Showing posts with label 1768. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1768. Show all posts

Sunday, February 11, 2018

Episode 031: Wilkes and Liberty & Tar and Feathers





Last week, we discussed the growing crisis in Boston.  But that was not the only issue on London’s agenda.

In 1768 France invaded the island of Corsica, which had been part of Genoa.  The people of Corsica rose up to resist and requested help from Britain.  Prime Minister Grafton, more focused on the American colonies, failed to act decisively, allowing France to take control.  This failure earned Grafton criticism at home for being too weak and encouraging France to become more aggressive.  Though they had no reason to know it at the time, the failure to keep Corsica independent of France would have great consequences a generation later.  The next year, in 1769, a Corsican couple, Carlo and Maria Bonaparte would give birth to their son Napoleon as a French citizen.

John Wilkes Returns

There was also a domestic uproar in England.  You may recall back in Episode 16, I discussed the radical Whig John Wilkes.  He had to flee to France in 1763 after attacking the King’s speech.  Wilkes returned from France in 1768, mostly to escape debts that he had run up in that country.  On his return, he ran for Parliament again.  He also had to face the consequences of being convicted in absentia for seditious libel.

John Wilkes
(from Wikimedia)
Wilkes both won his election and went to prison.  Wilkes remained incredibly popular in his district, among commoners nationwide, and also in the colonies.  One place he was not popular though, was in Parliament itself. During its 1768-69 session, Parliament expelled Wilkes three times, only to see him re-elected each time.  In the third election, in February 1769, Wilkes, still in prison, won with over 80% of the vote.  This time, Parliament decided to seat his opponent.  Members reasoned that the losing candidate had the most votes of any “qualified” candidate.  Opponents asked, what’s the point of holding elections if you can simply seat the loser because you don’t like the winner?

The fact that the King and the government hated Wilkes only seemed to make him more popular with the people.  An estimated 15,000 supporters demonstrated in the fields outside Wilkes’ prison, demanding that authorities free him.  The protesters posted a demand on the prison wall.  The text of the note does not survive, but one reader said it “talked about liberty” and another called it “the raving of some patriotic bedlamite.”  As an interesting aside, the term “patriot” in England at the time referred to someone who disrupted government activities.  It was an epithet, not a compliment.

When authorities tore down the document, the crowd turned violent and began throwing rocks.  Officials read them the riot act and called out a troop of grenadiers.  The soldiers fired on the crowd, killing six and wounding another fifteen. Protesters called it the St. George’s Fields Massacre.

Wilkes served nearly two years on prison, making his case a major political  issue for most of 1768 and 1769.  While still in prison, voters elected him an alderman of London.  Upon his release in March 1770, they elected him sheriff of London.

Whigs in the colonies made out Wilkes to be a hero of almost mythical proportions.  A popular Whig toast at the time was “Wilkes and Liberty.”  He became the personification of the fight for basic liberties for which the colonies were also fighting. While in prison, he corresponded with colonial groups, including several Sons of Liberty organizations.  Several colonies sent him gifts to make his imprisonment more comfortable, or to assist with his legal challenges.

In 1769 the South Carolina Assembly borrowed £1500 from the treasury to donate to a charity supporting Wilkes.  When they later attempted to appropriate money to repay the loan, the crown-appointed council vetoed the appropriation.  This led to a stand-off that prevented the colony from appropriating any taxes after 1769.  The fight broadened in 1771 at which time they could pass no laws at all.  This standoff lasted until the Colony created a new provincial Congress in 1775.

London Refuses to Back Down

While distracted by affairs in Europe and the political firestorm over Wilkes, the ministry still had to focus on the effect the colonial non-importation agreements were having on the British economy. That, and other colonial resistance from rioters and political organizing that bordered on treason definitely required attention.

Grafton’s government could not agree on how to deal with the colonies.  A sizable group, apparently including Grafton himself, favored a full repeal of the Townshend Acts.  They argued a return to the status quo would return trade and end the protests over what was almost nothing in taxes.  The Cabinet held an informal vote in May 1769.  They narrowly rejected a full repeal.  Had this close vote gone the other way, it is likely that the dispute with the colonies might have ended, or at least been delayed for decades.  But it did not, and the rift continued to grow.

Everyone in the ministry agreed, though, that something had to be done.  The more hardline members of the Cabinet rejected full repeal.  They thought, probably correctly, that backing down a second time after the Stamp Act reversal, would only make the colonies demand even more policy changes.

The majority was willing to remove duties on the manufactured goods.  After all, they wanted to encourage export of British manufactured goods to the colonies.  At the same time, they wanted to retain the tea tax.  This would make clear that Parliament had the authority to impose such duties, and that the colonies would have to respect that.  Even so, they would not implement any of these changes until the following year.

Drawing and Quartering of
Thomas Armstrong for
Treason, 1683.  Use of this
punishment was rare, but did
happen as late as the 1780s.
 (from Wikimedia)
The Administration then tried a little carrot and stick diplomacy.  Officials leaked the discussions of repeal to London merchants, knowing that word would quickly reach the colonies via informal lines of communication. They also let it be known that they planned to apply the Treason Act to colonists who persisted in opposing the authority of Parliament.

The Treason Act dated from the reign of Henry VIII and was definitely old school.  An accused traitor could be brought to London and thrown in the Tower.  If found guilty at trial, all of his family’s properties would be forfeited to the King.  The traitor would be hanged by the neck, then cut down while still alive.  Next, he would be disemboweled using metal hooks, again while still alive.  Finally, he would be beheaded, then his body chopped into quarters and made available to the King for use as he saw fit.

This only seemed to increase colonial protests.  Virginia and others drafted petitions condemning the removal of accused traitors to England for trial.  That was a violation of their liberties. Indications that the government might back down on the Townshend Acts the following year, only encouraged the colonies to hang in there with non-importation agreements.

Lord North becomes Prime Minister

Grafton’s ministry could not reach a consensus on how to resolve the colonial problems.  If his own ministry was divided, Parliament generally showed even less interest in doing anything to mollify the colonists.  In January 1770 Parliament rejected Grafton’s requests for an inquiry to consider the ongoing complaints of the colonies.  Seeing that his conciliatory approach was going nowhere, Prime Minister Grafton resigned his office on January 28, 1770.  Lord North, leader of the hardliners, succeeded him as Prime Minister.

Lord North
(from Wikimedia)
North became only the second Tory to serve as Prime Minister, the first being the Earl of Bute.  Although politics was not strictly partisan at this time, North clearly brought a more autocratic and heavy handed colonial policy than did his predecessors.  Prior to his appointment, North had not been particularly outspoken on the colonies.  He had voted against the repeal of the Stamp Act and in Grafton’s ministry had opposed a repeal of the Townshend Acts.  With North in charge of the government and Hillsborough in charge of colonial affairs, Britain moved toward a much more confrontational policy toward the recalcitrant colonies.

I introduced Lord North a couple of episodes back, and will certainly have more to say about him and future episodes.  But this would prove to end any chance of a compromise acceptable to the colonists. 

Tar and Feathers

I want to turn my attention back to America.  I’ve been discussing mob activity for the last few episodes, but have not had a chance to discuss the practice of tarring and feathering.  The practice, long associated with the Revolution, needs some explanation.  Between 1768 and 1770, it became common tactic against customs informers.

The practice of tarring and feathering goes back to the middle ages.  Typically, this was not a government punishment.  It was something that a group of commoners did to one of their own in order to punish and humiliate them, not kill them.  Many instances therefore, may not be documented.  However, the colonists did not seem to be familiar with the practice until the 1760s.

Typically, the tar used was sap from pine trees.  When heated over about 140 degrees F, the sap becomes liquid.  Ship makers and sailors used hot pine tar to waterproof ships, sails, and ropes, so it was a common commodity in seaports.

Feathers were also readily available.  Birds slaughtered for food had their feathers removed.  These normally would be used for pillows and cushions.

Sometimes attackers would strip the victim, applying the tar directly to his skin.  This would cause painful blistering and would be extremely difficult and painful to remove, but not deadly.  Sometimes they would apply the tar over the clothing, making it less painful and easier to remove, but still humiliating.

With the tar still hot, the mob would roll the victim in a pile of feathers or simply dump a bag of feathers over him.  The drying tar would hold the feathers all over his body.  Frequently, they would then carry the victim around town and subject him to public ridicule. People would often jeer, spit, throw rotten eggs, or otherwise express their derision as the tormentors put the tarred and feathered victim on public display.

The first known victim of tarring and feathering in the colonies was a ship captain named William Smith in Norfolk, Virginia.   In 1766, a Norfolk merchant and ship-owner named John Gilchrist came to believe that Smith had reported contraband aboard one of his ships, the Vigilant.

According to Smith, a group of men assaulted him, covered his body with tar, threw feathers all over him.  They then carted him through the city streets of Norfolk to face the jeering crowds who threw stones at him.  Finally they threw him into the ocean where he claims he would have drowned if not rescued by a passing ship.  Smith also specifically named the Mayor of Norfolk as participating in the actions against him.

Use of Tar and Feathers in Boston 
(from Journal of the American Revolution)
In 1768, the New England Sons of Liberty decided to use the technique to punish informants who cooperated with the Customs Board.  Some of the details seem to be a little hazy.  In the summer of 1768, an unidentified group tarred and feathered an unnamed informant in Salem, Massachusetts.  In September, in two separate incidences, John Row and Robert Wood received a tar and feathering. An account of Robert Wood’s punishment says he was stripped naked, tarred and feathered, then forced to sit on a hogshead under the Tree of Liberty in the town commons.  Again, both took place in Salem, allegedly for reporting customs violations to the authorities.

On September 10, Patriots in Newburyport, Massachusetts tarred and feathered Joshua Vickery and Francis Magno.  Again, the accused allegedly informed authorities about customs violations.  According to one account, men placed Vickery in the village stocks for two hours.  Next they carried him through town in a cart so that people could pelt him with rocks and eggs.  His captors held him overnight.  In the morning they tore out his hair.  They then forced him to pull a horse cart through town, again subjecting him to public attacks.  He and Magno, who was also stripped naked and tarred and feathered, were then taken to jail where they were prosecuted for breach of the peace.

The arrival of soldiers in Boston in October 1768 seemed to eliminate more overt mob activities.  The only other incident I could find for nearly a year, happened in Providence, Rhode Island on May 29, 1769.  Jesse Saville was accused of providing information to the customs house.  Rather than an open attack, it seems a group grabbed Saville in secret at night, covered him with turpentine and feathers, then beat him severely.  I’ve also read accounts of a “Jesse Savil” being tarred and feathered in Gloucester, Massachusetts in 1770.  It’s not clear if this is the same event with confused facts, or a second attack, possibly on the same person.  Some records indicate that Saville was a customs officer, and therefore might have been a target of multiple attacks.

In September 1769. Nathan Smith of New Haven, Connecticut informed customs officials that a prominent merchant had been smuggling rum.  A few weeks later, Smith found himself in the hands of a mob.  They put him in a cart, carried him through town and forced him to announce to the public that he was “a liar, an informer, and a pest to society.”  After this, they covered him in tar and feathers, after which they allowed him to return home.

In October in New York City, several men, one name Mitchner, another named Kelly, and possibly one or two more, informed authorities about some illegally imported wine.  A few days later, a mob caught up with them, applied tar and feathers and carted them through town.  Eventually authorities were able to break up the mob and release the men.

That same month Philadelphia mobs tarred and feathered another alleged informer, whose identity is not known.  Local accounts say the accused was ducked, placed in a pillory, then tarred, feathered, and paraded through the streets for about two hours.

On October 28, 1769, Boston held its first tar and feather event.  George Gailer had been a sailor aboard the HMS Liberty, now working to catch smugglers.  After radicals sank the Liberty, Gailer got a job on another merchant vessel, which authorities raided for smuggling.  Patriots believed Gailer had informed on his own ship

A mob grabbed Gailer, stripped him, applied the tar and feathers, then carried him around town for around three hours.  The mob, estimated at between 1000 and 1500 forced Gailer to hold a lantern as they paraded him around town at night.  The mob also demanded that all residents put a candle in their window to show support.  Just in case you thought this was voluntary, any darkened windows received a barrage of rocks.

As they carted him around town, beating Gailer with sticks and stones, they also attacked the homes of several other Tories.  They even paraded Gailer past the customs house, where an armed sentry stood guard. The threw stones through the windows of the customs house and threatened to hoist the guard onto the cart alongside Gailer.  In the end though, they left the frightened guard at his post.  Eventually, the mob led Gailer to the Liberty Tree where they forced him to take an oath promising never to inform again and thanking the mob for its leniency in not killing him.  Eventually, they released him, returned his clothes and allowed him to return home.

Gailer tried to bring charges against several of the assailants whom he recognized.  According to some accounts, there was a criminal trial at which they were found not guilty, though it probably did not get to trial because a Boston Grand Jury would never indict. Gailer also brought a civil suit against seven of his attackers.  He sued for damages of £2000, but the case never appears to have made it to trial.

Some historians report another event in Boston in November, where a mob tarred and feathered a man for “causing a woman to be harassed by soldiers.”  I have not been able to find any more details on this event.  If anyone knows any more about this, please let me know.

In May 1770, after the army pulled out of Boston, Owen Richards, who worked for the Customs Board, refused a bribe and tried to seize the schooner Martin.  While a group of men tarred and feathered Richards, another group unloaded the Martin and spirited away the contraband. Richards was held for more than six hours, probably the time it took to unload the Martin, during which time the men carted him around town.  Eventually, the mob set his feathers on fire, causing more serious harm.  Richards survived and filed a civil suit for £1000, again I have not been able to determine the outcome of that suit.

The Sons of Liberty took up another tactic: tarring and feathering buildings.  Merchants and others who violated the non-importation agreements in 1770 often found the outside of their shops covered in tar and feathers.  This was a lesser form of attack, more vandalism than assault.  But it also served as a warning to the victim that worse punishments could come if they did not change their ways.  Sometimes, instead of tar and feathers, they would decorate the houses with excrement.

As tensions began to subside in late 1770, we see a drop in the use of tar and feathering.  However, it will make comeback in 1773 and 1774 after the Boston Tea Party ratchets up tensions again.  The practice continued throughout the war, usually against Tories, or others who somehow objected to the Patriot movement.  There are also cases well into the 1800's and even the 1900's of its use against people who drew public condemnation for various behaviors.

During this time period though, it was never used against high ranking officials, only informants or very low level customs officials who were seen as snitches.  While painful and humiliating, it was not fatal.

I will mention future tar and feathering events as they arise in our timeline.  But I thought it a good idea to give this background now, as we enter the 1770’s.

Next Week, New Yorkers fight with British regulars at the battle of Golden Hill.

Next Episode 32: The Battle of Golden Hill

Previous Episode 30: The Occupation of Boston

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com) for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

Further Reading:

Web Sites

French Conquest of Corsica, http://medditerrahistory.blogspot.com/2015/06/french-conquest-of-corsica.html

John Wilkes: http://spartacus-educational.com/PRwilkes.htm

St. George's Fields Massacre: https://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/commons-select/petitions-committee/petition-of-the-month/the-massacre-of-st-georges-fields-and-the-petition-of-william-allen-the-elder

South Carolina Colony standoff over Wilkes donation:  http://www.carolana.com/SC/Royal_Colony/Wilkes_Fund_Controversy_1769.html

Lord North biography: http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/biographies/lord-north

Bell, J.L. "5 Myths of Tarring and Feathering" Journal of the American Revolution, 2013:  https://allthingsliberty.com/2013/12/5-myths-tarring-feathering

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Babson, John History of the town of Gloucester, Gloucester, MA: Proctor Bros. 1860.

Bleackley, Horace Life of John Wilkes, Edinburgh: Ballantyne Press, 1917.

Cushing, Harry (ed) The Writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 1, New York GP Putnam's Sons 1904).

Hosmer, James Samuel Adams, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1913.

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, John (ed) The History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774,  London: John Murray 1828 (This book was edited and published using Gov. Thomas Hutchinson’s personal papers.  The editor was his grandson).

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, Peter Orlando (ed) The Diary and Letters of His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1884 (Editor is Thomas Hutchinson’s great-grandson).

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Ridpath, John Clark James Otis, the Pre-revolutionist, Chicago: The University Assn. 1898.

Treloar, Sir William Wilkes and the City, London: John Murray, 1917.

Watson, J.S. Biographies of John Wilkes and William Cobbett, Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1870.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Archer, Richard As If an Enemy's Country: The British Occupation of Boston and the Origins of Revolution, Oxford: Oxford  University Press 2010.

Carp, Benjamin L. Rebels Rising: Cities and the American Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775,  Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Zobel, Hiller The Boston Massacre, New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 1970.


 

Sunday, February 4, 2018

Episode 030: Occupation of Boston




Last week, I discussed the growing tension in Boston after London placed the new Customs Board there.  Bostonians resisted the Board and all other efforts to enforce customs laws and trade regulations in the colony.  The Liberty riot following the seizure of John Hancock’s ship Liberty, was only one of many instances that convinced officials in London that they needed stronger enforcement measures to teach the colonists who was in charge.

Hillsborough Sends Soldiers To Boston

Even before the Liberty riot, ever increasingly frantic letters from Governor Bernard and Customs Commissioners informed London that they could not enforce the law without some muscle.  The naval vessels in Boston Harbor could control shipping, but the Boston mobs controlled the land.

Despite years of rioting and lawlessness Gen. Gage, military commander of North America, had not sent soldiers to Boston.  He had sent them to New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston, but not Boston.  Gage’s orders prevented him from marching or quartering troops in a colony unless the Colonial Governor asked for them.  Otherwise, he could only do so on direct orders from London.

Massachusetts Gov. Bernard refused to ask for soldiers.  He knew full well that any request for troops would completely poison his ability to work with the legislature.  There was also a good chance it would result in an angry mob destroying his home.  Even if he did put in such a request, he believed that it would require the approval of the Governor’s Council, an elected body in the colony that would never give approval during the ongoing disputes.

Boston Harbor, 1768 by Paul Revere
(from Boston Public Library)
After the Liberty riot, the Customs Board simply could not do its job.  Members of Board, and several other top customs officials, along with their families, lived in protective custody out at Castle William, a military fort on an island at mouth of Boston Harbor.  None of them dared show their face in Boston.  On a rumor, a mob marched out to Roxbury where they believed customs official John Robinson might be hiding.  They did not find him there, but destroyed the gardens around his home anyway.  John Williams, the Customs Inspector, had been out of town until July. When he returned, the Sons of Liberty sent him a demand to appear before the Liberty Tree and resign his position.  He refused to do so, but had to face down several threatening mobs.

With the colonial legislature suspended, the Boston Town Council, led by men like Hancock, Adams, Otis, and Warren, passed and published a series of resolutions against the military presence.  They also sent petitions to the Governor, calling on him to resist the customs establishment, protest the use of the navy in customs enforcement, insist on compliance with the ban on impressment of sailors, and investigate if any officials had requested soldiers be sent to Boston because “every such Person who shall solicite or promote the importation of Troops at this time is an Enemy to this Town and Province, and a disturber of the peace and good order of both.

Still taking shelter at Castle William, the Commissioners sent Benjamin Hallowell, at the time Comptroller of the port of Boston, back to London. Hallowell had been at Malcom’s house the day a mob prevented officials from searching it (see, Episode 25). He had also worked with Joseph Harrison to seize Hancock’s ship Liberty and as a result had taken a beating during the Liberty riots that I discussed last week.  Hallowell departed for London, carrying with him letters from the Commissioners outlining the need for the army in Boston.

Around the same time, Gen. Gage, tried to push Gov. Bernard into requesting troops.  He sent the Governor a letter requesting troops from Halifax.  All Bernard had to do was sign it to get the soldiers.  At the same time, Gage wrote directly to Lt. Col. Dalrymple in Halifax, requesting that he be prepared to move as soon as he got the order.  Dalrymple prepared his troops to move, but never got the order from Bernard.

Bernard had been sending letters for years indicating the chaos and mob rule in Boston.  He documented numerous threats and acts of violence against people and property who were only trying to enforce the law.  Yet he refused to make an explicit request for troops.  He even ended some of his letters to London officials by saying that they should not take his comments about the chaos in Boston as a request for troops.  Clearly he wanted them, but was afraid to ask.

Hillsborough, however, was not afraid to do what needed to be done.  He sent direct orders to Gage to deploy regulars to Boston in order to restore order.  Hillsborough believed the King’s policy had to induce “a due obedience to the law.”  Although he wrote the orders in June 1768, even before the Liberty riot, Gage did not receive the orders until early September.

Gage ordered two regiments of British regulars from Halifax, to deploy to Boston, a little over 700 soldiers.  Dalrymple had already prepared and assembled most of the Fourteenth and Twenty-ninth Regiments and an artillery company with five guns.  They would be in Boston in a matter of weeks.  Following Hallowell’s arrival in London and hearing his reports on the Liberty riot, and other events, Hillsborough ordered another two regiments to ship to Boston, the Sixty-Fourth and Sixty-Fifth from Ireland, totaling about 1000.  They would arrive in November.

Massachusetts Convention of Towns

Already aware in September that the troops were on the way, a Boston town meeting responded by emphasizing an existing law that required every household to have a musket and ammunition ready in order to defend their rights.  To avoid treason charges, they claimed the measure was in case another war should break out with France.  But everybody knew the likely targets of those guns were getting ready to board ships in Halifax bound for Boston.

Faneuil Hall, site of the Convention of Towns
(from Wikimedia)
Since Gov. Bernard had suspended the colonial Assembly, the Boston Town meeting issued a resolution creating an independent committee to work with other towns at a colonial convention.  This would essentially be an extra-legal convention beyond the control of the Governor or anyone else.  Radical leaders, James Otis, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock sat on the new committee.

The Convention of Towns met in Boston on September 22.  Representatives from nearly 100 towns attended.  They ignored Gov. Bernard’s order that they were an illegal assembly and should disperse.

In fact, Bernard should have been happy that the delegates ignored him.  The Boston radicals did not say outright, but it appears their purpose was to unite the colony in a decision to use arms to repulse the British Army as it attempted to land in Boston.  No one wanted to say that explicitly and in public since doing so was treason.  While Boston radicals may have been ready to start shooting, the rural delegates were nowhere near ready to fire on British regulars.  They had a calming effect on the convention.

The delegates argued for a week.  Unfortunately, there are few records of the debate.  But the end result was that the colony would not meet British regulars with armed resistance.  On September 29, the delegates learned that British transports were about to enter Boston Harbor.  The delegates simply returned home and waited to see what would happen.

Soldiers Arrive

On October 1, 1768, the first two regiments of regulars disembarked in Boston Harbor.  Col. Dalrymple was prepared for resistance as his soldiers marched through the streets with their arms at the ready.  They met no immediate resistance, though the people of Boston did what they could to make them feel unwelcome.

Since Bernard had already suspended the colonial legislature, there was no way to appropriate funds for the troops under the Quartering Act.  Of course, even if he had called a session, leaders made clear there was no way he was getting money.  Colonial leaders argued the soldiers could be quartered at Castle William on an island at the mouth of the harbor.

British Soldiers Arrive in Boston
(from Wikipedia - artist's conception from 20th Cent.)
The military considered the fort too far away to be useful, which is exactly why Bostonians wanted them there.  So, the soldiers ended up pitching tents on Boston common, not a fun way to spend a winter in Boston. Gov. Bernard approved an army takeover of the Boston poorhouse.  Doing this required that army evict the poor and sick living there.  They spent a few days trying to do this, while the residents resisted.  This led to terrible publicity for the army as they tried to toss widows and orphans out into the cold. Eventually they gave up and received permission to occupy some empty warehouses.

I’m going to discuss the soldier-civilian interactions in an episode coming soon as part of the build up to the Boston Massacre.  But throughout 1769 the occupation remained tense, with lots of street fights and lawsuits.

The arrival of the soldiers did have the intended effect however, of allowing the Customs Board to return from hiding in Castle William. They had remained there since Liberty riot four months earlier.  Now, they could finally get back to work in Boston, as long as they remained under military protection.  John Robinson traveled to Newport Rhode Island on customs business.  A mob surrounded the tavern where he was staying.  He was able to slip out and flee back to Boston.  But it served as a reminder that the military presence was the only thing keeping the mobs at bay.

Michael Corbett Resists Impressment

The naval presence in New England, though not as quite as controversial as standing armies, brought its own controversies.  Common naval practice allowed for impressment of local sailors.  Impressment was essentially a legal form of kidnapping.  Press gangs would capture a merchant sailor and take him by force onto the ship.  A ship’s officer then informed the civilian that he was now a sailor in the royal navy, subject to discipline for any disobedience and to execution for attempted desertion.

Impressment was legal throughout much of the Empire and often important.  Death and desertion meant that a ships crew could become depleted over time.  Ships out in colonial ports had a hard time recruiting volunteers given the low pay and harsh conditions.  As a matter of military necessity, they used impressment to keep their ships properly manned.  However, a 60 year old law prohibited impressment of sailors in America.  Despite this law, perhaps ignorant of it, the Romney tried to impress new sailors into its crew.

On June 9, 1768, the day before the Liberty riot, a press gang from the Romney had boarded a ship in Boston Harbor and impressed a sailor named Thomas Furlong.  Furlong convinced them to let him go ashore to collect his pay and property.  They sent him under guard, to make sure he would return.  A mob quickly formed and attacked the three men who accompanied Furlong to his ship.  He was able to get free of the press gang and flee.

HMS Romney (from Wikimedia)
After the Liberty riot, Capt. Corner, of the HMS Romney agreed that his fleet would not to impress Massachusetts sailors, unless they were already deserters from the British Navy.  He made no such promises for foreign sailors in colonial ports.  They remained fair game.

On April 22, 1769, the Massachusetts brig Pitt Packet sailed toward Boston with a six man crew.  The British Frigate Rose approached the ship in open waters and demanded to come aboard.  Two of the crew were Massachusetts men, but the other four were Irish.  The Irish hid in the ship’s bulkhead.

The press gang attempted to extract them.  In the ensuing fight, in which the press gang shot and wounded one of the sailors, John Ryan, in the arm.  The press gang shot another of the Irish sailors, a man named Michael Corbett, in the face.  Corbett’s wound proved minor. He took a harpoon and struck it into the throat of Lt. Panton, who was in charge of the gang.  Panton died within minutes.

Despite the resistance, the navy press gang was able to overcome the crew and arrested all six of them for murder.  In Boston, authorities quickly released the two Massachusetts sailors as they played no role.  Corbett and the other three stood trial before a special twelve member Admiralty Court, made up of various military, customs, and colonial government officials.

John Adams and James Otis agreed to represent the men, and demanded a jury trial.  The court denied them a jury and ordered them to proceed.  After a contentious trial, the court found the men not guilty under the defense of justifiable homicide.  The court held that the press gang was operating illegally without a warrant of impressment.  It avoided the question of whether any impressment in the colonies was legal.  It only said this particular attempt was illegal.  Since there was no warrant in this case, the sailors had a right to defend themselves against the illegal use of force.

The decision meant that the incident came to very little.  It might have been quite another story if the sailors had been found guilty.  A mob may have freed them by force.  Similarly, if a jury trial had found the men not guilty, it might have been more reason in London to attack the jury trial system in the colonies.  But because the Admiralty Court decided to find them not guilty, both sides backed off from what could have been a dangerous flash point.

Following the trial, three of the four Irish sailors, including Corbett, left the colony by getting work on an outbound merchant ship.  The fourth, John Ryan, sued the sailor who had shot him in the arm.  John Adams represented Ryan again at this trial.  The navy settled with Ryan and got the case dismissed.

Gov. Bernard Goes Home 

As Gov. Bernard predicted, radicals blamed him for the military occupation.  As I said, Bernard had not explicitly requested troops.  However, his letters indicating the growing lawlessness and inability to implement policy strongly implied the need for soldiers.  For months, Bernard refused demands to make public his official correspondence.  Despite his refusal, a colonial agent in London, William Bollan, obtained copies of some of his letters to Lord Germain and others and sent them to the Boston Sons of Liberty.  Their publication in the newspaper in April 1769 led to renewed demands for his recall.

The letters did not prove that Bernard had asked for troops.  They did however, call for changes in the colonial council to make it more accountable to the Governor and less so to the people.  The letters also, according to the radicals, portrayed in bad light those challenging the taxes and other actions taken in London.

Francis Bernard
(from Bernard Papers)
London did finally recall Bernard in August 1769, leaving Lt. Gov. Hutchinson as the new acting governor.  Bernard had already expressed a desire to leave the Colonies.  He was as sick of the fighting as everyone else.  Still, while sitting on a ship in harbor for several days in August, waiting for a fair wind to set out to sea, it must have been hard to listen to the chiming bells and cannon fire as the people of Boston celebrated his departure.

Bernard would receive a hearing when he returned to London, at which time he cleared his name.  In 1770, the Privy Council would declare all charges against him to be "groundless, vexatious, and scandalous."  Even so, radicals in Massachusetts tried to sue him for slander based on his letters.  The cases never went anywhere.  He finally resigned the Governorship in 1771, receiving a Baronetcy and a pension for his years of service.  He would also continue to serve as an adviser to the ministry on matters concerning the colonies in the years leading up to the war.

James Otis Loses It

James Otis, was a member of the committee that released Gov. Bernard’s letters.  Otis seemed to become increasingly paranoid and erratic around this time. The paranoia that he might be charged with treason and shipped to England was not necessarily a mark of insanity.  Hutchinson, in fact, acted on orders to gather evidence that might be used against Otis and others at a future trial. Otis realized from the stolen correspondence that Bernard and others were painting him as a traitor to officials back in London.

James Otis
(from Wikimedia)
In September 1769, Otis published an article protesting that members of the Customs Board were attacking his character and conspiring against him.  A few days later, Otis confronted Customs Commissioner John Robinson in a coffee house.  The two men came to blows, which erupted into a full fledged bar brawl. Unfortunately for Otis, this was a Tory Coffeehouse and most of the patrons sided with Robinson.  Robinson used his cane to give Otis a serious head wound.  Otis later sued Robinson and won an award of £2000.  After Robinson issued a public apology, Otis ceased attempts to collect his damages.

Historians dispute whether the attack brought on his mental illness, or merely worsened a pre-existing deterioration of his mental faculties.  In either case, after this even his friends noted a marked change in Otis.  Earlier in life, everyone considered Otis a learned man and an effective lawyer and advocate, even if they did not always agree with him.  After the blow to his head, he began to have had fits of emotional outbursts, and started giving long rambling speeches that never quite got to the point.

Despite these changes, Otis continued to win reelection to the Assembly, but Samuel Adams took the leadership role in the legislature in early 1770.  Otis would eventually retire from the Assembly in 1771, at the age of 45.  He lived to see independence, but sank further into insanity.  Family and friend kept him relatively isolated in a home out in the countryside, away from people.  He died suddenly in 1783 after stepping outside to view a thunderstorm and was struck by lightning.

Next Week: We take a look at issues in London, dominated by the return of John Wilkes, and also the colonial punishment of tar and feathers.

Next Episode 31: Wilkes and Liberty & Tar and Feathers

Previous Episode 29: The Liberty Riot

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com).

Further Reading:

Web Sites

C-span video, Univ. of MD Prof. Richard Bell discusses British occupation of Boston (2012): https://www.c-span.org/video/?308041-1/1768-british-occupation-colonial-boston

Resolutions of the Boston Town Meeting; September 13, 1768:
http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/res_boston_1768.asp

A good detailed summary of the attempt to impress Michael Corbett and his murder trial:
https://www.masshist.org/publications/apde2/view?id=ADMS-05-02-02-0008-0002-0001

Detailed paper on the Corbett trial: http://www.hcs.harvard.edu/tempus/archives_files/xi1_03.pdf

HMS Romneyhttps://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=618

HMS Rose: https://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=6258

John Adams 1st of three Legal Victories (Corbett Trial): https://www.walkbostonhistory.com/history-blog/john-adams-1st-of-three-legal-victories-a-murder-on-the-hms-rose-316-days-before-the-boston-massacre

Letter from John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 20 January 1816 describing Corbett trial: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6572

Brown, Richard D. "Massachusetts Convention of Towns, 1768" The William and Mary Quarterly
Jan., 1969), pp. 94-104 ((free to read online with registration - discusses attendance at the Convention) http://www.jstor.org/stable/1922295

Nicolson, Colin “Governor Francis Bernard, the Massachusetts Friends of Government, and the Advent of the Revolution” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1991, pp. 24-113 (free to read online with registration): http://www.jstor.org/stable/25081034

Walett, Francis G. “Governor Bernard's Undoing: An Earlier Hutchinson Letters Affair” The New England Quarterly, 1965, pp. 217-226 (free to read online with registration): http://www.jstor.org/stable/363591

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Boston Registry Dept. Records Relating to the Early History of Boston, Vol. 16, Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1886.

Castle Island 350, 1980 (a short pamphlet describing Castle Island).

Barrington, William; Bernard, Francis; Channing, Edward (ed); Coolidge, Archibald Cary (ed) The Barrington-Bernard correspondence, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1912.

Chandler, Peleg W. American criminal trials, Vol. 1, Boston: Charles Little & James Brown, 1844 (includes trial of Corbett & crew of Pitt Packett).

Cushing, Harry (ed) The Writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 1, New York GP Putnam's Sons 1904).

Hosmer, James Samuel Adams, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1913.

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, John (ed) The History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774,  London: John Murray 1828 (This book was edited and published using Gov. Thomas Hutchinson’s personal papers.  The editor was his grandson).

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, Peter Orlando (ed) The Diary and Letters of His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1884 (Editor is Thomas Hutchinson’s great-grandson).

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Miller, Marion Mills (ed) Great Debates in American History, Vol. 1, New York: Current Literature Publishing Co. 1913.

Ridpath, John Clark James Otis, the Pre-revolutionist, Chicago: The University Assn. 1898.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Archer, Richard As If an Enemy's Country: The British Occupation of Boston and the Origins of Revolution, Oxford: Oxford  Univserity Press 2010.

Carp, Benjamin L. Rebels Rising: Cities and the American Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Fowler, William The Baron of Beacon Hill: A Biography of John Hancock, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1980.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775,  Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Reid, William Castle Island and Fort Independence, Boston: Trustees of the Public Library of the City of Boston (1995)

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Zobel, Hiller The Boston Massacre, New York: WW Norton & Co. 1970.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).


Sunday, January 28, 2018

Episode 029: The Liberty Riot




Last week we discussed some of the letters and non-importation agreements that met the Townshend Acts.  This week, the fighting gets a little more street level as Britain attempts to enforce its laws on the colonies.

American Board of Customs Arrives in Boston

On November 5, 1767, three members of the new American Board of Customs arrived in Boston.  This was about two weeks before the new Townshend duties would go into effect.  It was also the annual Pope’s Day in Boston, meaning crowds of thousands celebrated in the streets.  Some of the new British customs officials laughed off the lapel tags reading “Liberty & Property & No Commissioners.”

The creation of the new Board had been the result of the Commissioner of Customs Act that I described back in Episode 26.  It was the Townshend Act that was designed to enforce trade and tariff laws in the North American colonies.  Before this Board existed, most customs offices did their work in London.  Top customs officials did not visit the colonies.  Revenue from the colonies, even if enforced would only have been a small fraction of overall revenues.  So officials in London did not really care if they squeezed another few thousand pounds out of the colonies through more strict enforcement.  They were focused on the much larger duties collected in London and other towns in Britain.

The new Board would have its sole focus on the American colonies.  As intended, their job performance would be graded solely on revenue and enforcement in the colonies.  The necessary part of this change also meant that Commissioners would have to be in the colonies dealing with the colonists face to face.

Charles Paxton
(from Boston 1775 blog)
One of the new Commissioners arriving that day, Boston native Charles Paxton, took the Pope’s Day threats seriously.  The Stamp Act Mobs had targeted his home two years earlier.  Paxton had worked as a low level customs official beginning back in the 1730s.   Having been  Surveyor of Customs in Boston beginning in 1752, Paxton was a target for tariff protesters throughout this whole era.
Paxton had moved to London in 1766, though it is not clear why.  He was there in time to lobby for a position for himself on the new Customs Board.  Many  historians also believe he may have encouraged London to place the new customs board in Boston, rather than a more centrally located port such as Philadelphia.  Bostonians seemed to take the decision to locate in Boston as a deliberate challenge to control of the city and its trade.

John Robinson from Newport also sat on the new Board.  Recall, John Robinson also had considerable experience in the colonies as a customs official.  His attempts to impound the Polly two and a half years earlier for evading tariffs had landed him in jail for a few days and left him with threat of physical violence.  Like Paxton, Robinson understood that this was not an easy assignment.
Two of the other three Commissioners, Henry Hulton and William Burch were both officials from the London Board of customs who had no experience in America. The fifth member, John Temple, had been Lt. Governor of New Hampshire and also a Surveyor of Customs.  He apparently had a hostile relationship with Gov. Bernard even long before this appointment.  But other than that, I’ve found little about his life in the colonies.  He seemed to keep a low profile.

In general the Board consisted of men who were either very low aristocracy or prominent commoners who needed a good government office to support themselves, and all had already served lengthy careers in customs enforcement.  Although Commissioner pay was only half that of the £1000 per year that London Customs Commissioner received, it was a good income with the potential of being promoted back to London if they did well in this assignment.  The Commissioners also had authority to hire staff and agents to do the actual work of customs enforcement.  Many of these hires came from the old customs agents already working for existing authorities who were now turning over authority to the new Commission.

Within two weeks, the Board had set up its headquarters, organized its staff and began collecting customs duties on November 20th.  Four of the five members were present.  John Robinson would not return to Boston until the end of January.

The Customs Board enforced both old and new customs laws with an unprecedented level of diligence.  But the townspeople did not make enforcement easy.

At first, Bostonians simply gave commissioners the cold shoulder.  The Boston Town Meeting voted that the Governor he could not use Faneuil Hall for an annual election day dinner if he invited the Commissioners.  John Hancock, a prominent merchant also objected.  As head of the Company of Cadets, he refused to attend a dinner if the Commissioners were invited.  The Company of Cadets was an honorary group of prominent members of the Boston establishment.  They served as an honor guard for the Governor.  When Gov. Bernard told him his attendance was mandatory, Hancock and most of the rest of the Company immediately resigned.

Locals threatened customs officials. Ship’s crews regularly manhandled, detained, or otherwise prevented customs agents from searching ships and enforcing the law.  On March 19, the anniversary of the Stamp Tax repeal, Bostonians hanged effigies of Paxton and the new Inspector General John Williams on the Liberty Tree.  Officials heard rumors that protesters intended to destroy the homes of Board members.  A few houses were surrounded by ruffians screaming like Indians and throwing rocks through windows, but that is as far as it went.  The harassment mostly seemed to be in the form of threats and social isolation, without resorting to physical attack.  More importantly though, low level officials were physically prevented from boarding ships and doing their jobs.  Remember, Boston had no police force at this time, and relied on the citizenry to form posses when necessary to enforce the law.  There was no way a citizen posse would back up the customs officials.

By February 1768, the Customs Board was already writing letters requesting military backup to enforce the trade laws.  The naval commander in Halifax deployed three ships.  The largest, a 50 gun Man-of-War named the HMS Romney, arrived in Boston in May.

John Hancock

Despite the naval presence, Bostonians were determined to resist enforcement.  One of the more prominent leaders of the resistance was a merchant named John Hancock, one of the wealthiest men in Boston.  John Hancock is another one of those famous names that everyone knows, primarily for singing his name in large letters on the Declaration of Independence, while President of  the Continental Congress.  Now is probably a good time to talk about how he got there.

John Hancock by J.S. Copley
(from Wikipedia)
Hancock was born in Braintree, Massachusetts in 1737 to the local minister and his wife. A minister’s income was well above the wages of a common laborer, but still quite low by other standards.  No one would have considered the Hancock family rich.  But as a young adult, John quickly became one of the richest men in the colony the old fashioned way, inheriting money from other relatives.
John’s father died when he was only seven years old.  His mother was unable to support the family.  A year later in 1745, it was decided that John would go to live with his Uncle Thomas Hancock in Boston.  Thomas was a highly successful merchant.  Living there allowed John to attend Boston Latin School and then Harvard.  John also learned the trade of merchant, starting out as a clerk in his uncle’s office.

In 1760, he went to London for a year a representative of his uncle’s firm. A couple of years after returning to Boston his uncle made him became a partner in the business. A year after that, in 1764, Hancock’s uncle suddenly died, leaving him sole owner of one of the largest trading companies in America at the age of 27.

His new wealth brought him to prominence in Massachusetts.  We was involved in numerous community societies and meetings.  He had joined the Freemasons as well.  The same year Hancock took over his uncle’s business, Parliament passed the Sugar Act.  The following year, it passed the Stamp Act.  Hancock took a prominent role in the protests of these new laws.  He started hanging out with other Boston radicals like James Otis, Samuel Adams, and Joseph Warren.
In 1765, Hancock won a seat a Boston selectman.  A year later in 1766, Hancock was elected to the Massachusetts General Court, which was the colonial legislature.

But while he had developed relationships with Boston radicals, and shared their opposition to the Stamp Act, Hancock did not support the Stamp Act Riots.  As one of the largest landowners in Boston, he had good reason to avoid advocating mobs which could destroy the property of those with home they disagreed.  He even supported the arrest of Ebenezer Macintosh, the alleged leader of the riots, though officials had to release Macintosh after it became clear a mob would release him by force if they did not.

Despite concerns over the riots, Hancock used his London contacts to protest the Stamp Act, and supported the non-importation agreements.  Although it appears that Hancock stocked up on items before the agreements went into effect, and profited handsomely from the sale of those stocks during the time no one could import new goods.

Hancock also provided funds to Samuel Adams to help finance the protest movements.  It probably made sense that he would want to remain on the good side of the man who could possibly direct future riots.  But it appears Hancock generally shared Adams’ opposition to British policies as well.

The Liberty Riot

Hancock also made a fortune through smuggling.  All successful merchants evaded tariffs and often traded with other countries in violation of trade laws.  That was a good reason why Hancock opposed those laws and their strict enforcement.

Like many other merchants, he also refused to allow any customs agents to search his ships, using force when necessary.  Hancock had become one of the most prominent merchants resisting the authorities, as well as a well known political opponent of British policies.  As a result, he was the biggest target when the new Customs Board wanted to make an example of someone.
Hancock’s ship Liberty, arrived in harbor at dusk in May 1768, about a week before the Navy arrived with the Romney.  The evening arrival probably was not by chance.  By arriving then, the Captain knew that his ship would not be inspected until the following morning.  Until then, the ship would be under the watch of only a few tidesmen, low level customs officials who worked in the harbor enforcing the customs laws.

That evening, the captain of the Liberty asked Thomas Kirk, one of the tidesmen on duty, to look the other way while they unloaded the ship.  The other Tidesman on duty that night was either asleep or drunk depending on whose account you believe.  When Kirk refused to take a bribe and look the other way, the ship’s crew locked him below decks.  He remained locked up for hours while he heard people above apparently removing freight from the ship.  The Captain then released Kirk after threatening him not to talk about the incident. The Captain declared a small amount of wine, but the everyone knew the ship was capable of carrying a far larger cargo than what was declared.
For about a month, Kirk said nothing.  Eventually though, he informed Customs Collector Joseph Harrison about what had happened.  Harrison, eager to make an example of Hancock, instructed Kirk to sign an affidavit regarding his treatment aboard the Liberty.  Kirk did so on June 9th.

The next day, June 10th, Harrison, along with his son who worked as a customs clerk, and Benjamin Hallowell, Comptroller of the Port of Boston, seized the Liberty for failing to declare all of its cargo.  The men personally walked down to the dock and had a crew from the Romney take possession of the ship.  As often happened in such cases, a mob quickly began to gather to protest the seizure. They threw rocks as a boarding crew from the Romney then cut the mooring ropes of the Liberty and towed the ship out into the harbor, where the mob could not retake her.

Benjamin Hallowell
(from Colby Comm. College)
At the ship’s removal, the mob grew incensed.  They attacked and assaulted Hallowell and the Harrisons.  They bloodied the men with clubs and stones, ripped off most of their clothes and beat them savagely.  The mob also attacked another customs inspector, Thomas Irwin, who had nothing to do with the seizure, but happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time.  The officials, after some time, were able to escape to the protection of the Romney.  Some accounts say mob of two or three thousand took part, others say it was more like five hundred.  Whatever the actual number, the mob went unopposed.  The sheriff could not raise a posse and the guns of the Romney could not pacify a mob on land.

The crowd then attacked the homes of Harrison, Hallowell, and Inspector General John Williams, not a complete ransacking like we saw during the Stamp Acts, but rocks through the windows, that sort of thing.  They attacked the homes, but once assured that the men were not there, they moved on to other targets.  The crowd also found a boat owned by Harrison which they carried up to the Commons and burned.  The mobs raged all day and into the evening before finally retiring for the night.

Consequences

Seeking to reduce tensions, the Commissioners offered to return Hancock’s ship on the promise that he would make it available when the matter came to trial.  That meant he could continue to use it for the many months it might take for a hearing.  Initially, Hancock agreed.  However, Samuel Adams and others convinced him not to take back his ship.  It would look like he was willing to work with the Commission.  In the end, the ship remained with the navy until trial.

The Colony’s Attorney General prosecuted Hancock for smuggling many months later, in October. The Admiralty Court heard the case.  Hancock hired John Adams to defend him.  The only evidence was the single informant, Kirk, who had been the basis for the seizure.   Kirk, had been locked below deck and never saw the ship’s cargo, who removed anything from the ship, or what was removed.  The case lingered for another five months as the prosecution tried to make an indictment that could go to trial.  Given the limited evidence though, the prosecution eventually dropped its case.

Hancock never got back his ship though.  The Customs Board had it condemned and completed a forfeiture of the Liberty.  They could not prove the Hancock had smuggled in undeclared wine.  However, when they seized the ship, it was full of barrels of oil and tar, for which Hancock had not posted a bond, nor obtained a permit to load.  This was really a technical violation since even merchants who intended to post bond and get permits often loaded their ships before doing so.  But a technical violation is still a violation.  The Admiralty Court found the ship in violation of trade laws.  The ship and its cargo were forfeited.

Following normal practice, the Court ordered the Liberty sold at auction.  No one, however, would buy it at auction for fear of incurring the wrath of the mob. The Customs Board turned over the ship to the Royal Navy, put to work searching out more smugglers as the HMS Liberty.  A couple of years later, in July 1769, after bringing two seized ships into Newport, a local mob boarded the Liberty, forced off the crew, then scuttled and burned the ship.

Prosecutors also attempted to indict rioters who participated in the Liberty Riots.  That went nowhere though, as those cases would be tried in civilian courts.  Massachusetts elected grand jurors at town meetings.  So the grand jury was made up of people who were at least sympathetic to the rioters.  Some may have been rioters themselves.  To give you some idea, one of the grand jurors was Daniel Malcom, the same guy who threatened to kill customs officials who wanted to look in his basement, back in Episode 25.

Given how biased the grand jury was, no one wanted to come forward as a witness for the prosecution.  Even customs officials or victims of the riots saw no point in making themselves bigger targets for the Sons of Liberty by testifying before a grand jury that would never indict anyone anyway.  To Gov. Bernard’s great frustration, the prosecution attempts came to nothing.

The Sons of Liberty used the incident to strengthen colonial resolves to enforce non-importation agreements.  Given the fact that there was no prosecutable evidence of illegal activity at the time officials seized the Liberty, the patriots published stories focusing on royal officials persecuting a merchant mostly because they disagreed with his political views.  They had seized his property without justification and kept it on a technicality that could have been used against just about every merchant in the colonies.

Boston Harbor, (with Boston and Castle Island circled)
(from Wikimedia)
Adams drafted a petition approved by the legislature, calling on Gov. Bernard to expel the Customs Board from Boston permanently.  For the time being at least, the Commissioners were not able to do much of anything.  They dared not return to Boston for fear of attack.  The riot also effectively prevented the Customs Board from operating at all until the arrival of soldiers several months later.   They remained aboard the Romney for some time.  Later, they and their families would stay at Castle William.  They would remain on that island out in the harbor for months under the protection of the British Navy.

Finally, seizure of the Liberty helped solidify John Hancock’s position as a leader of Boston’s opposition movement.  Hancock’s reputation as a hero of colonial resistance to the unfair trade laws only grew as a result of the trial.  In the next election, his constituents returned him to office with even more vote than Samuel Adams.

Next week: London officials, sick of letting Boston mobs control the colony, send British regulars to occupy Boston and subdue the rebellious colonists.

Next Episode 30: The Occupation of Boston

Previous Episode 28: Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com).

Further Reading:

Web Sites

Charles Paxton, Customs Commissioner: http://boston1775.blogspot.com/  /11/charles-paxton-customs-commissioner.html

Henry Hulton and the American Revolution: https://www.colonialsociety.org/node/1874

Clark, Dora Mae, "The American Board of Customs, 1767-1783" The American Historical Review July, 1940, pp. 777-806 (free to read online with registration): http://www.jstor.org/stable/1854451

Frese, Joseph R. “Some Observations on the American Board of Customs Commissioners” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1969, pp. 3-30 (free to read online with registration):  http://www.jstor.org/stable/25080668

HMS Romneyhttps://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=618

HMS Libertyhttps://threedecks.org/index.php?display_type=show_ship&id=15126

New England Historical Society: John Hancock Loses a Ship and Starts a Riot: http://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/the-liberty-affair-john-hancock-loses-a-ship-and-starts-a-riot

Watson, D.H. “Joseph Harrison and the Liberty Incident” The William and Mary Quarterly,
1963, pp. 585-595 (free to read online with registration): http://www.jstor.org/stable/1923533

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Castle Island 350, 1980 (a short pamphlet describing Castle Island).

Bernard, Sir Francis & Thomas Gage & Samuel Hood (Viscount) Letters to the Ministry from Governor Bernard, General Gage, and Commodore Hood: And Also Memorials to the Lords of the Treasury, from the Commissioners of the Customs. With Sundry Letters and Papers Annexed to the Said Memorials, London: Edes & Gill, 1769 (Google Play Books)

Cushing, Harry (ed) The Writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 1, New York GP Putnam's Sons 1904).

Hosmer, James Samuel Adams, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1913.

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, John (ed) The History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, from 1749 to 1774,  London: John Murray 1828 (This book was edited and published using Gov. Thomas Hutchinson’s personal papers.  The editor was his grandson).

Hutchinson, Thomas & Hutchinson, Peter Orlando (ed) The Diary and Letters of His Excellency Thomas Hutchinson, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1884 (Editor is Thomas Hutchinson’s great-grandson).

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press 1943 (Based on date, I am not sure about the copyright status of this book.  Since it may get pulled, I have also included a link to Amazon below).

Miller, Marion Mills (ed) Great Debates in American History, Vol. 1, New York: Current Literature Publishing Co. 1913.

Ridpath, John Clark James Otis, the Pre-revolutionist, Chicago: The University Assn. 1898.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Archer, Richard As If an Enemy's Country: The British Occupation of Boston and the Origins of Revolution, Oxford: Oxford  Univserity Press 2010.

Carp, Benjamin L. Rebels Rising: Cities and the American Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Dickerson, Oliver M. The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951.

Fowler, William The Baron of Beacon Hill: A Biography of John Hancock, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1980.

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775,  Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1975.

Miller, John Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford, Stanford University Press (1943) (also available as a free eBook, see above).

Reid, John P. In a Rebellious Spirit: The Argument of Facts, the Liberty Riot, and the Coming of the American Revolution, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1979.

Reid, William Castle Island and Fort Independence, Boston: Trustees of the Public Library of the City of Boston (1995)

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.

Zobel, Hiller The Boston Massacre, New York: WW Norton & Co. 1970.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).