Sunday, June 20, 2021

ARP206 George Washington in Philadelphia

 

Last week I covered the issues facing the Continental Congress over the winter of 1778-79.  The government was facing problems and divisions, not only from the Silas Deane investigations, but also chronic shortages for the army and disputes over new strategies.

General Washington traveled to Philadelphia to consult with Congress on some of these matters. This week, I want to focus on Washington’s visit to Philadelphia during this important time.  

Washington Enters Philadelphia

On December 21, 1778, Washington left the army under the command of Major General William Alexander, Lord Stirling.  He noted to Stirling that Congress had requested his attendance, and that he would be gone for a few days.  After a hard 60 mile ride, Washington arrived in Philadelphia late on the evening of December 22.  A local newspaper noted his arrival:

Too great for pomp, and as if fond of the plain and respectable rank of a free and independent citizen, his excellency came in so late in the day as to prevent the Philadelphia, troop of militia lighthorse, gentlemen, officers of the militia, and others of this city, from shewing those marks of unfeigned regard for this good and great man, which they fully intended, and especially of receiving him at his entrance into the State, and escorting him hither.

As we’ve seen up until this time, Washington rarely left the army for any reason.  As a leader, he wanted to be present as often as possible.  However, since Congress was trying to develop military strategy for the coming year, he felt that he had to provide some input in person.  Some of these confidential discussions could not be relegated to correspondence.

Second St. Philadelphia
The party that accompanied Washington Philadelphia included his wife Martha.  Also, with him was his secretary Robert Hanson Harrison as well as his aides-de-camp Alexander Hamilton, John Laurens, Richard Kidder Meade, and Tench Tilghman.

Philadelphia’s biggest political dispute at this time was the open feud between Silas Deane and Congress.  There was also a major fight brewing between the new President of Pennsylvania (and Washington’s former aide) Joseph Reed, and the Military Governor of Philadelphia, Benedict Arnold, something I will discuss in more detail in a future episode, but it was a big source of tension at the time.  Congress was still trying to dispose of the charges against General Thompson, who has allegedly shown disrespect to Congress, something I also talked about in more detail last week.

John Laurens
Also, the same day Washington entered Philadelphia, the Continental Army issued its final orders suspending General Charles Lee from command for one year.  This was after Congress had approved the court martial decision against Lee.  Washington’s aide, John Laurens, fought a duel with General Lee the following day.  Lee had continued to criticize Washington.  Many of Washington’s supporters felt the need to fight for the commander’s honor.  Laurens’ second, and Washington’s other aide, Alexander Hamilton, called for an end to the duel after the first shot left General Lee with a minor wound.

A year earlier, Washington had been fighting for leadership of the army as the Conway Cabal threatened to remove him from command.  By this time, pretty much everyone either supported Washington, or at least had the political savvy to keep quiet about any reservations they might have had.  General Lee was still oblivious to that and had to fight the duel with John Laurens  the reality in Philadelphia was that Washington had become universally respected and was seen as a source of stability in an increasingly chaotic world.

Meetings with Congress

On December 24th, Congress passed a resolution to invite the Commander in Chief to give testimony.  Washington held meetings with a committee.  However, the committee discussions were secret and no record of the discussions was made.  That same day, Washington met with the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, again, with no record of the discussions.

We do know that one of Washington’s primary reasons for his visit was to quash any plans to engage in another invasion of Quebec.  France seemed very interested in the idea.  Washington did not want to offend America’s only European ally.  At the same time, he saw the establishment of a French-controlled Quebec as a long term problem for the United States.  Washington was all too familiar with France’s prior efforts to keep the British colonies limited to the coast while France claimed all of the inland areas west of the Appalachian mountains for the King of France.

On Tuesday, Congress resolved not to plan any invasion of Quebec for the following year.  Having resolved that question, and having planned to be in Philadelphia for only a few days, One would expect Washington would have returned to the army in New Jersey.  Instead, Washington remained in Philadelphia for over a month.  During those weeks that he remained, he noted in several letters that he planned to return to the army within a few days.  It’s not entirely clear what caused him to change his mind and remain.

Washington did, however, continue to meet with the committee through January.  A note written by Washington on January 8 suggests that continued discussion was needed over “recruiting; a plan for the next campaign; prospects of further aid from Europe; clothing and supplies; changes in the ordnance, clothing, hospital, and engineering departments; establishment of an inspectorship; paper currency.”

Proposed Strategies

A week later, Washington provided a more detailed report to Congress (in Hamilton’s handwriting) which outlined various options for offensives in 1779.  This report was likely the result of Washington’s conversations with the Congressional Committee.  In the report, Washington evaluated three options.  

Continental Congress
The first option was an all-out assault on the British garrisons at New York and Newport.  To expel the British which, Washington noted, was the most desired goal, the army would have to be increased in size to at least 26,000 effectives, which was a far larger army than the Continentals had ever managed to put in the field.

Washington observed because there were other economic opportunities in the states and life in the army was so poor that they could not hope to recruit such a large army.  Even if they could, Congress was unable to feed and clothe the existing army, let alone one that was two or three times the size of the current army.  Given these limitations, Washington concluded that an all-out assault was simply off the table.

The second operation under consideration was an assault on Niagara, which would serve as a defense against any future raids from Canada.  For such an operation, Washington argued the army would still need to leave about 13,000 men near New York to prevent any British actions from its main forces in New York and Newport.  The Continentals would need another 7000 or 8000 soldiers for the action against Niagara.  Those numbers were nearly as large as those estimated for an all-out assault on British forces and with not nearly as important a goal.  Washington believed that a Niagara offensive would be even more expensive than an all-out assault on New York since it would involve moving massive amounts of supplies through the remote and hostile territory in upstate New York where loyalists and native tribes still conducted raids.  Again, the US simply did not have the resources for such an offensive.

That left the third option: stay almost entirely on the defensive: The Continentals would remain in northern New Jersey and New York, preventing the British in New York City or Newport from having any room for offensive operations.  Given the army’s resources, Washington considered this the best option.  The Continental Congress could not afford a significantly larger army.  Instead, they could focus on increasing the national output of food by leaving more men on the farms.  Washington urged that diplomatic efforts should continue to obtain more loans in order to take more actions further into the future.  In short, Washington was telling Congress there was no way to end the war anytime soon.  Congress would need to find a way to come up with more resources before anything would change.

Washington did refer generally to taking some actions against hostile tribes in upstate New York and further to the west.  He noted that the army needed to secure the frontier, but he left vague his actual intentions in handling that problem.

There were some sections in a draft version of the report which speculated that Britain might pull out on its own due to internal political pressures and the need to focus on the war with France.  The draft also speculated that Britain had an incentive to hold onto garrison in North America because it gave the king a place to hold large numbers of troops near to its island colonies in the West Indies, but still in a climate where soldiers did not die in great numbers from tropical diseases.

Joseph Reed 

The draft went on to discuss the role of France and possibly Spain in future efforts.  It expressed a belief that Spain’s entry into the war might tip the naval balance sufficiently that Britain would pull out of the United States entirely. 

It appears that Hamilton removed several pages of the report about all this speculation.  He may have done so because Washington did not agree with his assessment.  It may also be that Washington did not want to speculate on the actions of our enemies and allies, but wanted to keep the focus on the resources and capabilities of the Continental army at this time.

The other big issue left out of the report entirely was the defense of the southern colonies.  It is likely that word of the British capture of Savannah had not reached Philadelphia by the time Washington submitted his report.  He did not seem to envision any major operations in the southern colonies for the coming year.

Congress had sent General Benjamin Lincoln to take over the southern command.  But there were no plans to increase the troop levels in those regions.  Any soldiers would need to be recruited locally.  Lincoln did not write to Washington about the capture of Savannah until January 5 or 6.  If he did not send an express rider, news might not have arrived for several weeks.  Washington's report appears to have been delivered on January 8th, and the first mention in the Congressional Record of the capture of Savannah appears on January 20.  Washington’s report gave no consideration to any expanded warfare in the southern states and anticipated no focus on a southern campaign for 1779.

Enlistment Efforts

Washington’s biggest concern about maintaining the Continental Army was that he would have an army to maintain.  In the written report, Washington only talked about the general difficulties of supplying the current army, and the fact that many enlistments would end in the coming months.  

In the field, soldiers were grumbling about being unpaid, underfed, ill-clad, and left in such a state of deprivation that the army might disband on its own.  Washington urged Congress to offer large signing bonuses to keep the soldiers enlisted for the duration of the war.  Congress agreed that men would receive a signing bonus of $200 to continue in service for the course of the war.  It also offered generous bonuses to recruiters who enlisted soldiers.  

With the optimistic tone, at least publicly, that 1779 would probably be the final year of the war, as the Continentals pushed the British out with French assistance, Congress hoped the soldiers would turn out in sufficient numbers to finish the job.  In truth though, no one expected the war to end in 1779.

Officer compensation was also a problem.  Many officers were tired of the miserable conditions, and unlike many enlisted men, often had more attractive options back home.  The lack of any major military operations meant that they would be sitting in camp, fighting boredom and thinking about all the deprivations they were suffering while away from home, and while civilians were prospering.  Officers, as much as the enlisted men, were eager to return home.

Washington urged Congress to agree to pay officers a pension of half-pay for life if they remained until the end of the war.  That was what British officers could count on.  Congress thought that was too expensive.  Instead, it agreed to half-pay for officers for seven years following the end of the war.  That was enough time for them to get back on their own feet and return to work.  

Washington did not believe that was sufficient inducement for many, as it put their old age into great risk.  But that was what Congress was willing to offer, so that is what he got.

Events in Philadelphia

There is no record of Washington having met with General Arnold during his visit.  This is not to say that the two men did not meet. There are a great many days when there is no record for what Washington was doing.  However, the lack of any public meetings with the military governor, while holding several meetings both official and social with his chief rival, Joseph Reed, may indicate that Washington was concerned about the charges of greed and corruption being levied against Arnold.

Juan de Miralles
On Christmas Day, General Washington and his wife  Martha accepted an invitation to dine at the home of Joseph Reed, president of Pennsylvania’s Supreme Executive Council.  Also in attendance were Washington’ aide John Laurens, New York delegate and President of Congress John Jay, Massachusetts delegate Samuel Holten, and Juan de Miralles, a Spanish arms dealer who the Governor of Cuba had sent as an observer to the Continental Congress.

The following Monday, December 28, Washington attended a celebration at the festival of St. John the Evangelist, hosted by the local Society of Free and Accepted Masons.  He was given the place of honor in their procession.

On December 30, Washington wrote to Benjamin Harrison about his concerns for the country and the war effort.  While these comments don’t seem to be directed specifically at Arnold, Washington likely had heard a great deal from Joseph Reed on the topic.  Washington may also have had in mind the Deane Affair, which had led to the resignation of Henry Laurens as President of Congress and which was still a divisive issue.  His thoughts probably applied to a great many leaders.  It does express Washington’s concerns about men looking more to their private interests rather than those of the country.

If I was to be called upon to draw a picture of the times and of Men, from what I have seen, and heard, and in part know, I should in one word say that idleness, dissipation & extravagance seems to have laid fast hold of most of them.-That speculation-peculation-and an insatiable thirst for riches seems to have got the better of every other consideration and almost of every order of Men.-That party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day whilst the momentous concerns of an empire-a great and accumulated debt-ruined finances -depreciated money-and want of credit (which in their consequences is the want of everything) are but secondary considerations and postponed from day to day-from week to week as if our affairs wear the most promising aspect-after drawing this picture, which from my Soul I believe to be a true one, I need not repeat to you that I am alarmed and wish to see my Countrymen roused.

On January 4, 1779, General and Mrs. Washington dined at the home of Robert Morris, another delegate who was under investigation for self-dealing at the time.  Two days later, Washington attended a party at the home of Elizabeth Willing Powell, a prominent socialite.  Washington noted that it was his and Martha’s 20th wedding anniversary that night.  

Several weeks later, on January 18, Washington attended a banquet hosted by Congress in honor of the French minister Gerard.  It was a celebration of the alliance with France and an effort to repair relations after the US decided not to work with France on the conquest of Quebec.

Washington once again delayed his return to the army after the Supreme Executive Council requested that he sit for a portrait by Charles Willson Peale.  The painting was commissioned to hang in the Council Chamber.

Washington Returns to the Army

On January 29, wrote to President John Jay to inform Congress that he would finally be leaving Philadelphia: 

My long and unexpected stay in this City being attended with many inconveniences to the common business of the army, and in other respects, I feel myself under the necessity of requesting the permission of Congress to return ; and, if consistent with their views, I should be glad to set out for the camp at Middlebrook on Monday next.  

G. Washington, 1779 by Peale
Despite his announced departure, the following Monday found Washington still in Philadelphia, sitting for another portrait.  Jay had requested he sit for a medal that Jay wished to create.  Finally on Tuesday, February 2, Washington departed the city.  

A local article noted the departure. 

Tuesday morning, His Excellency General Washington set off from Philadelphia to join the army in New Jersey. During the course of his short stay (the only relief he has enjoyed from service since he first entered into it), he has been honored with every mark of esteem which his exalted qualities as a gentleman and a citizen entitle him to. His Excellency's stay was rendered the more agreeable by the company of his lady, and the domestic retirement which he enjoyed at the house of the Honorable Henry Laurens, Esquire, with whom he resided.

With that announced departure, Washington finally returned to his army.  Although no one may have fully appreciated it yet, Washington was transitioning from a field commander into more of a political leader.   He remained with the army in the field.  But he largely remained near New York City for most of the remainder of the war.  Major combat operations in that area had come to an end.  Washington’s main focus changed from attacking the British, to keeping his army properly supplied and his ranks properly filled. He left most of the combat to his major generals, who pursued the war in the south.

Next week, we will take a look at British and French plans for 1779.

- - -

Next Episode 207 British Opposition, French Distraction 


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Further Reading

Websites

“From George Washington to Major General Stirling, 21 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0548.

“Account of a Duel between Major General Charles Lee and Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, [24 December 1778],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-01-02-0687

“From George Washington to Joseph Reed, 24 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0562

“General Orders, 25 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0564

“From George Washington to the Magistrates of Philadelphia, 25 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0566

“George Washington to the Committee of Conference, 8 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-0003

“From George Washington to the Continental Congress Committee of Conference, 8 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0660

 “From George Washington to the Continental Congress Committee of Conference, 13 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0689

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of Congress, Vol. 5 [1779], Philadelphia: David Claypoole, 1787. 

Baker, William Spohn Itinerary of General Washington from June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783, Philadelphia, J.B. Lippincott Co. 1892. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Burnett, Edmund Cody, The Continental Congress, Macmillan Co. 1941 

Chernow, Ron Washington: A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Flexner, James Thomas Washington: The Indispensable Man, Little, Brown & Co. 1974. 

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, June 13, 2021

ARP205 Congress Enters 1779


Over the winter of 1778-79, the Continental Congress continued its difficult work of keeping the states united, and continuing the war.  Many of the leading delegates had left Congress for other duties.  Benjamin Franklin and John Adams were both in France as diplomats.  Caesar Rodney was now President of Delaware.  Thomas Jefferson had returned to Virginia, where he was revising the state’s statutes and would soon be elected governor.  John Hancock had returned to Congress in the summer of 1778, but after no one seemed interested in returning him to the president’s chair, he left again for Boston and focused more on his business affairs. 

Laurens Controversies

President Henry Laurens, however, had his own issues while presiding over Congress. When he first took the chair in November 1777, he had to deal with the Conway Cabal.  

Henry Laurens
Congress’ big accomplishment during Laurens’ presidency was the passage of the Articles of Confederation.  But a year later, those Articles were going nowhere with state ratification.  The other big issue on Laurens' "to do list was to manage the new alliance with France.

The departure of some of the most important delegates, along with Congress’ failure to meet the needs of the army, and its constant demands on the states, led many to lose respect for Congress.  

Furthering the problem was an increasingly apparent divide between southern delegates and New Englanders.  There had always been some level of distrust between the regions.  Early in the war though, New England was so focused on getting the southern states into the war, that it went out of its way to support southern interests, including the selection of many military leaders from the south in the new Continental Army.  Sectional interests had been growing, and having an impact on many other issues.

Thompson Affair

As all this was happening, another public attack on Congress came in December from General William Thompson.  You may recall Thompson had been one of the first officers from Pennsylvania to join the Continental Army.  His regiment of riflemen arrived only a short time after General Washington took command.  Washington was not a big fan of Thompson, but Congress promoted him anyway to brigadier in March 1776.  When Washington moved the army from Boston to New York, he sent General Thompson off to Quebec.  Thompson managed to get captured only a couple of months after his promotion.  

The British paroled the general and allowed him to return to Pennsylvania, on the condition that he not resume any military duties until exchanged for a British general.  For the next few years, Thompson sat around waiting for an exchange. 

Thomas McKean
Thompson grew increasingly frustrated and angry at the delays.  In September, there were negotiations to exchange Thompson for New Jersey Governor William Franklin, who had become an American prisoner in 1776. Instead of going through with that exchange, Congress opted to exchange Franklin for Delaware Governor John McKinly, whom the British captured during the Philadelphia Campaign.  General Thompson determined that Delaware delegate Thomas McKean was responsible for him losing the exchange.  Then, because the Americans were still holding onto British generals from the Saratoga Campaign, the British army revoked General Thompson’s parole and ordered him to return to New York City for imprisonment.

Just after Thompson received word in November that he would have to return to New York, he sought out McKean at a Philadelphia coffeehouse and got into a violent argument with him.  Thompson called McKean a rascal and a villain, with the apparent intent of getting McKean to challenge him to a duel.  It was also reported that Thompson called Congress a “parcel of damned rascals” although the exact wording is in dispute.

McKean refused to take the bait, and instead reported the incident to Congress.  McKean accused Thompson of insulting Congress.  A military general attacking the honor of the civilian leaders of the government was a serious offense.  Congress held hearings in December to determine exactly what was said.

Thompson denied criticizing Congress generally, and insisted his remarks were against McKean in his personal capacity.  In the end, Congress took no action against Thompson, but also allowed him to return to British custody and left him there for another nearly two years.  The whole incident was another example of how tenuous Congress thought its reputation was becoming with the public.

Resignation over Deane

Just as the Thompson hearings were winding down, Silas Deane decided it was a good time to publish his attack on Congress.  I went into detail about the Deane investigations back in Episode 193. The American diplomat to France had returned to Philadelphia in June, 1778 to face investigations about his activities in bringing covert French assistance to America.  Deane had been the target of secret accusations from fellow commissioner Arthur Lee, whose two brothers Richard Henry Lee and Francis Lightfoot Lee, sat in Congress.

The Lees did not have any solid evidence against Deane, mostly because the accusations were complete BS.  So instead, they chose to drag out the hearings for over a year, without resolving anything and preventing Deane from returning to France.  After about six months, Deane got sick of all this.  He published an article in December 1778 which called out Congress, and the Lees in particular, for his unjust recall from France and for the inability to resolve the complaints against him.  This set off a series of back and forth articles between Deane on the one side, and the Lees, supported by Thomas Paine, on the other.

Henry Laurens, had backed the Lees in this dispute.  He had grown to oppose Deane and believed all the accusations that the Lees had made against him.   Laurens was outraged at Deane’s public attack on Congress.  He moved that Congress form another committee to investigate Deane over the propriety of his publication and to suspend all investigations regarding Deane’s involvement in French assistance until the committee on the publications could issue a final report.  Laurens saw this as a way of dragging out the hearings further to punish Deane for taking this whole affair to the public. The majority in Congress, however, rejected Laurens’ plan and refused to respond as a body to Dean’s article.  

In what appears to have been a pique of frustration at Congress’ inaction, Laurens gave a speech saying that he could no longer be president of a body that refused to defend its dignity and offered his resignation.  It’s not clear if Laurens really meant to resign, or whether he thought the delegates would reject his officer and reconsider his motion to go after Deane.  If it was the latter, he would be disappointed.  Adding to Laurens’ troubles was an accusation against him, that he had leaked confidential information to Thomas Paine during Paine’s public disputes with Deane.

Congress called for a vote for a new president the following day.  Some of Laurens’ allies attempted to reelect Laurens.  But they were in the minority.  By a vote of eight states to four, Congress elected John Jay as its new President. 

President John Jay

John Jay had only arrived as a delegate to Congress a few days earlier. He was just shy of his 33rd birthday when he assumed the president’s chair.  

John Jay
The New York delegate had grown up in a wealthy and prominent family.  His father had been a wealthy merchant.  His mother descended from a prominent Dutch family that had lived in New York before it became British.

Jay had attended college and pursued a career as a lawyer.  He began supporting the patriot cause before the war, and served on the local Committee of Correspondence.  In 1774, he was a delegate to the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia.  After that, he served in the local New York Provincial Congress and as a judge in New York State.  

He joined the Second Continental Congress just a few days before Laurens offered his resignation. I’m not clear on why the majority of delegates turned to the new guy to become president.  It may be that he was perceived as a moderate.  It may also have been that he was a supporter of Silas Deane and that the majority wanted to show support indirectly for Deane.  Whatever their reasons, Congress now had a new president.

Quebec Offensive

Another issue on Congress’ agenda was a new assault on Quebec.  Recall that a year earlier, Congress had approved an assault on Quebec to be led by General Lafayette, but that it could not come up with the men, money, ammunition, and other resources to get the offensive underway.

In the interceding year, France had joined the war.  With the availability of French soldiers, arms, and equipment, and with the reduction of British forces as London moved soldiers to other parts of the empire, they had a much better opportunity in 1779 to push Britain out of Canada.  Lafayette became an ardent advocate of leading an invasion of Quebec.  He pestered both Washington and Congress with proposals to lead just such an offensive. 

George Washington rejected the plan, telling Lafayette that his priorities were capturing New York and Newport.  Washington also wrote to Congress, giving a litany of military reasons why an invasion of Quebec would be a bad idea in 1779, just as he had thought in 1778.

Washington also expressed private concerns to President Henry Laurens in a November 14 letter as to why a French led invasion of Quebec was a bad idea.  Washington looked at the outcome if the offensive succeeded.  Washington noted that the local Quebecois might be very happy to be under French rule again.  France might use the opportunity to assert control there, not just hand over Quebec to become part of the United States.  While France was an American ally at the moment, everyone knew that was primarily the result of their joint opposition to Britain.

France was a larger and more powerful country than Britain.  It also had an absolute monarchy that was probably less disposed than Britain toward supporting the ideals of a republic. Washington had begun his military career opposing French claims to the Ohio Valley.  Returning France to control of Quebec might once again stoke those claims and lead to some future war between the US and France, one where the US would not have Britain as an ally.

Minister Gérard

While Washington valued the alliance with France.  At the same time, he also noted that “it is a maxim founded on the universal experience of Mankind, that no Nation is to be trusted farther than it is bound by its interest.”  French and American interests would likely deviate if France began to build a new empire in America from its hold in Quebec.  Despite the current alliance, Washington saw a longer-term benefit to a British-controlled Quebec than a French-controlled Quebec.

Despite Washington’s letter, Congress tentatively gave support in December to retaking Quebec.  Washington found this of enough concern that he took the extreme step of leaving his army in New York and northern New Jersey to ride to Philadelphia and speak with members of Congress personally.  Washington arrived on December 22 and would remain in Philadelphia through January.  We don’t know exactly what Washington told the committee, but it was likely an elaboration both on his official military concerns as well as the concerns about a French Quebec that he had expressed to Laurens.  During the course of the talks, Congress agreed that an invasion of Quebec was not feasible at the time and withdrew its proposal.

All of this was happening under the watchful eye of French Minister Gérard, who had been in Philadelphia since the summer.  Gérard did not have access to secret Congressional sessions, but he was following events closely.  Gérard’s primary responsibility in America was to make sure that the US did not reach some resolution with Britain that would leave France hanging in the war.  He was still concerned by the fact that the Carlisle Commission still in New York trying to bring about just such a resolution.

Congress’ decision not to cooperate in an invasion of Quebec only added to French fears.  Gérard began pressing for an expression of support for the French alliance and a guarantee that there was no consideration of a peaceful resolution and return of British rule, even under highly advantageous terms to America.  On January 14, Congress complied, passing a resolution unanimously affirming that the US would not enter into any peace with Britain, without France’s agreement.

Lafayette Goes Home

With no Quebec invasion on the agenda, Lafayette requested to return home to France.  Even before Congress made the final decision not to take Quebec, Lafayette saw the writing on the wall.  He also knew that with the war between France and Britain, he should probably go home and return to duty in the French army.

By late October, 1778 Lafayette traveled to Philadelphia to request an indefinite leave from the Continental Army.  Congress granted the request and passed a resolution thanking the young general for his service.  Lafayette departed Philadelphia for New England, planning to catch a ship from Boston to take him home to France.

One the way to New England, the general visited many prominent American leaders and enjoyed a great many stops as he made his way to Boston, in part to lobby important leaders for an invasion of Quebec. By the time he reached New York, Lafayette fell ill and was bedridden for several weeks.   He would not reach Boston until some time in December, and would not get on a ship for France until early January, 1779.  I want to pick up Lafayette’s story in Europe in a couple of week, but before I leave this week, I want to note a few other important issues Congress was dealing with.

Money Problems

Congress’ concern about money was always behind any of its policies.  It never had enough, well maybe it had too much.  It was printing lots of paper money that continued to lose value.  It was always struggling to reduce its financial commitments or put off repayment of debts.  This often led to very real problems.

Representing America's largest creditor was French Minister Gérard.  On his agenda was the issue of payment for all the aid France had provided in the early years of the war.  This was, in part, tied to the whole Silas Deane Affair.  The core of the complaint that Arthur Lee had made against Deane was that Lee claimed France had provided covert assistance free of charge.  Deane had reported that France had fronted the supplies, but very much wanted to be repaid for them.  Lee accused Deane of lying about the demand for payment and wanted to pocket all that money for himself.

When Deane went public with his frustration in December, Paine had responded publicly with the accusation that the French aid was free.  This got the attention of Gérard, who wanted to make clear that yes, they actually did want to be paid.  He began reaching out to members of Congress about getting paid for what many cash-strapped delegates still thought had been free assistance.  It may have gone something like this.

Congress was not able to come up with money to repay France.  Congress was divided on the issue.  They did not want to cause a break in the alliance over a few boatloads of tobacco.  On the other hand, the Lee faction did not want to admit that the accusations made against Deane were completely false and without merit.  In the end, Congress passed a vague resolution disavowing Paine’s articles, and assuring France that America would comply with all agreements, once they had all the details.

At the same time Congress was assuring France that it would pay for the early assistance, it was also asking France, along with anyone else in Europe, to lend them even more money toward the war effort.  

Continental three dollar bill
So far, Congress had managed to keep the economy afloat by printing millions of paper continental dollars.  These were essentially promissory notes that permitted the bearer to receive a certain amount of gold or silver at some future point.  The value of the dollars depended on people believing, (1) that Congress would still exist in the future, after having won the war, and (2) that Congress would come up with some way to acquire enough gold and silver to pay off those notes.

By the end of 1777, a Congressional committee reported that it had put $28 million worth of Continental dollars into circulation over the course of three years.  In fact, by that time, they had actually put about $36 million into circulation. 

Congress also tried to make requests for money from the states, but those were not very forthcoming.  It skimped wherever it thought it could, for example, not paying the soldiers, and requiring the states to provide food, clothing, and other supplies for their soldiers in the Continental Army.  Congress also seemed happy to stiff people where they could, such as refusing to pay the debts incurred by Silas Deane or Benedict Arnold, to name just two examples of probably hundreds of men who believed that Congress would never pay what it owed.

The dollars that Congress had released in 1775 would start coming due for redemption in gold or silver beginning in 1779.  At the beginning of that year, delegates still had no way of repaying those. Future emissions of currency had no fixed redemption rate.  Even so, Congress knew that at some point, it needed to find a way to make good on its financial promises.  Congress directed its European agents to obtain loans so that it could repay some of its commitments, but the loans of course just kicked the problem down the road as they would have to be repaid with interest.  European lenders were highly dubious that Congress would ever be able to pay off any loans and were reluctant to offer credit at any terms.

Instead, Congress doubled down on printing money.  In 1778, it emitted about $68 million and in 1779 it would emit another $100 million.  I will get into the currency crisis of 1779 in a future episode, but the headline is that as more money was printed, the less value it retained. By the end of 1778, the Continental Dollar was worth about 12.5 cents.  By the end of 1779, that would fall to about 2.5 cents.

Congress came up with a creative way to push this economic burden onto the states without collecting taxes directly.  It ordered states to collect a certain amount of Continental currency each year in order to protect the value of the money.  The idea was that states would accept Continental dollars for payment of taxes or other debts, then turn over those bills for destruction and help to keep the remaining dollars in circulation to maintain their value.  It would take an estimated twenty years to redeem all the currency, but they at least had a plan in place.  We'll see how all that works.

Next Week, We will take a closer look at George Washington’s visit to Congress.

- - -

Next Episode 206 George Washington in Philadelphia 


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Further Reading

Websites

Norton, Louis Arthur “The Connecticut Activity of William Franklin, Loyalist” Journal of the American Revolution, November 1, 2017: https://allthingsliberty.com/2017/11/connecticut-captivity-william-franklin-loyalist

Wilson, Megan "A Damned Set of Rascals" The Continental Army vs. The Continental Congress: Tensions Among revolutionaries, LSU Master’s Thesis, 2012: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2199&context=gradschool_theses

The Affair of Silas Deane, Thomas Paine Historical Society: https://thomaspaine.org/essays/american-revolution/the-affair-of-silas-deane.html

Address of Silas Deane to the Free and Virtuous Citizens of America, https://docs.google.com/document/d/e/2PACX-1vQrAIUZiKFv5_cKX4NCwqayfFIftj_3BJeHjFxlrOm6Y_6iOR46CAStc3LfVTRQtZ80LCBzc3nvap1i/pub

“From George Washington to Henry Laurens, 14 November 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0147

Laurens, Henry. “The Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 13, no. 2, 1889, pp. 232–236. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20083317

Grubb, Farley The Continental Dollar: Initial Design, Ideal Performance, and the Credibility of Congressional Commitment, 2013: https://www.eh.net/eha/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Grubb.pdf

Grubb, Farley. “The Continental Dollar: How Much Was Really Issued?” The Journal of Economic History, vol. 68, no. 1, 2008, pp. 283–291. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40056783

Farley Grubb. “State Redemption of the Continental Dollar, 1779–90.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 69, no. 1, 2012, pp. 147–180. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.69.1.0147

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, vol. 12, US Govt. Printing Office, 1904. 

Deane, Silas The Deane Papers, Vol. 3, New York Historical Society, 1889. 

Ingraham, Edward D. Papers in Relation to the Case of Silas Deane, Philadelphia: Seventy-Six Society, 1855. 

Laurens, Henry “The Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1889. 

Lee, William Reply of William Lee to the charges of Silas Deane,1779, Brooklyn: Historical Printing Club, 1891. 

Pellew, George John Jay, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 1890. 

Wallace, David Duncan The Life Of Henry Laurens, New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1915. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Burnett, Edmund Cody, The Continental Congress, Macmillan Co. 1941 

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950. 

Stahr, Walter John Jay: Founding Father, Bloomsbury Academic, 2005. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, June 6, 2021

ARP204 British Capture Savannah

Last week I talked about the British capture of St. Lucia in the West Indies, and how the British had intentionally put the war out of New York on the back burner.  Sir Henry Clinton remained in command at New York, but many thousands of his soldiers were sent elsewhere in the empire.  This ended large-scale British operations in the north.  The British were concerned about fighting the French all over their empire.  The North American colonies in rebellion were no longer the highest priority for the ministry in London.

British Southern Strategy

That said, Britain had not given up on the colonies entirely. In addition to Caribbean islands, The British still hoped to restore authority in some of the southern colonies.  The British had never lost control of East and West Florida, although only a few hundred white colonists lived in those colonies.

I’ve covered the disputes between British-controlled East Florida and patriot-controlled Georgia in earlier episodes.  In all of those skirmishes, the total combatants amounted to a few hundred men.  These were both relatively unpopulated colonies.  Excluding Native Americans, all of Georgia had a population of around 30,000, and almost half of that population was enslaved people of African descent.

So, it was reasonable for the British leadership to assume that with a few thousand regulars, they should be able to reclaim Georgia for crown rule.  Low population aside, the ministry believed that there was a much larger loyalist population in the southern colonies, just waiting for the army to show the flag, and they would rally.

This may sound a bit like Charlie Brown with the football.  We’ve already been through New England, where locals said, deploy the army and the loyalists will turn out.  That did not happen.  Next, they went into New York and the mid-Atlantic states, where local leaders said if they deployed the army, the loyalists would turn out.  That did not happen either.  Now they were being told that the same failed game plan would work in the southern colonies.

There, was, however, some reason for British leaders to be hopeful.  Anglicans made up a much larger portion of the southern colonies.  Anglicans tended to be loyalists.  These colonies were also made up of large plantation owners with a fair amount of wealth and a lot to lose in a revolution.  Large landowners tended to appreciate the stability of a monarchy and did not usually want to overthrow the whole system.  Sure, sometimes even nobles in England might see a chance to topple and king and take it.  But most wealthy landowners were survivors who wanted to protect their family wealth rather than charging off on some idealistic crusade. 

With that in mind, leaders in London hoped that the southern colonies would be more amenable to returning to crown authority when pushed.  This would provide the British with control of some of the wealthiest colonies in North America and would also provide support for the more valuable island colonies in the West Indies.  Having secured the southern colonies, once the war with France ended, then they could think about retaking the mid-Atlantic and New England colonies later.

The deep south and West Indies colonies also provided another lure, warm winters.  Typically armies fighting up north had to go into winter quarters during the coldest months.  Many of these regiments could be redeployed to the south for winter campaigns.  That was why the British removed so many soldiers from New York in October or November, shipping them to the south.

Robert Howe Recalled

The British also looked at the American defenses in the south, and figured they had a much better chance of victory there based on the military status in that region.  Southern states had significant militia, but had concerns about sending large numbers of fighting men off on campaigns.  These states had very large slave populations.  The main reason slaves did not rise up against their masters, was the fear of military repression by the militia.  If the militia marched off to war, slaves might take that opportunity, especially if they had British military backing.

Robert Howe

In part, because of that concern, and probably also because of some general arrogance, the state governors did not seem to have a good relationship with the Continental Army.  I’ve discussed some of this in prior episodes.  Major General Robert Howe (no relation to the British Howes) commanded the continentals in the south.  Howe was, in fact, the only major general from a state south of Virginia.  The only other major general was William Moultrie, who did not receive his commission until late 1782, about a year after Yorktown, and about a year before the Continental Army disbanded.  Moultrie was the very last major general commissioned in the Continental Army.

I gave a little more background on General Howe in episode 191, but to recap: he was from a wealthy North Carolina family and had been an active patriot before the war.  He and fellow North Carolinian James Moore received Continental Commissions in early 1776 as the war prepared to expand beyond New England.  When General Moore died in 1777, Howe became the senior officer south of Virginia and had received a promotion to major general in late 1777.

Howe had briefly engaged in some military actions in Virginia in 1775, as the colonists were pushing out Lord Dunmore.  But since his commission in the Continental Army, his responsibilities were exclusively southward.  He had participated in the defense of Charleston, South Carolina in the summer of 1776 under Charles Lee. When Lee moved north again, General Moore took command of the southern department.  Moore got sick and died in April 1777, leaving the southern department to Howe.  

Since that time, Howe’s main focus was keeping the loyalist raiders from East Florida from threatening the southern Georgia frontier.  Most of his time, though, was fighting with the southern governors, all of whom wanted more soldiers in their states and who did not want to give the Continentals any say over how the state militia was used.  I also noted back in episode 191 that Howe even fought a duel with General Christopher Gadsden.  Both men survived, but Gadsden resigned his Continental Commission and took up political office in South Carolina, where he remained a determined enemy of Howe.

The failure of the Florida expedition in the summer of 1778 resulted in even more squabbling between General Howe and the southern governors.  The Continental Congress finally got involved and in September ordered that General Benjamin Lincoln take the southern command.  General Howe would be sent north to a different command.  

Recall that Lincoln had been seriously wounded a year earlier near Saratoga and had been recovering from his terrible leg injury.  During his recuperation, Lincoln seriously considered resigning.  One reason was that General Benedict Arnold had received retroactive seniority, putting him ahead of Lincoln and other newer major generals.  Lincoln took this as disrespectful of his commission.  He let that blow over though and returned to duty.

He had only rejoined the army in August, 1778 in New Jersey.  In late September, Congress ordered Lincoln to take the southern command.  He received those orders in early October.  Lincoln departed the army within a few days, but took two months to reach his new command in Charleston, South Carolina.  Along the way, Lincoln spent some time in Philadelphia, conferring with members of Congress, then in Williamsburg, Virginia, for more discussions.  There, a fall re-injured his wounded leg, causing a few more weeks of delay. By late November, he had made to Kingston, North Carolina, where he paused again for more discussions with the governor.  He finally arrived in Charleston on December 4.

General Howe had received orders of his recall.  But, until Lincoln arrived, Howe remained in command.  On November 18, while Lincoln was still in North Carolina.  Howe marched out of Charleston with 550 Continental soldiers after receiving word that the British planned another attack in Georgia.  Howe was in Savannah by the time Lincoln arrived in Charleston.  The men exchanged letters.  Lincoln agreed that Howe should remain with his forces at Savannah to meet this attack.

Archibald Campbell

The British threat came from an expedition sent from New York City.  Sir Henry Clinton had deployed a force of mostly regulars to capture Georgia. He had placed the expedition under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Archibald Campbell.

As you might guess from the last name, Campbell was from Scotland.  He was the second son of a Scottish noble.  As is the common fate of non-first born sons, Campbell seemed bound for a life in the military. Unlike many nobles, Campbell did not take a commission as a child in order to build up early seniority.  Instead, he attended the University of Glasgow, then went to the new Royal Academy at Woolwich to study engineering.  He received a commission as an artillery officer and served in the Seven Years War.  

Archibald Campbell
Campbell served at the Siege of Quebec under General James Wolf and returned home to recuperate.  He then deployed on several raids along the French coast and well as a tour in the West Indies.  Building a good military reputation and rising in rank.

Following the war, Campbell was still in his twenties, and trying to figure out what to do with his life.  In 1768, he moved to India, taking a position as chief engineer of the British East India Company at Bengal.  There, Campbell focused on building fortifications for the local garrison.

He also found time for some private business.  He invested in establishing a private dockyard in Calcutta that did quite well, eventually selling it to the government.  He also established a very profitable silk trade.

After making a considerable fortune in only a few years, Campbell returned home to Scotland.  He purchased several large estates, and even buying his own island.  In 1774, he ran for, and won, a seat in the House of Commons.

He did not remain in Parliament very long.  In 1775, as the rebellion in America heated up, Campbell raised a regiment of regulars in Scotland to go fight for the King in America.  He turned over his seat in Parliament to his older brother and boarded a ship with his new regiment, the 71st regiment of Highlanders, headed for America.

The regiment sailed aboard six smaller ships bound for Boston.  Along the way, the small fleet encountered a violent storm causing two of the ships to get lost and eventually end up in New York.  The other ships finally made it to Boston in June, after a difficult journey.

As the ships approached Boston Harbor, they fought with several American privateer ships outside the harbor.  They forced their way past those ships and into Boston Harbor, prepared to join General Howe’s army.  Unfortunately for Campbell and his men, they had not received word that General Howe had sailed for Halifax several months earlier and that Boston was under the command of the Continental Army.  Lieutenant Colonel Campbell became Prisoner of War Campbell the moment he set foot in America.

Immediately following his capture, Campbell received rather good treatment.  The enemy allowed him to keep his side arm and gave him parole.  He and several of his officers ended up in Reading, Massachusetts with 22 servants to care for them.  The only real disagreement was that the locals did not want to pay for all of these servants for the prisoner.  Campbell had to dismiss a few of them, and pick up the tab for the rest.

Over time, treatment got worse.  In December, 1776, after Campbell had been a prisoner for about six months, The British captured Continental General Charles Lee in northern New Jersey. The Continental Congress offered to exchange Campbell and five Hessian officers captured at Trenton for the return of General Lee.  The British refused the exchange, and were seriously considering executing Lee as a deserter and traitor to the Crown.

General Washington then informed General Howe that the Americans would treat Campbell and the other Hessian officers offered in exchange in the same manner the British treated General Lee.  Campbell found his parole revoked and that he was locked up in the Concord jail, under the control of the sheriff.  Campbell wrote to Generals Washington and Howe, complaining of his treatment, and after a few weeks was permitted to take a room in a nearby tavern.  A few months later, after the Americans received word that the British had given General Lee better quarters, they permitted Campbell to rent a small country home near Concord.

Finally, in May 1778, the Americans exchanged Campbell for Ethan Allen, which I discussed back in episode 179.  Campbell returned to New York, just before the main army under General Clinton arrived after the Philadelphia evacuation.  As Clinton followed his orders from London to send large portions of his army to other parts of the Empire, he gave Campbell his first command in America.  Campbell would take his regiment of Highlanders, along with several other regiments to restore Crown rule in Georgia.

In total, Campbell commanded about 3100 men, including loyalists.  Campbell boasted that he would be the first British officer to remove a star and a stripe from the new American flag.  His fleet departed Sandy Hook on November 27, headed for Georgia.

American Defense

In addition to Campbell’s force from New York, General Clinton had sent word to St. Augustine for the garrison there to march north and join Campbell in taking their first target: Savannah.  The Loyalist Thomas “Burntfoot” Brown had raided into Georgia at least four times prior to this attack. Each time, his men were driven back into Florida.  But in each of these raids, Brown only had a few hundred men, mostly local loyalists.  With the arrival of 3000 regulars, that would change the balance of power entirely.  Florida’s garrison, which contained not only Brown’s loyalists but also a regiment of regulars under General Augustine Prévost.

Campbell’s fleet arrived at the mouth of the Savannah River on December 23.  He had planned to wait for Prévost to arrive.  However, when he saw the American defenses, he decided that waiting could only risk changing what looked like an easy victory.

Capture of Savannah, 1778
As had been the case for General Howe’s entire command, his Continentals got no help from the Georgia militia.  Georgia Governor John Houstoun had refused to cooperate with General Howe six months earlier, leading to disaster in the last fight with Florida loyalists.  With General Howe back in the State, Governor Houstoun seemed no more interested in any military cooperation.  He refused to give Howe any authority to command the militia.  Howe had only the 550 Continentals he had brought with him from South Carolina, and another 200 soldiers who were already in the State.

The Americans spotted the British fleet gathering in the waters just outside Savannah, Governor Houstoun relented and gave permission for a mere 100 local militia to cooperate with the Continentals. That left General Howe with about 850 defenders to fight off an attacking force of 3100 regulars, Hessians, and loyalists.

Howe held a council of war to discuss options.  Given the lopsided numbers, one option was simply to abandon Savannah and protect the Continental forces to fight another day.  The other was to stand and fight.  The council opted to fight, hoping that they could hold out long enough until General Lincoln could arrive with more reinforcements.

British Landing

On the morning of December 29, Campbell began landing his British forces at Girardeau's Plantation, about two miles south of Savannah.  When General Howe received intelligence that the British had begun bringing the soldiers to shore, he deployed two companies of Continentals to contest the landing.

The Americans took a position on the heights above the beach and began firing on the British.  Campbell, who had only begun a landing that would take several hours, deployed two companies of highlanders to take the heights.

The British charged up the hill at the American line.  The Continentals fired a volley at about 100 yards, killing four of the attackers and wounding five others.  The volley did not slow the British attack, which continued at the Americans with fixed bayonets, not stopping to return fire.  Rather than engage in hand-to-hand, the Americans fled the field, giving control of the heights to the British. 

With the harassing fire gone, Campbell continued his landing, getting all men ashore by about noon.  With his forces ready, he began to march on Savannah at around noon.

Final Stand

General Howe planned a final stand about a half-mile just south of the town.  This was land of the Continentals choosing, with the expectation that it would reduce the ability of the British to make use of their numerical advantage.

Howe deployed his entire force into a V shape with two lines closing in as the attackers moved forward.  On each side of the line was a swampy area that prevented the enemy from trying to flank the defensive lines.  The Continentals also deployed four cannons to back up the infantry lines and used light infantry to protect both flanks.

Isaac Huger
Howe’s left line in the V was comprised of Georgia Continentals and militia under Samuel Elbert.  The right line included the South Carolina Continentals he had brought from Charleston along with a few militia under Isaac Huger and William Thomson. 

It was a pretty good defensive position, except for one problem  After the British arrived at around 2:00 PM, a local slave informed Colonel Campbell that there was a path that would lead through the swamp and allow the British to get behind the American right flank undetected.

Campbell deployed a force of 350 light infantry regulars and 250 loyalists to march through the path in the swamp, guided by the slave as the rest of his regulars and Hessians formed into lines in front of the Americans.  

With the defenders focused on the main attack force, the other flanking force was able to make its way through the swamp undetected.  The British opened fire on the Americans from both the front and the rear at the same time.  The entire right side of the American defensive line found itself surrounded almost immediately and surrendered.  Any men who did not surrender right away were bayoneted to death. 

The left line also fled in a panic, back towards Savannah.  A rearguard action allowed some men to escape, but many others drowned trying to get across a creek.

Aftermath

The result was a pretty dramatic and one sided British victory.  Aside from the nine casualties at the beach, the British suffered only three killed and twelve wounded at the final stand.  The Americans suffered 83 killed, 11 wounded, and 453 captured. Only about 300 managed to escape.  The British took control of Savannah that same day, without any further resistance.

A short time later, the Florida contingent arrived and General Prévost took command of Savannah.  The British used Savannah as only a starting point to take back the entire colony of Georgia over the next few months.  But those future offensives will have to be the topic of a future episode.  

Next week, as we enter 1779, I want to return to Philadelphia to catch up on what the Continental Congress is doing.

- - -

Next Episode 205 Continental Congress Enters 1779 


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

Davis, Robert S. "Archibald Campbell (1739-1791)." New Georgia Encyclopedia. 29 August 2014: https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/archibald-campbell-1739-1791

“From George Washington to Major General Benjamin Lincoln, 3 October 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-17-02-0248

“To George Washington from Major General Benjamin Lincoln, 19 December 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0525

“To George Washington from Major General Benjamin Lincoln, 5–6 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-18-02-0645

Schenawolf, Harry “American Revolution: In the South, Not a War for Liberty, But a Brutal Civil War Between Patriots and Loyalists” Revolutionary War Journal, 2017. http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/southern-patriots-loyalists-in-the-revolutionary-war-not-a-battle-of-good-vs-evil-but-a-civil-war-grasping-a-cause-to-justify-violence

Thomas Brown: https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/thomas-brown-1750-1825

Augustine Prevost: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/biographies/augustine-pr%C3%A9vost

Battle of Savannah: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1778/battle-of-savannah

Lawrence, Alexander A. “General Robert Howe and the British Capture of Savannah in 1778.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 36, no. 4, 1952, pp. 303–327. JSTOR: www.jstor.org/stable/40577396

Searcy, Martha Condray. “1779: The First Year of the British Occupation of Georgia.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 67, no. 2, 1983, pp. 168–188. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40581049

Nunis, Doyce B. “COLONEL ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL'S MARCH FROM SAVANNAH TO AUGUSTA, 1779.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 45, no. 3, 1961, pp. 275–286. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40578148

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Jones, Charles C. The History of Georgia Vol. 2, Boston: Houghton & Mifflin Co. 1883: 

McCall, Hugh The History of Georgia, containing brief sketches of the most remarkable events up to the present day, (1784), Atlanta: A.H. Caldwell, 1909 reprint.: 

Peck, John Mason Lives of Daniel Boone and Benjamin Lincoln, Boston : C.C. Little and J. Brown, 1847. 

Walcott, Charles H. Sir Archibald Campbell of Inverneill; sometime prisoner of war in the jail at Concord, Massachusetts, Boston, T. Todd, 1899. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bennett Charles E. and Donald R. Lennon A Quest for Glory: Major General Robert Howe and the American Revolution, NC Univ. Press, 1991. 

Cashin, Edward The King's Ranger: Thomas Brown and the American Revolution on the Southern Frontier, New York: Fordham University Press, 1999. 

Mattern, David B. Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1998: 

Piecuch, Jim Three Peoples, One King: Loyalists, Indians, and Slaves in the Revolutionary South, 1775-1782, Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 2008. 

Russell, David Lee. The American Revolution in the Southern Colonies. McFarland & Company, 2000. 

Searcy, Martha C. The Georgia-Florida Contest in the American Revolution, 1776-1778 Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1985.

Wilson, David K. The Southern Strategy: Britain’s Conquest of South Carolina and Georgia 1775-1780, Univ. of S.C. Press, 2005. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.