commander when they created the new regiment in 1784.
Harmar moved most of the regiment out to Marietta, who helped with first settlement in the Northwest territory. Harmar received a brevet to brigadier general, although he was still paid as a lieutenant colonel.
In 1785, the Confederation Congress appointed former General Henry Knox to run it the department of war. Knox became the civilian leader who maintained the army for Congress. The department consisted of himself and a couple of clerks. Eventually, under Knox the War Department would grow to a staff of twelve.
This was the army that the new federal government inherited, and they kept it pretty much as is. Washington had worked closely with Knox during the war. After Congress established the new War Department in August of 1789, Washington nominated Knox to serve in that role, doing pretty much what he had been doing for the last four years.
Department of Treasury
Congress also established the Department of Treasury a few weeks later. This was probably the most critical department with the most urgent need since the government needed to start collecting tariffs so that it had money to pay for the new government, and also pay for all the war debts that were already overdue.
There is some debate, but most sources indicate that Washington, during his stop in Philadelphia on his way to New York, asked Robert Morris to serve as Secretary of the Treasury. Morris, of course, had carried the Continental Congress through the most difficult financial times of the war. He had served as Superintendent of Finance until 1784, when he retired from public service. During the war, he had floated much of the government loans backed by his personal credit. Following the war, he was dealing with all sorts of financial problems as a result.
When Washington approached him about becoming Secretary of Treasury, Morris refused. He had already been appointed one of Pennsylvania’s first US Senators. He was willing to do that, but not take on the responsibility of building a whole new financial system for the new government. Instead, Morris suggested that Washington consider Alexander Hamilton for the job. Of course, Washington knew Hamilton better than Morris did, and probably already had him in mind. But Morris was the most obvious choice for the job based on experience that Washington probably felt obligated to offer him the position. In any event, Washington did not press the matter with Morris, and offered Secretary of Treasury to Hamilton.
Hamilton had been active politically in New York politics and also in the effort to get Washington elected as president. But he did not run for any elected office in New York or the new federal government at this time. Like Morris, he was focused on making money and improving his financial situation as an attorney. That said, he had been such a strong advocate for building a stronger federal financial system that he accepted the offer to serve. He eagerly accepted the appointment. He became the first Secretary of the Treasury in September.
The Treasury department quickly became larger than all the others combined, with 39 employees. Many of these were deployed as collectors of customs duties in various ports.
Foreign Affairs
Congress also created a Department of foreign affairs. Under the Articles of Confederation, John Jay had been handling this position. Jay, of course, had been a key negotiator of the peace treaty that ended the war, and had also negotiated several treaties since then. He was controversial for some of those treaties, but probably could have had the job if he wanted it. Instead, Jay told Washington he would rather get an appointment to the Supreme court as Chief Justice. The other top diplomat from the Confederation era was John Adams, who was now Vice President and not available for other appointments. Benjamin Franklin was too old and infirm at this time, so the next person with the most diplomatic credentials was Thomas Jefferson, who was still serving as minister to France.
James Madison pushed hard for Thomas Jefferson’s appointment, and acted as a go-between to see if Jefferson was interested in the job. Jefferson actually preferred to remain as minister to France. He said the job as Secretary was more administrative than diplomatic; and that was not something for which he was well suited. Madison pushed him to take the job. Washington told him that there was no person better suited to the job than Jefferson. With that pressure, Jefferson seemed to tacitly agree.
Jefferson returned to America in the fall of 1789. It was only after he arrived in Virginia that he received word that Washington had already nominated him and that the Senate had confirmed his nomination. Publicly, Jefferson expressed surprise and expressed concerns about serving. But he had to have some idea that this would happen, given his correspondence with Madison.
Jefferson did not agree to accept the appointment publicly until February, 1790 and did not arrive in New York for his swearing in until March. Until then, John Jay had continued acting on foreign affairs, with unofficial assistance from Madison and Hamilton. Once Jefferson took the position the department grew to include five employees.
Attorney General
Finally, Congress created the office of Attorney General. Unlike the other offices, this had no department to go with it. This was considered to be a part time gig. The Attorney General served as a legal advisor to the President and others in the government, and did not have a department associated with it, and paid less than half of what the other departments heads were paid.
Washington chose Edmund Randolph for the position. Randolph had been Governor of Virginia, and led the Virginia delegation to the Constitutional Convention. Washington had also retained Randolph’s legal services in the past for business matters.
With that appointment, the first cabinet was complete.
Next week, we will cover the establishment of the court system.
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Next Episode 360 Judiciary Act of 1789 (coming soon)
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Last week we discussed the implementation of the new Federal government as the Confederation Congress faded out of existence. The states elected Senators and Representatives who would meet at the First Congress in New York in March of 1789. The other big election was that of president, which was held separately from the congressional elections.
Presidential Election
The presidential elections of 1789 were nothing like elections today. For starters, no states chose their presidential electors the way almost all states do today, that is the candidate with the most votes statewide gets all the electoral votes for that state.
In fact, many states did not have an election at all. The constitution left it up to each state to decide how to choose electors. Connecticut, New Jersey, South Carolina, and Georgia simply had the state legislature choose the electors for their states.
In the states that did have elections, people did not vote for candidates. They voted for electors. These were men with well known political views who would independently make a decision as to whom they would select as president and vice president. Most electors publicly pledged to vote for a particular candidate. Some states elected a slate of electors statewide. Others opted to let each congressional district vote for one elector.
Those states that got their act together in time held their elections on January 7, 1789, as had been directed by the Confederation Congress four months earlier. We don’t have complete records of the popular vote, but turnout does seem to have been surprisingly low. Some newspapers report turnout of between 20% and 50% of eligible voters - and, of course, voter eligibility was much harder to obtain back then. Across the six states that held popular votes, there appear to have been less than 30,000 total votes cast for electors.
North Carolina and Rhode Island, which had not yet ratified the Constitution, were unable to participate in the elections. New York had ratified, but never passed a state law that would specify how electors would be chosen. The anti-federalist majority in the General Assembly voted for one method. The federalist majority in the Senate voted for a different method. The result was a deadlock, with neither side willing to compromise. This deadlock remained until after the electoral college met and selected a president, meaning that New York simply did not put forward any electors who participated in the election
For the ten states that chose electors, those electors met in each of the state capitals to vote. The states had elected a total of 73 electors, but two votes from Maryland and two from Virginia were never cast. In Virginia one of the districts simply failed to turn in any results. Another delegate, Warner Lewis, simply failed to show up to vote. In Maryland, two of the delegates, George Plater and William Richardson, were present for the electoral vote, but did not cast their votes.
There was no nomination process for the presidency, nor were there any candidates who ran for election. Running would have been considered unseemly. Americans would have been skeptical of anyone who campaigned for office. They did not want someone who wanted power for themselves.
Besides, everyone knew who the first president would be. At the Constitutional Convention and at all the various ratifying conventions, pretty much everyone assumed that George Washington would fill that role. In addition to being the man who had won the Revolutionary War, Washington had earned national respect by retiring at the end of the war. This proved he was not a man who grasped for more power. Rather, he simply did his duty for his country, then retired to his plantation. This convinced voters that Washington would not use the presidency as a stepping stone to becoming king. That remained a real fear in America at this time.
Perhaps the only other person with good positive name recognition was Benjamin Franklin. Although Franklin served as Pennsylvania’s President until November of 1788, he was too old and infirm for any service in the new government. He had been carried to the Constitutional Convention meetings in 1787 and, even at that time, was often too weak even to give speeches. Following the convention, Franklin was rarely seen in public. He mostly remained in his sick bed. He was in no condition to be considered for any office, let alone president.
Most other possible contenders for the office were regional favorites. John Adams was popular in New England, but not so much elsewhere. Other candidates might be popular within their states, but no one had Washington’s national appeal. In the end, Washington received the unanimous election of every elector who cast a vote, a total of 69 votes.
The vice presidential election was another story. There was no nationwide figure to take on that role, but John Adams was the odd-on favorite. Adams had been an important leader in the Continental Congress, and had been a key negotiator of the peace treaty that ended the war. He remained in Europe after the war, serving as America’s first Ambassador to Britain.
Adams only returned to America in the summer of 1788, after Massachusetts had already ratified the Constitution. He returned to his farm and to his life as a private citizen. He did not campaign for any office and did not advocate for himself. That said, he did not discourage others from putting him forward as a candidate.
Adams seemed like a good choice to many. In addition to his credentials and experience, Adams was from New England, which provided regional balance to Washington as a southern candidate. Adams seemed to be in line with Washington’s views. Both men generally believed in the new Constitution and supported a stronger federal government. As a result, Adams quickly became the consensus candidate for vice president.
This raised some concerns though. Under the Constitution, each elector would cast two votes. Based on the final results the recipient of the most votes became president. The second-place finisher would become vice president. There was no way for electors to specify that they were casting one vote for president and the other for vice president.
Some insiders feared that politicians might use this process to bypass Washington. Alexander Hamilton very much wanted Washington to become the first president. He began writing to others that, if pretty much all the electors voted for Washington and Adams, that just a small handful of electors might withhold their votes for Washington, and allow Adams to get the most votes, thus becoming president.
Hamilton wrote about his concerns to several other leaders around the country. He noted that the Adams faction in New England had often allied itself with the Lee faction in Virginia to win various political battles in Congress. In fact, the two factions had once before teamed up against George Washington in the Conway Cabal, an effort in 1777 to replace Washington with Horatio Gates as Commander in Chief of the Continental Army.
There was no actual basis for such a conspiracy to snatch the presidency from Washington, but that did not get in the way of Hamilton’s paranoia. Hamilton did not really have any political disagreements with Adams. The two men generally found themselves on the same side of most policy matters. But Hamilton still feared that politics might somehow get in the way of electing Washington.
Hamilton reached out to seven or eight electors in Connecticut, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, asking them to vote for someone other than Adams on their second vote. This, he thought, would be enough to ensure that Washington would receive more votes.
Hamilton had nothing to worry about. While the electors voted unanimously for Washington, they showed no such unanimity with their second votes. The Connecticut electors that Hamilton had contacted voted for Samuel Huntington, Governor of Connecticut. Two Pennsylvania delegates voted for John Hancock, Governor of Massachusetts. New Jersey delegates only gave one vote to Adams and five to John Jay of New York. So more that those contacted there chose other candidates. Other electors across the continent gave various votes to others, casting votes for a total of eleven candidates for their second vote.
The result was that Adams only received 34 votes, one vote shy of a majority. Even though he received nearly four times the vote of the next highest candidate, Adams felt humiliated by his poor showing. He called it a stain on his character, and even considered declining the office. At the time, he did not know about the political scheming behind the vote. When he later found out about Hamilton’s role in all of this, it created a rupture between the two men, which never healed.
Despite his private disappointment, Adams retained his cheerful public demeanor and accepted his election as vice president. He also congratulated George Washington on his victory and praised the new president's talents.
According to the schedule created by the Confederation Congress, the elections were supposed to take place in January, 1789. The electors would vote in early February, and Congress would convene for the first time on March 4. One of their first official acts would be to confirm the electoral college vote and notify the new president and vice president.
When the newly elected members of Congress assembled at Federal Hall on the morning of March 4, they discovered that they were pretty lonely. Only eight out of twenty-two senators were present, and only thirteen out of fifty-nine representatives had made it to New York. All but two of those were from just three states, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Connecticut. None of the New York delegation was present because that state had held late elections and still did not have the results of those elections. Several other elections were still being challenged in the courts. In other cases, members either hadn’t bothered to leave on time, or had travel problems that delayed their arrival.
Without a quorum to do business, Congress could do nothing. The members who had arrived simply hung round the city waiting for more of their colleagues to show up. Ten days later, on March 14, James Madison finally arrived in town. By that time, only two other congressmen, and no additional senators had arrived. Madison wrote to Washington that nothing could be done. They couldn’t even count the votes for president.
Massachusetts Representative Fisher Ames called the situation “mortifying” and wondered if “the public will forget the government before it is born.” The secretary of Congress, still holding that position from the Confederation Congress, Charles Thomson, began writing to absent Senators and Representatives, begging them to come. He wrote to Senator George Read of Delaware:
As a friend, [I] entreat you to lay aside all lesser concerns & private business and come on immediately. Those who feel for the honor and are solicitous for the happiness of this country are pained to the heart, while those who are averse to the new constitution and those who are unfriendly to the liberty & consequently to the happiness and prosperity of this country, exult at our languor.
Thomson was pretty much running the government on his own until the new Congress could reach a quorum. John Jay, who had been appointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs in the Confederation Congress, was still managing foreign policy issues. Henry Knox, another confederation holdover, was still managing the military, which consisted of only a few hundred soldiers.
The French Minister to the US, the Comte de Moustier wrote back to officials in Paris that “Congress, like their predecessors, suffer from the general indifference toward public service when it comes to actually doing their part.” The absence of a quorum for weeks proved this point. He believed that the new country could not survive without foreign protection, and that if France did not provide it, Britain would find a way to take back into control of its former colonies.
Those members who did arrive could not conduct official business, but they could hang out in taverns and begin discussing things informally. Rather than talk about pressing issues, like creating a judiciary, or establishing a new system of tariffs, they mostly fought over where they should move the seat of government. The Pennsylvania delegation, which was one of the few states that showed up on time, had a plan to call for an adjournment as soon as the presidential election was counted, and move the Congress to Philadelphia.
After four long weeks, the House finally got to a quorum on April 1. Twenty-nine of the fifty-five representatives were present, just over half of the body. Meeting in chambers that were still under construction, they elected Frederick Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania as speaker, and began organizing the House rules and committees.
It would take another week, until April 6, before enough senators arrived, giving that body a quorum. At that point, Congress could finally count the electoral votes and proclaim George Washington to be the first president, and John Adams vice president.
Everyone had known for weeks how the electors had voted. But until the official count by Congress, there was nothing official. George Washington remained home at Mount Vernon. He did not want to appear eager or desirous of the presidency. In fact, there is good reason to believe that this was not simply a show of false modesty. Washington really wanted to remain retired from public life. During the elections, Washington said nothing to encourage others, and several times angrily silenced people who discussed the elections in his presence.
On April 1, a month after the electoral college should have met, Washington wrote to Henry Knox, expressing relief at the delay.
I feel for those Members of the new Congress, who, hitherto, have given an unavailing attendance at the theatre of business. For myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence I can assure you—with the world it would obtain little credit—that my movements to the chair of Government will be accompanied with feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution: so unwilling am I, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an Ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill—abilities & inclination which is necessary to manage the helm.
Leaders like Hamilton and Madison, and even Lafayette in France, had written letters to Washington, imploring him to accept the presidency, fearing the government would fail without him, and with that failure the entire United States was at stake. Comments like those of the Comte de Moustier made clear that Europeans were ready to pounce if the new government proved ineffective.
Washington resigned himself to the idea that he would have to serve as president for at least a few years to get the new government going. In late March, he wrote to Madison in New York, asking him to find appropriate accommodations. He asked for a small home or apartment. He wanted to avoid a larger mansion since he wanted to avoid having to hold large receptions for guests in his home. He also believed a smaller residence would help to reduce criticisms that he was effectively taking on the role of a king. Publicly, however, Washington took no steps to assume he had won the election. He remained at home, continuing with his regular life.
After Congress confirmed the electoral vote on April 6, they dispatched Secretary Charles Thomson to ride to Virginia and inform Washington. The trip to Mount Vernon took a week. On April 14, Thomson met with Washington to inform him of his election. Washington had prepared for this moment by writing out his response, which he read to Thomson and then sent back to Congress:
Sir, I have been long accustomed to entertain so great a respect for the opinion of my fellow citizens, that the knowledge of their unanimous suffrages having been given in my favour scarcely leaves me the alternative for an Option. Whatever may have been my private feelings and sentiments, I believe I cannot give a greater evidence of my sensibility for the honor they have done me than by accepting the appointment.
I am so much affected by this fresh proof of my country’s esteem and confidence, that silence can best explain my gratitude—While I realize the arduous nature of the task which is conferred on me and feel my inability to perform it, I wish there may not be reason for regreting the choice. All I can promise is only that which can be accomplished by an honest zeal.
Washington also informed them that he would leave for New York within two days. Washington had already prepared for his trip. The reason for a delay was that he rode to Fredericksburg to visit his mother, who was dying of breast cancer. He spent the night at his mother’s house before returning to Mount Vernon the following day.
Short on cash, Washington had to borrow money for his trip to New York. Charles Thomson accompanied the president, along with his aide, David Humphreys, his secretary, Tobias Lear, and his personal servant Billy Lee. Martha did not go with him. She would join him a month later. She does not seem to have been happy at Washington’s new role. Days after he left, she wrote to her nephew saying:
I am truly sorry to tell that the General is gone to New York, Mr. Charles Thompson came to express to him, on the 14th - when or wheather he will come home again, god only knows, - I think it was much too late for him to go in to publick life again, but it was not to be avoided.
Washington did his best to avoid pomp, not wanting to appear as a new king. He often tried to leave towns early in order to avoid parades, and tried to downplay all of the celebrations. But he had little luck with this. The people wanted to celebrate this grand event.
Each city celebrated Washington as he passed through towns on his way to New York. Celebrations honored the new president with celebrations in each town. Parades, bells, military escorts, and musket fire celebrated the new leader. In Trenton, thirteen young maidens threw flower petals at his feet while singing “Welcome, mighty Chief”. In Philadelphia, they placed a laurel wreath on his head, as had been done for Roman emperors. He may not have wanted to appear as a king, but the people seemed to want to honor him as such.
The group finally arrived in Elizabethtown, New Jersey on April 23, where a committee of elected officials met him, along with an honor guard to carry him aboard a large ferry across the Hudson River to a welcome celebration.
With the new president having arrived in the capital, the new government could get to work.
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Last time we covered the ratification in New York which succeeded by the slimmest margin yet, and over the objections of most of the state leaders. New York became the eleventh state to join the union, with only Rhode Island having rejected it in a statewide referendum.
North Carolina
So for those of you proficient in math, you are probably saying to yourself, 11+1=12, and keen observers must be aware that there are 13 original states, so there’s got to be one more ratification story. Well right you are. The one state we haven’t discussed yet is North Carolina.
Governor Richard Caswell received a report on the Constitution within days of its publication in the fall of 1787. Caswell appears to have favored ratification, but like many governors, was reluctant to take a strong public stand before the voters had time to consider it. He did not call a special session of the legislature, perhaps knowing that the current legislature was inclined to oppose the Constitution. Instead, federalists in the state worked to get more favorable representatives elected during the normal legislative elections that took place in November.
These efforts were unsuccessful, the new legislature still contained an anti-federalist majority. The members were willing to hold a convention, but pushed it back quite a bit to let other states consider the matter first. In early December, the General Assembly set an election for late March, with the ratifying convention itself scheduled to start on July 21 in Hillsborough.
This gave time for copies of the Constitution to circulate, along with articles and pamphlets discussing the pros and cons. The convention was one of the largest that was held among all the states. Each county could send five delegates, along with some towns, for a total of nearly 300 delegates. As we’ve seen in other states, coastal merchants favored ratification, while farmers, particularly in the west, opposed it.
The convention elections were contentious, and in some cases turned violent. An account from New Bern County relates that when the federalist candidate realized they were losing overwhelmingly, they pulled out clubs and began a riot to prevent the election from completing. They beat the sheriff and stole the ballot box to prevent a conclusion to the vote count.
When the convention delegates met in July, the anti-federalists were in a majority of about 2-1. They elected the newly-elected Governor Samuel Johnston as the chair of the convention. Johnston was a federalist who supported ratification, but was not an outspoken advocate.
The anti-federalists, seeing their advantage, wanted a quick vote and an end to the convention. The federalists, however, hoping to change things, demanded some debate, including going through the document clause by clause. With the encouragement of Governor Johnston, the delegates agreed to the lengthy review of each clause.
Federalists hoped that, like in other states, once the anti-federalists realized the new government was moving forward with or without them that they would compromise and accept some form of ratification with a record of their reservations and concerns.
The delegates were aware of the state of things from the beginning. On day one of the convention, the delegates were well aware that ten states had ratified and that the Constitution was already going into effect. The anti-federalist farmers, however, were not convinced that going with the other states was best for them. These were men who had lived through the regulator movement twenty years earlier. They were meeting at the same spot where six regulators had been hanged for resisting corrupt tax policies. Several of the federalist leaders at the convention had helped to crush their regulator movement.
Since then, North Carolina had adopted a state constitution that protected their rights. If this new Federal Constitution threatened to bring on a new distant government that could tax them into poverty again, they did not want to take that chance.
Debates at the convention were nothing that other states hadn’t argued. Delegates complained about the absence of a bill of rights, and too much power to the federal government, including direct taxing authority. It would also prevent the issuance of more state paper money, which had benefitted the indebted farmers.
Once the convention completed its review, Governor Johnston moved that the delegates ratify the constitution, and propose amendments. This was the only way North Carolina would have a say over these amendments which could go through the new federal congress. That argument had worked in New York.
A leading anti-federalist, Willie Jones, objected, He moved that the convention consider proposing amendments before any ratification. This came to a vote which carried, 183 to 84. The anti-federalists proposed a twenty part bill of rights, as well as twenty-six other proposed amendments.
Once again, Johnston opposed this plan. He noted that calling a second convention and adopting a bill of rights, could take up to two years, during which time North Carolina would not be represented in the new government. On August 1, the federalists again moved to ratify the constitution unconditionally with the proposal of six important amendments. This failed overwhelmingly, and the convention voted not to ratify by 184 to 83. North Carolina did not expressly reject the Constitution, but also refused to ratify it. Anti-federalists argued that their refusal would pressure the new government to adopt the appropriate amendments to get North Carolina to agree to join the new Union. But for now, North Carolina was out. The convention concluded and the delegates returned home.
Second Convention
As North Carolina was still in debate, Pennsylvania began having second thoughts about its ratification. On July 3, 1788 anti-federalists in Pennsylvania sent out a circular letter that raised concerns that Pennsylvania had acted too precipitously. Unlike other states that gave greater consideration, the keystone state had not proposed any amendments, nor a bill of rights.
Concerned Pennsylvanians held their own unofficial convention in Harrisburg to discuss necessary changes to the constitution. While they were not trying to take back the state’s ratification vote, they wanted to encourage the changes that they and other states wanted. They circulated a petition that called for a second constitutional convention to consider these amendments.
Pennsylvania’s petition was in line with New York’s circular letter, which also had called for a second convention to consider necessary amendments to the proposed constitution. This movement also appealed to Virginia governor Edmund Randolph, who had refused to sign the Constitution because he wanted a second convention to consider amendments.
Madison saw this movement as a threat. In a letter to Jefferson, Madison wrote:
the circular letter from the Convention of New York, has somewhat changed the aspect of things and has given fresh hopes and exertions to those who opposed the Constitution. The object with them now will be to effect an early Convention composed of men who will essentially mutilate the system
This second convention movement could have a fatal impact on the new government, essentially weakening it back to the level under the Articles of Confederation. Madison had little objection to a bill of rights, which many states had demanded. He saw it as unnecessary, but rather redundant.
Of greater concern was the demand to remove federal authority over direct taxation. Madison and others believed this was critical to the new federal government. Washington agreed. In August of 1788, he said
there are scarcely any of the amendments which have been suggested, to which I have much objection, except that whch goes to the prevention of direct taxation—and that, I presume, will be more strenuously advocated and insisted upon hereafter than any other.
Federalists were happy to consider some amendments. But they did not want to open up a whole second convention which could decimate all of the compromises that had been made to make the proposed constitution work for most people, and yet still be effective in overcoming the weaknesses of the Articles.
Election Ordinance
Whatever the results of this effort to call a second convention, the process for implementing the Constitution, as is, was moving forward. News of New Hampshire’s unconditional ratification as the ninth date arrived at the confederation Congress on June 24, 1788. The official forms arrived on July 1. The following day, Congress received word that Virignia had ratified as the tenth state. They voted to submit the matter to a committee for plans to put the new constitution into effect. Of the eleven states present, nine voted to approve. The Rhode Island delegation did not vote. The New York Convention was still meeting at the time. Abraham Yates was the only “no” vote in Congress. His no vote split the delegation, meaning New York also refused.
A week later, on July 9 Congress received a committee report calling for the first presidential election to take place on the first Wednesday in December. The electors would then meet in their home states to vote in January, 1789, and that Congress would assemble on the first Wednesday in February, and would confirm the vote of the electors. The committee did not specify a place for these meetings. New York’s ratifying convention was still ongoing at the time, and Congress did not want to make any decisions on location until New York decided whether it would join the union.
Even if New York ratified, there was no guarantee that the new government would meet in New York. Southern delegates had been pushing for a location further south. Various delegates were pushing for a move back to Trenton, Philadelphia, or Lancaster. Others wanted Wilmington, Delaware, Baltimore, or even somewhere on the banks of the Potomac River.
Beyond being too far to travel and parochial concerns, delegates raise issues like a capital being too close to the coast could make it easier for foreign navies to attack. Some delegates raised questions about a location that would not allow them to bring their slaves. Others were concerned about the costs of continually moving the capital.
This actually turned out to be the most contentious issue for Congress in agreeing to the new elections. Delegates debate moving the seat of Congress, either temporarily or permanent. In the end though, a majority of delegates wanted to keep everything in New York, at least for the moment.
On September 12, 1788, Henry Lee of Virginia moved that the current location of the Confederation Congress in New York should be the first meeting place of the new federal Congress. Fellow Viriginan, James Madison, who usually pushed any expedient to keep this process moving, proposed an alternative - moving the seat of government to a more central location. He called for a vote to move anywhere other than New York, hoping that disagreement of a final location would keep the anti-New York delegates together. Even so, his motion was defeated, and Congress voted nine to one to keep the location in New York. Only Delaware dissented. The Maryland delegates were so angry that the delegates walked out before the vote.
Despite the vote on location, many southerners objected that the situation would not give them enough time to implement new elections and then travel back to New York to start the new government. As a compromise, Congress pushed back their schedule by a month. Selecting presidential electors in January, voting in February, and the meeting of the first Congress in March.
The Confederation Congress continued to meet and do business for another month, mostly dealing with issues related to the army and the Northwest territory. On Friday, October 10, 1788, the delegates took a vote related to land warrants for veterans, which failed. The significance of that vote was that it was the last vote the Confederation congress would ever take. The following week, the Congress failed to gain a quorum.
The President of Congress, Cyrus Griffin, came to open a new session on November 15. When only two other delegates showed up, Griffin resigned his office and went home. A few delegates showed up over the next few months, but left when they realized nothing was happening. The final log in the journal is for March 2, 1789 when Phillip Pell of New York came to an empty hall and recorded his presence. The Confederation Congress simply faded out of existence.
Anti-Federalists On Board
The nation was focused on the new elections. Each state prepared to hold their own elections. for members of the House of Representatives on their own timetable. Senators were selected by the state legislatures.
The anti-federalists who had opposed implementation of the new Constitution so vehemently at the convention and during the ratification process mostly got on board and were willing to participate in the new federal government. They did not continue to fight after the battle had been lost.
Massachusetts delegate John Taylor, who had fought hard to oppose ratification said after the fact that he had been “fairly beaten” and returned home with a desire “to infuse a spirit of harmony”. Fellow delegate William Widgery, declared that he had been defeated “by a majority of wise and understanding men” and would also focus on “union and peace among the people he represented”
Others who had voted against ratification, including James Monroe and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia as well as Samuel Adams and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, accepted their loss and ran for office. New York Governor George Clinton received a few electoral votes for Vice President.
In the end, Anti-federalists made up about 30% of the Senate and over 40% of the first House of Representatives. These men were realists. They accepted the fact that the majority and implemented the new constitution. Their only option was to operate under it, and do their best to make sure the new Federal government did not do the things that concerned them so much during the ratification process.
Congressional Elections
Since each state could decide when to hold its elections, they were spread out over months. Several states got the ball rolling by having the state legislatures choose Senators. Pennsylvania was first out of the gate, choosing Robert Morris and William MacLay on September 30, 1788, just over two weeks after the Confederation Congress had authorized elections. A total of six state legislatures had selected US Senators by the end of the year.
House elections were more difficult since the Constitution required actual elections by voters, not legislative appointments. States not only had to schedule dates for elections, but had to pass election laws to determine how candidates would be elected.
South Carolina managed to beat Pennsylvania by holding its elections on November 24 and 25. Two anti-federalists, Thomas Sumter and Thomas Tudor Tucker won unopposed in the western part of the state. A third anti-federalist, Aedenus Burke was challenged, but won with more than 99% in another western district. Two federalists, William Smith and Daniel Huger, won the eastern districts
Pennsylvania, where federalists still dominated the state legislature, did note create voting districts. Instead, had the entire state vote for eight at-large candidates, hoping to shut out the anti-federalists, thinking that a majority state-wide would support a federalist slate. Even so, the anti-federalists managed to pick up two of the eight seats.
New Hampshire also held elections for its three representatives. In its elections on December 15, no candidate received a majority of votes. As a result, the top six candidates were selected for a second round. All six candidates were federalists, so New Hampshire sent a 100% federalist delegation to the first Congress. Similarly, Connecticut also held at-large elections sending five federalists to the House of Representatives. Among them was Roger Sherman, who played such an important role in the creation of the Constitution.
Massachusetts held elections on December 18, but failed to get a majority in four of its eight elections. It held another election on January 28, 1789, but managed to fill only two of the four remaining seats. It filled another in March, but the final district went through multiple rounds before finally choosing a candidate in May, two months after the Congress had begun meeting.
The rest of the states did not begin their elections until 1789. Delaware kicked off the year with a vote on January 7.
The federalists were not the only ones to play games with the election rules to their own advantage. In Virginia, Patrick Henry not only ensured that Madison would not be selected as a Senator, he made sure the district lines were drawn in such a way that Madison’s home was in a heavily anti-federalist district. Henry also encouraged James Monroe to oppose Madison for the seat. Despite these efforts, Madison managed to win with 57% of the vote, but only after promising voters that he personally would draft and introduce a bill of rights for the new Constitution.
Of the eleven states that had ratified the Constitution, New York, the final state to ratify was also the final state to hold elections. A political impasse between the federalists in the State Senate and the anti-federalists in the General Assembly resulted in an inability to pass a state election law for nearly six months.
In the end New York held its House elections on March 3-4, the same day that the first US Congress convened to start business. The results of the New York elections were not ready until April, meaning the delegation missed out on the early votes. New York also did not get around to appointing Senators until July.
So, with rather confused and contentious elections, the states managed to select the first Congress, which met on March 3, 1789.
Next week, we will cover the first Presidential elections.
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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give. Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber. This is an option making monthly pledges. Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.
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Visit the American Revolution Podcast Bookshop. Support local bookstores and this podcast!
Howard, Thomas L. “The State That Said No: The Fight for Ratification of the Federal Constitution in North Carolina.” The North Carolina Historical Review, vol. 94, no. 1, 2017, pp. 1–58. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/45184801
Boyd, Steven R. “Antifederalists and the Acceptance of the Constitution: Pennsylvania, 1787-1792” Publius, vol. 9, no. 2, 1979, pp. 123–37. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/332973
