Sunday, December 7, 2025

ARP371 Creating Washington, DC

Back in Episode 367 we covered the Grand Compromise where the states agreed to the assumption of war debts and moving the Capital to the banks of the Potomac River, dividing Maryland and Virginia.  That Compromise included the Residence Act of 1790 which would locate the permanent capital on the banks of the Potomac River.  It authorized the President to appoint three commissioners to establish the exact borders for the new capital, to purchase the necessary land, and to begin building the accommodations necessary for the federal government.

The Constitution and the authorizing legislation both limited the size of the new federal district to ten square miles.  There was some debate about placing the site further upriver, above Great Falls.  But pretty quickly the focus became the area around Georgetown, Maryland, a small community just below Great Falls.  It had become a thriving tobacco market, and had recently begun building a new college there, although the first students had not yet been admitted.

Like many communities Georgetown had submitted several petitions to Congress, hoping to be chosen as the new federal capital.  Landowners had a particular incentive since land prices would skyrocket if the new capital moved there.  Maryland had already passed a law in 1788 willing to cede the land for the capital.  Virginia passed a similar law in 1789

In September, 1790, just after the second session of Congress ended, President Washington sent Thomas Jefferson and James Madison to scout out the area and meet with local land owners about the possibility.  Although Washington had already made clear that he wanted the capital there, officials remained cagey, trying to assure good purchase prices for the land, and making clear that local cooperation would be critical.  The site was not definite, and they noted that Philadelphia was still trying to do everything it could to keep the capital where it was.  To help sweeten the pot, Jefferson suggested that local owners donate some of their land

Washington also personally toured the area that fall.  While he already had strong preferences for establishing the district in the area covering Georgetown, Maryland and Alexandria Virginia, he also indicated to the locals that he was considering other locations, thus pressuring them to be more generous with transfers of their land.

When Washington was ready to announce the location, a problem arose.  The limits set by Congress were about four miles north of where Washington wanted to place the capital. He wanted to include the city of Alexandria, Virginia.  To do that, Congress had to amend its legislation to give the president that option.  

Some in Congress criticized the fact that the president was placing the capital so close to his home at Mount Vernon.  What was not widely known at the time was that Washington owned over 2000 acres of land, either on his own, or in trust for his grandson, within the borders of the new capital.  Some officials later grumbled that Washington stood to make a fortune from his selection, but the matter never rose to more than grumbling in private letters and discussions.

Commissioners

On January 24, 1791, Washington submitted his final choice of land to Congress  He appointed the first three commissioners, David Stuart of Alexandria, Thomas Johnson of Frederick, Maryland, and Daniel Carroll of Rock Creek, Maryland.  It was unusual for the president not to include geographic diversity on any multi-person commission.  Madison had suggested appointing one commissioner from New England or the deep south, just to have an outside voice on the commission.

Washington, however, chose men who all lived in the area and had financial interests as land owners.  They were all also close to Washington and willing to follow his guidance on issues relating to the new capital plan.  All three men had been vocal promoters of the Potomac location before the selection.  Stuart, who was elected to Congress, was one of the Virginia Congressmen who switched his vote on the federal assumption of debt in order to get the compromise deal of moving the Capital to the Potomac.

David Stuart, who lived in Alexandria, had been Washington’s personal doctor for many years and also handled some of Washington’s financial affairs.  Stuart had also married into the family.  After Washington’s stepson Jackie died after Yorktown, Stuart married Jackie’s wife Nelly.  This made George Washington’s step-grandchildren Stuart’s step children.  It also meant that the two men shared a financial interest in managing lands and estates for the Custis children.

Stuart was also an investor in the Potomac Company, along with Washington.  In 1790, before being nominated as commissioner, Stuart had accompanied Madison and Jefferson on their mission to inspect the proposed site and negotiate with local land owners.  Of course, Stuart was also a local land owner who would benefit from these negotiations.

The second commissioner, Thomas Johnson of Frederick, was also a longtime associate of Washington.  He served as a state judge.  Washington had offered him the federal judgeship for the District of Maryland, but Johnson declined.  Johnson was also an investor in the Potomac company, taking over as the company’s chief executive when Washington resigned to go serve as President of the United States.

The third commissioner, Daniel Carroll of Rock Creek was also a longtime associate of Washington’s and an investor in the Potomac Company. Like Stuart, Carroll had been elected to Congress and had been one of the Congressmen who switched his vote on the assumption of debt in order to get the capital moved to the Potomac.  Carroll had lost his seat in Congress, in part because of his switched vote on assumption.

Carroll owned thousands of acres in or near the proposed site for the capital.  He was also related to several men who owned a great deal more land in the center of the proposed district, that the government would have to purchase in order to locate the capital where they planned.

All three men had known Washington for decades, owned large amounts of land in the area, and had been partners with Washington in other land deals.  Despite any potential conflicts of interest, Congress expressed no opposition or concerns for Washington’s appointments.  All three men were highly respected.  Washington’s reputation for selecting men of good character was enough. The Senate waived the need to confirm the commissioners.

Pierre Charles L’Enfant

To design the new City, Washington chose Pierre Charles L’Enfant, who probably deserves a little backstory.  L’Enfant was born into a wealthy French family in 1754.  His father was a painter and academic at the Academie Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture in Paris.  Pierre studied there as a boy, receiving an education in architecture, landscape architecture, science, and mathematics.  Despite having no military training, L’Enfant had a connection with Beaumarchais who convinced the boy to go to America in 1776 and volunteer in the Continental Army.  It was only as he was about to leave for America that he received a brevet commission as a lieutenant in the French Army, presumably to provide some protection as an officer in case his ship was captured.  L’Enfant did not arrive in America until late 1777.

When he arrived in York seeking a commission, French General Coudray dismissed him as having some talent in drawing, but not really an engineer.  Coudray drowned a few weeks later.  But Congress sent L’Enfant packing.  L’Enfant was still in Boston in early 1778 awaiting passage back to France when he met up with the recently arrived Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben.  The two men hit it off. Steuben asked L’Enfant to serve as his aide and got him a commission as a captain in the Continental Army.  L’Enfant went to Valley Forge where, among other things, he got Washington to sit for a portrait.

L’Enfant saw combat as General Steuben’s aide, but took no notable role in these early battles.  He also drew several of the illustrations for Steuben’s manual for the Continental Army.

Captain L’Enfant was also involved in a scandal in 1778.  While he had been in Boston awaiting his return to France, he wrote a rather bitter letter to a friend that was critical of the Continental Congress and the Continental Army.  The British captured the letter and published an English translation of it in the London papers.  L’Enfant wrote a letter to Washington at the time, saying the translation had mischaracterized what he said, and that he remained respectful of both Congress and the Army.  It seems the matter was dropped.  After all, a 23 year old who had just traveled to America to volunteer for the cause, only to be rejected and on his way home, was likely to harbor some bad feelings that obviously went away when he got his commission.  

In 1779, L’Enfant was transferred to Charleston, SC where he worked with John Laurens on a plan to raise a regiment of slaves.  That plan, of course, never materialized due to opposition by South Carolina leaders.  In October, L’Enfant saw combat during the Siege of Savannah, where he was seriously wounded.  He recuperated in Charleston.  By the following year, he was well enough to participate in the defense of Charleston and became a prisoner of war when the British captured the town.  He was paroled over a year later, but never formally exchanged until after Yorktown, meaning he could not return to active duty.

By 1782, as the war was winding down, L’Enfant had some time for painting at least two large works depicting the area around West Point.  He also returned to design, building a pavilion in Philadelphia as part of the larger celebration of King Louis XVI’s first son.  The Pavilion received great reviews and helped set up L’Enfant’s post war career.  L’Enfant, at Washington’s request, also designed the logo for the Society of the Cincinnati

In my description of L’Enfant’s war record, and his pre-war life, there were not many impressive architectural or engineering accomplishments.  L’Enfant did serve in the corps of engineers, but did not ever head any major projects.  He was mostly known for his drawing ability.  General Coudray’s 1777 comment that L’Enfant was a decent artist but not much of an engineer had proved accurate.

L’Enfant started his Continental service as a captain, and remained a captain through most of the war.  It was only in 1783, when the war was just about over, that L’Enfant received promotion to major, just months before the Continental Army disbanded.  

Still only 29 years old, L’Enfant moved to New York City to begin a career as an architect.  While he had little experience, he had some great contacts.  He knew Washington, Franklin and other top military leaders who respected his talent.  Alexander Hamilton and he were of a similar age and were fairly close friends during the war.

L’Enfant got the job renovating New York’s City Hall to make it into the seat of the first Federal Congress. He also did some design work for St. Paul’s Cathedral.

As early as 1789, L’Enfant wrote to Washington asking to be considered for the position of city planner for the new federal city.  This was more than a year before Congress decided to build a new federal city.  L’Enfant, who had no city planning experience, but had studied it in school, nevertheless got the job.  Washington gave him the appointment in early 1791.

Ellicott and Banneker

The project also needed a surveyor.  That job went to Andrew Ellicott.  He was the same age as L’Enfant, born in 1754 to a Quaker family in Pennsylvania. Shortly before the war, his family moved to Maryland

Despite his Quaker background, Ellicott moved to Maryland before the war and took a position as a commissioned officer in the local militia.  When war broke out, he served as a captain, later promoted to major.  Ellicott was only 20 years old when the war began.  He had little work experience other than work he did with his father.  Little is known about his work as a surveyor before the Revolution, but he apparently did some of that work.  He also taught mathematics in Baltimore.  Near the end of the war, he began publishing his own almanac.

In 1784 Ellicott worked on refining and extending the Mason-Dixon line between Maryland and Pennsylvania.  His surveying work continued into 1785, working on the western boundary of Pennsylvania.  Over the next few years, Ellicott continued to find work as a surveyor, setting the northern boundary between Pennsylvania and New York, as well as the border between New York and Canada.

President Washington, a former surveyor himself, recommended Ellicott to the Commissioners in January.  By February, Ellicott was already in Alexandria, ready to begin work.

To assist in the survey, Ellicott hired Benjamin Banneker.  The two men had been neighbors ever since the Ellicotts moved to Maryland in 1772.  Banneker was more than a decade older than Ellicott and was also an expert mathematician.  Banneker had also written his own almanac and built a working clock mostly out of wood.  He had one key thing in his background that had held back his career.  He was a black man.

Banneker’s history is a unique and interesting one. His grandmother Molly Welsh, was an English dairy maid.  One morning a cow kicked over her bucket of milk, changing her life forever.  The owner accused Molly of stealing the milk.  The was convicted and sentenced to become an indentured servant in Maryland.  She worked on a tobacco farm for seven years.  After completing her indenture, she amassed enough money to buy a farm and purchase two slaves recently imported from Africa.

One of those slaves was named Banneka.  After a few years, Molly freed her slaves and married Banneka, in violation of colonial law.  The couple had four daughters, one of whom, Mary, fell in love with another slave from Africa named Robert.  Her father, Banneka, purchased Robert and set him free, allowing the couple to marry.  Since Robert had no last name, he adopted the family surname of Banneks, later changed to Banneker.  Benjamin was born to Mary and Joseph in 1731.

Being a free black man in Maryland was relatively rare.  Benjamin’s earliest education came from his grandmother, Molly.  He also attended a rare interracial school taught by a Quaker.  Banneker continued to work on mechanical projects, but also inherited his family’s tobacco farm, which became his primary source of income.

In 1787 Andrew Ellicott’s father, George Ellicott, lent Banneker a telescope and several books on astronomy.  The Ellicotts eventually bought part of Banneker’s farm providing him with enough money to focus on astronomy full time.  In 1791, Andrew Ellicott approached the 60 year old Banneker to assist him in surveying the new federal city.

Designing the Federal City

Washington kept a close eye on the federal city project as it developed.  Despite appointing like minded men to manage the establishment of the city, Washington still wanted to be involved personally.  When the third session of Congress finally came to an end on March 3, 1791, Washington made plans to travel south and personally oversee the early efforts to establish the federal city.

On March 28, he was in Georgetown meeting with local land owners.  Washington was a tough negotiator.  He convinced the land owners to donate one half of their lands inside the district to the government.  All of the land would be divided into lots so that the land retained by the owners would be interspersed among the public lands.  This meant that the land they retained, which has once been near worthless country land, would become valuable city lots that they could sell at a substantial profit.  The owners also agreed that the government would establish the roads across their land with no payments for the land used by roads.  The agreement signed on March 30, gave to Washington “the sole power of directing the Federal City to be laid off in what manner he pleases.”

The government would sell some of the donated land to raise the funds necessary to build the new federal buildings.  It would also require that anyone purchasing a lot in the district would have to build on it within a fixed period of time.  This was designed to ensure that the new capital would have enough buildings to support public officials and employees, and not simply held by land speculators.

Over the course of the spring and summer, Ellicott and Banneker surveyed the district’s borders.  L’Enfant drew up plans for the city’s layout.  Washington personally approved L’Enfant’s early sketches in June.  By August, L’Enfant completed his final detailed plans for the city's design.  Washington, along with guidance from Jefferson and Madison, approved those plans.

L’Enfant’s plan started with a simple grid system.  On top of that, he overlays a series of grand avenues that would connect various public buildings through diagonal roads.  Everything centered around what L’Enfant called the Congress House, later the Capitol which he placed on the highest point of land near the center of the district.  L’Enfant referred to it as Jenkins Hill since Thomas Jenkins was leasing that land at the time.  It never really had a name before that.  Eventually, it would be called Capitol Hill.

About a mile to the northwest, L’Enfant established the location for the President’s Mansion, also chosen for its location on higher ground. Between the two, the designer proposed a grand avenue, 400 feet wide, which people could enjoy.  This eventually became the National Mall.

L’Enfant’s plan had its opponents from the beginning.  Jefferson thought it was too much like European cities. Jefferson envisioned a much smaller and simpler capital city, spanning about 20 blocks from the Potomac River, in the area known today as Foggy Bottom.  Jefferson wanted a simple grid system that represented republican simplicity and rationality.  He objected to the grand avenues and circles.

Commissioner Stuart also thought it was too large in scale. The park around the presidential mansion seemed more fitting for a despotic government than a republic.  Washington, however, liked the design, so L’Enfant’s plan went forward.

The city that L'Enfant designed would only take up about one-tenth of the 100 square mile district.  In September, the Commissioners agreed to name the city Washington, and the district, Columbia.

Fights among those involved in the process began almost at the outset.  The first public auction of land in Georgetown raised very little revenue, selling only 35 lots.  L’Enfant, who objected to this early auction, refused to make his design of the city available to would-be bidders, meaning most people could not know how the lots would fit into the overall city plan.

Despite this inauspicious beginning, the building of Washington, DC had begun to take shape.

Next week: President Washington takes his southern tour, and gives his second state of the Union address.

- - -

Next Episode 371 Planning Washington, DC (coming soon)

Previous Episode 369 First Bank of the United States

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Further Reading

Websites

Residence Act of 1790 https://www.mountvernon.org/education/primary-source-collections/primary-source-collections/article/residence-act-of-1790

Washington proclamation establishing Washington, DC Jan 24, 1791: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-07-02-0153

David Stuart: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/david-stuart-1753-1814

Fletcher, Kenneth R. “A Brief History of Pierre L’Enfant and Washington, D.C.” Smithsonian Magazine, April 30, 2008.  https://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/a-brief-history-of-pierre-lenfant-and-washington-dc-39487784

Pierre L'Enfant https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/pierre-lenfant

Molly Welsh Banneker: https://www.womenhistoryblog.com/2008/07/molly-welsh-banneker.html

Washington Diary for March, 1791 Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/01-06-02-0002-0002

“Agreement of the Proprietors of the Federal District, 30 March 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-08-02-0016

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Byran, Wilhelmus B. A History of the National Capital, Vol. 1: 1790-1814. New York: MacMillan Co. 1914. 

Delaplaine, Edward The Life of Thomas Johnson: Member of the Continental Congress, First Governor of Maryland, and Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court, New York: Grafton Press, 1927.

Flanders, Henry. The Lives and Times of the Chief Justices of the United States Supreme Court. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1874.

Losing, Benson (ed) The Diary of George Washington, From 1789 to 1791, Richmond: Press of the Historical Society, 1861. 

Malone, Dumas Jefferson and the Rights of Man, Little Brown and Co. 1951.  (borrow only)

Mathews, Catharine Van Cortlandt Andrew Ellicott, New York: The Grafton Press, 1908. 

Tindall, William Origin and Government of the District of Columbia, Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bordewich, Fergus M. The First Congress: How James Madison, George Washington, and a Group of Extraordinary Men Invented the Government, Simon & Schuster, 2016. 

Bordewich, Fergus M. Washington: The Making of the American Capital, Amistad, 2008.

Bowling, Kenneth R. Creation of Washington D.C.: The Idea and Location of the American Capital, Rl Innactive Titles, 1991.

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation, Knopf, 2000.

Ferguson, E. James The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776-1790, V-Books LLC, 2011. 

Leibiger, Stuart Founding Friendship: George Washington, James Madison, and the Creation of the American Republic, Univ. of Virginia Press, 1999. 

Randall, Willard Sterne Thomas Jefferson: A Life, Henry Holt and Co. 1993.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases. 


Sunday, November 30, 2025

AR-SP43 Alamance Battleground, with Nathan Schultz

This week is a relatively abbreviated episode.  While I was traveling in the Carolinas last week, I sat down with Nathan Schultz, Site Manager for the Alamance National Battleground in North Carolina.  Mr. Schultz gave an overview of the 1771 battle between Carolina Regulators and the colonial government.  He also told me how it related to the American Revolution.

To get more background on the Battle of Alamance, listen to Episode 35 of this podcast.

Also, check out the Alamance Battleground website: https://historicsites.nc.gov/all-sites/alamance-battleground

To participate live in future Zoom events, be sure to join as a member on Patreon, or sign up for my mailing list.


Click here to see my Patreon Page
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Sunday, November 23, 2025

AR-SP42 The American Revolution and the Fate of the World, with Richard Bell

This discussion, primarily an interview with Professor Richard Bell, author of The American Revolution and the Fate of the World, summarizes the book's core argument: that the American Revolution was a World War characterized by global dimensions, multi-theater conflicts, and lasting worldwide consequences.

Key Themes of the Discussion

1. The American Revolution as a World War and Global Conflict

Professor Bell frames the American Revolution as a "World War" or "Seven Years War part two," involving the three great 18th-century powers—Britain, France, and Spain—fighting "hammer and tongs".

The conflict was multi-theater, extending far beyond the 13 colonies:

  • Europe/Mediterranean: Featured the 3.5-year Siege of Gibraltar, the longest siege of the war, where the most troops in any European uniform were massed.
  • Caribbean and Central America: Major theaters where France and Spain sought to gain islands and territory (including Belize, Honduras," or "Seven Years War part two," involving the three great 18th-century powers—Britain, France, and Spain—fighting "hammer and tongs".

The conflict was multi-theater, extending far beyond the 13 colonies:

  • Europe/Mediterranean: Featured the 3.5-year Siege of Gibraltar, the longest siege of the war, where the most troops in any European uniform were massed.
  • Caribbean and Central America: Major theaters where France and Spain sought to gain islands and territory (including Belize, Honduras, and Nicaragua).
  • India: A major theater where Britain, France, and the Kingdom of Mysore contested for supremacy. Naval commanders engaged in five battles within six months.
  • Africa: Included naval skirmishes in places like Cape Town, Cape Verde, and Senegal, and directly led to the foundation of Sierra Leone as a new British colony for resettled people.
  • Australia: The loss of the American colonies as a dumping ground for convicts resulted in the foundation of Australia as a new penal colony (Botany Bay).

2. Reshaping International Alliances

The war created unexpected and "wild" alliances, forcing the Patriots to partner with nations they had previously despised:

  • The Franco-Spanish Coalition: France (joined 1778) and Spain (joined 1779) allied with the American rebels, driven by geopolitical ambition to cause political instability in the British Empire, rather than ideological affinity.
    • France's Role: France, under Count of Vergennes, sought territorial gains in the Caribbean and India, aiming to expand French trading posts and knock down King George to elevate King Louie. While the victory at Saratoga helped, the French had been preparing for over a year by rebuilding ships and recruiting.
    • Spain's Role: Spain, led by King Carlos III, was primarily interested in regaining Florida and, critically, Gibraltar. Ideologically, Spain was hostile to the idea of supporting colonial rebels and therefore allied with France, keeping Spain's hands "clean" from dealing directly with the Continental Congress.
    • Naval Supremacy: The combined French and Spanish fleets were numerically larger than the Royal Navy, forcing Britain to make "impossible naval choices" and divert ships from North America to protect vital holdings like Jamaica. This naval strain was critical to the success at Yorktown.
  • Britain's Isolation: Unlike previous conflicts, Britain failed to secure major allies. King George was left relying on Hessians (hired "renter soldiers") and indigenous allies.
  • Indigenous Actors: Indigenous people were central actors, functioning as sovereign nations making military alliances. Most sided with the King, believing he offered the best chance to hold back the encroachment of Patriot land speculators (like Washington and Jefferson) by upholding the Proclamation Line of 1763.

3. Global Origins and Ripple Effects

The discussion highlighted the complexity and global origins of the war, starting with the Boston Tea Party:

  • The Tea Act: The event originated from Chinese tea leaves, transported by the British East India Company (an "India-based conglomerate"), which sought a British government bailout because it had mismanaged its business and was competing with Dutch tea smugglers.
  • Free Trade vs. Monopoly: The protest became a discourse about "free trade" versus the monopolistic power of the East India Company, which colonists feared was a "stalking horse" for the British government to impose taxes and tariffs.

The war's result also created global consequences:

  • Decolonization: Thomas Jefferson believed the Declaration of Independence was "pregnant with the fate of the world". It inaugurated the genre of declaration making by rebels and separatists worldwide, serving as the "starting gun for decolonization" that eventually replaced the world of empires with sovereign nation-states.
  • Migration and Refugees: The war resulted in significant migration, including Black Loyalists (like Harry Washington, an enslaved man of George Washington who ended up in Sierra Leone) and Native Americans (like Molly Brandt, who ended up a dispossessed refugee in Canada).

In essence, the discussion concludes that viewing the American Revolution narrowly as "crown versus colonists" fails to capture the full, multifaceted, globally sourced, and multi-ethnic nature of this expansive 18th-century conflict.

Q&A: 

The discussion concluded with a series of questions from audience members regarding the global legacy, structure, motivation, and military aspects of the American Revolution.

1. The Global Legacy of the Declaration of Independence (Bob)

Question: Bob asked if the Declaration of Independence was the most significant element of the Revolutionary War in shaping the "fate of the world," particularly because it was adopted by numerous other countries.

Answer: Professor Bell confirmed that the phrase "pregnant with the fate of the world" was used by Thomas Jefferson in 1826 to describe the significance of the Declaration.

  • By 1826, 20 or 30 groups of rebels and separatists, including the Haitians from the French Empire and revolutionaries in South America, had authored their own declarations of independence.
  • These documents were modeled, directly or indirectly, on the American original, inaugurating the "genre of declaration making" by separatists worldwide.
  • This transformation acted as the "starting gun for decolonization" and contributed to the shift from a world of empires to a world of sovereign nation-states.
  • The host added that the Declaration’s influence extended beyond colonialism, spreading the ideal of self-government and elected government, which even influenced non-colonial nations like France.

2. The Use of Individual Characters in Global History (Peter)

Question: Peter asked if telling the global story through a small number of individual characters might skew the overall presentation or give a "skewed sense" of the conflict, as one person may not be fully representative of the facet being examined.

Answer: Professor Bell explained that the book uses a character-centric approach selectively:

  • Out of 14 chapters, only five follow one individual as a primary lens (or "touchstone"). For instance, the Native American chapter uses Molly Brandt as a lens but also discusses other groups, such as the Cherokees and Katabas.
  • The other nine chapters do not follow a single individual.
  • He cited the chapter on the rise of Australia (a consequence of losing the American colonies as a penal dumping ground). The story begins with a jewel thief named William Murray, but because Murray dies early on while guarding British slave forts in West Africa, other touchstones are used to carry the story forward to Lord Sydney’s decision to found Botany Bay.

3. Motivation for Writing a Global History (Peter)

Question: Peter also asked what motivated Professor Bell, as a newcomer to the Revolutionary War field, to undertake the massive effort of synthesizing disparate global scholarship.

Answer: Professor Bell noted that although this was his first book specifically on the Revolution, he had been teaching the subject for 20 years at the University of Maryland.

  • The book was directly prompted by the COVID-19 lockdown period, during which he gave Zoom talks. His British accent led attendees to ask: "what did British people think about the American Revolution?".
  • This curiosity prompted him to research that subject, and subsequent audience questions pushed him to research Ireland, and then India.
  • The book grew out of people "bugging me with questions I didn't know the answer to," and his decision to synthesize the "shelves and shelves" of existing, but often distinct, scholarship to bring these global dimensions to the general public.

4. The Counterfactual Role of the Spanish Navy (Ed)

Question: Ed posed a counterfactual query regarding the Battle of the Chesapeake (Battle of the Capes): Could the French have diverted enough ships to fight off the British fleet and ensure the success at Yorktown if the Spanish Navy had not jumped into the war to provide naval assistance?.

Answer: Professor Bell acknowledged the difficulty of answering a counterfactual question, but confirmed the naval premise:

  • The combined fleets of France and Spain (the second and third largest navies, respectively) numerically overwhelmed the British Royal Navy.
  • This forced Britain to make "impossible naval choices," such as diverting ships globally to defend vital colonies like Jamaica, which was "vastly more important than any American mainland colony" than any American mainland colony.
  • Without the French and Spanish navies' combined ability to overwhelm the Royal Navy globally and locally, the outcome at Yorktown "could have been quite different".
  • He stressed that in the age of sail, what happened at sea was as important as what happened on land, and noted that naval engagements like the Battle of the Capes, the Battle of the Saints, and the "endless rematches" in India were vital parts of the war.

5. Comparative Global Revolutions (Roger)

Question: Roger asked if the American Revolution was the only place and time in the 1770s to bring forth its revolutionary ideals, and if not, where the next such movement might appear.

Answer: Professor Bell quickly pointed to the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) as an event that commanded the Western world's attention and was "no less significant in global history".

  • Although most of the fighting was confined to the Caribbean, the Haitian Revolution—a slave-led insurrection—was of "seismic global importance" because it directly challenged imperial capitalism.
  • If enslaved people could rise up, throw off an imperial power, and declare themselves statesmen of equal stature, the established order was threatened, leading Western powers (including the United States and Britain) to attempt to suppress it.

* * *

Professor Richard Bell discusses his new book The American Revolution and the Fate of the World.

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Sunday, November 16, 2025

ARP370 Vermont Joins the Union

We last looked in on Vermont way back in Episode 177 when the people of Vermont declared themselves a free and independent Republic.  Vermont had never been an independent colony.  Various other colonies claimed all or part of it, but the primary fight was between New Hampshire and New York.  Both colonies sold conflicting land grants in the region, resulting in fights between people who claimed to own the same land.

Vermont Independence

During the colonial era. The Privy Council in London ruled that the region belonged to New York.  The leadership in New York took that to mean that all the land grants made by New Hampshire were null and void and that those holding claims from New Hampshire were simply trespassers. London officials later clarified that, while New York had sovereign control over the land claims, it had to do something to respect the private property claims that had already been made.  New York’s so-called accommodation was to allow New Hampshire claims holders to pay for their land again in New York.  

The landholders, in no mood to pay for their land a second time, opted to resist New York’s efforts to impose its land claim scheme.  These men eventually formed the Green Mountain Boys, which acted as vigilantes, harassing people trying to enforce New York grants as well as law enforcement officers sent out to impose New York’s land rules.  

This was the state of things when the Revolutionary War began.  The New Hampshire faction in the region, the Green Mountain Boys, became active supporters of the patriot cause.  Their early action in seizing Fort Ticonderoga in New York under Ethan Allen, and eventually forming a Continental Regiment under Seth Warner.  By contrast, many of the New Yorkers backed the loyalists and ended up fleeing to Canada.

In 1777, the people in the region decided they would not be part of either New York or New Hampshire.  Instead, they declared their own independence and formed the state of Vermont, using the French name for the Green Mountains that made up much of the region.  

The problem was that New York was not willing to go along with this.  While many New Yorkers had been loyalists, there were a great many patriot New Yorkers who did not want to see the eastern part of their state to break away.  Many of them still had land claims in that area as well.

While Vermont declared itself to be a free and independent state, the Continental Congress refused to recognize them. Representatives from Vermont, which called itself New Connecticut at the time, came to the Congress in Philadelphia in the summer of 1777, seeking recognition and representation.  They used the same arguments outlined in the Declaration of Independence for removing and replacing New York’s control over them. The New York delegation threatened to abandon the Congress and the war effort if the Congress recognized Vermont’s claims.  So for the time being at least, Congress sided with New York, refusing to recognize Vermont.

In 1778, New York governor George Clinton attempted to reassert control over Vermont, offering to confirm private land titles if settlers acknowledged New York’s authority there.  The Vermont settlers, however, had felt so cheated by previous efforts to settle their land claims in New York that they refused any consideration of the offer.

In 1779, New York insisted that Congress adopt a resolution that no new state could be formed out of the land of an existing state without that state’s consent.  This law later made its way into the new US Constitution.  Other states generally took New York’s side.  Many of them were also concerned about having some of their own state land taken away from them.  Also, some states viewed the whole Vermont scheme as an effort by New England to get another delegation and have more power in Congress.  So the people of Vermont found themselves on the outs with Congress. They could not get recognition without New York's permission.

The Cow War

With New York threatening its existence, and with Congress unwilling to support them, the Vermont legislature responded by passing a law formalizing a Vermont militia, complete with a provision to draft soldiers.  The stated purpose of the militia was to defend against possible attacks from Canada.  But the effect of the new law reopened the active violence between Vermont and Canada.

Any draftee who refused to serve could be subject to a fine or prison time.  The state most commonly enforced this by seizing one cow from any militiamen who refused service.  Many of the men in Vermont having their property seized recognized New York’s authority and refused to participate in a militia run by the so-called Vermont Republic. Many of them were members of a militia, but one overseen by New York.

Officials seized several dozen cattle from these pro-New York farmers.  Thee men, under the authority of their New York militia, took up arms and marched north to take back their cows by force.  This began what became known as the Great Cow War.

To support the pro-New York militia, Governor Clinton called out more militia from arnound Albany to support the pro-New York faction in Vermont. Clinton, however, could not commit a very large force to this action. Remember, this was in the middle of the war, when New York was focused on Indian and loyalist incursions from Canada.  

When New York militia entered Vermont, Ethan Allen marched his Vermont militia to the region, where his larger force captured the New York militia.  Because the Yorker militia surrendered without a fight, they were treated leniently.  Those from New York were sent home.  Those who lived in the territory claimed by Vermont eventually had to swear loyalty to Vermont or be expelled from the state.

Governor Clinton complained to Congress about these actions, but Congress was fighting its own war with the British.  It showed no interest in intervening in this local squabble.  Vermont’s actions effectively blunted any pro-New York activity in the state.  But Vermont continued to rile its neighbors.  On sticking point was annexing a bunch of New Hampshire and New York towns on its borders, where the residents asked to join Vermont.

Negotiations with Canada

What would have been even more concerning, but was not publicly known at the time, was that Vermont officials began negotiations with British officials in Canada to form an alliance against the United States.  

In 1779 and 1780, British officials were actively looking for ways to divide the enemy.  This was around the same time they were negotiating to turn General Benedict Arnold.  Vermont was an obvious opportunity.  These people wanted to be independent. The Continental Congress refused to recognize their claims, siding more with their enemy, New York.  Vermont found itself surrounded by hostile neighbors.  At some point, they would likely turn on Vermont and crush its claims to independence.

Lord Germain wrote to Frederick Haldimand, who had succeeded Guy Carlton as Governor of Quebec as well as the North American commander at the time, General General Clinton, the North American military commander at the time.  Beyond a promise of protection, Germain suggested that they offer the Vermont leadership bribes to accept an offer for Vermont to become its own British colony, complete with the protection of the British army.

Virginia loyalist Colonel Beverly Robinson, was working closely with Major John André to turn Benedict Arnold at the time, under Clinton’s authority in New York. Robinson initiated contact with Ethan Allan with the British proposal.  The Robinson proposal came with the implication that the king would be willing to appoint Allen as the Royal Governor of Vermont.

Allen did not reject the offer out of hand.  He recognized Vermont’s precarious position, surrounded by hostile states that refused to recognize the Vermont Republic.  Even if Vermont had to return to colonial status, a good argument could be made that rule under British authority would be better than rule by New York authority.  Allen later claimed that he just played along, thinking that the British proposal could be used to pressure the Continental Congress into recognizing the Vermont Republic. Allen did not respond to Beverly’s proposal.

 Vermont continued to press its case with the Continental Congress, but the Congress kept delaying making any sort of decision.  President of Vermont Thomas Chittenden got frustrated with Congress, saying it had no authority to judge whether or not the Vermont Republic was valid. It was already done.  Vermont would never accept being merged back into New York.  Vermont was only seeking a rightful place with representation in the Continental Congress.  If that was not forthcoming, Vermont reserved the right to negotiate with the British to assure its continued independence from New York.  

Around this same time, in the fall of 1780, Chittenden wrote to Haldimand, offering a truce and a discussion of an exchange of prisoners.  Seeing an opening, Haldimand appointed Justus Sherwood, a loyalist who had lived in Vermont before the war and serving as an officer in the Queen’s Royal Rangers, to negotiate with the Vermont Republic.

Sherwood travelled to Vermont, publicly to discuss a truce and prisoner exchange.  Sherwood, however, also had private discussions with Ethan Allen.  According to Sherwood’s report to Haldimand, Allen was open to the idea, as long as Vermont remained a separate province with its own military command.  He also insisted negotiations must be kept secret, and that negotiations would end if Congress recognized the Vermont Republic.

This was a particularly dangerous time for such discussions since in the midst of them, Arnold’s plot with the British was exposed, and concern over other possible traitors became a prominent concern for the Continental leadership.  Sherwood quickly made his departure from Vermont.  Allen reported the meetings to the Vermont legislature, but this only raised suspicions about him.  Allen angrily resigned his military commission on the spot and stormed out of the meeting.  After that, Allents brother Ira Allen and Joseph Fay were appointed to continue any further negotiations with the British.

With the threat of throwing in with Britain as leverage, Chittenden wrote to the three governors who had land claims on Vermont. Chittenden suggested that keeping an independent Vermont on their side was better than forcing Vermont to ally with the British.  Massachusetts agreed not to make any claims on Vermont territory if Congress took up consideration of Vermont’s application to join the confederation.  New Hampshire did not give a definitive answer, but it appeared it would be willing to support Vermont’s claims, only if Vermont ceded any claims to the annexed territories that had joint the Republic from the east bank of the Connecticut River.

New York was still the biggest opponent.  Governor Clinton showed the Vermont legislature to the legislature and essentially said it was an insult to New York.  The state Senate, however, understood the concern that Vermont might unite with Canada.  It voted to send commissioners to Vermont to at least open negotiations.  The Senate, however, dropped the idea of negotiations after Governor Clinton threatened to dissolve the legislature if it did not drop the idea.

In early 1781, Robinson sent a second letter to Ethan Allen.  Shortly after receiving it, Allen had a discussion with Seth Warner, who expressed the concern that secret negotiations with the enemy was arguably treason.  Allen turned over both letters to the Vermont legislature, noting that he had not responded to either of them.  The legislature sent them to the Continental Congress, which found itself too busy with other things to give it any consideration.

With no action by Congress on recognition, Vermont negotiators met with the British at the Fort at Ile-aux-Noix, in the spring of 1781.  The Vermont delegation refused to put anything in writing.  Ira Alllen told Sherwood that while some Vermont leaders were open to the possibility, the people of Vermont were not.  Without popular support, there was no way this could work.  Allen said that if British incursions into Vermont stopped, they might be able to begin to sway public opinion.  Sherwood’s report after the fact, stated that he thought the Vermont delegation was not serious.  They were just bargaining for time, and that they probably hoped to use the British offer as leverage to get recognition from the Continental Congress. The two sides met several more times over the coming months, with the British threatening to restarting raids into the state unless some progress was made.  

Sherwood was right that Vermont saw these negotiations as leverage with Congress.  In August of 1781, Congress once again took up consideration of Vermont’s application and agreed to allow Vermont’s entry if it gave up its claims on the territories it annexed from New Hampshire.

That fall, an army under General Barry St. Leger moved down to Ticonderoga, with the expectation that the Vermont Assembly would vote on the alliance and would welcome them as liberators.  The British, who were supposed to treat anyone from Vermont as an ally, got into a firefight with some Vermont militia, killing one and taking five others prisoner.  St. Leger wrote a public letter of apology, which inadvertently revealed elements of this very secret and very unpopular deal between Britain and Vermont.

Feeling it was in the driver’s seat, Vermont rejected Congress’ condition that it give up its annexed territories but agreed to continue negotiations over its borders.  The moment seemed to pass though.  The public voted out politicians who were considering the British alliance.  News of the British loss at Yorktown seemed to sour others on the idea of continuing negotiations with Britain.

In 1782, the pro-New York faction in southern Vermont sent a series of petitions to both New York and the Continental Congress, expressing their concerns about the Republic’s negotiations with the British and the fact that they wanted to remain Americans.  At the same time, New York offered to guarantee all land claims in Vermont, without any additional payments or fees, if the territory would just agree to accept New York’s authority.

Governor Clinton continued to add pressure by encouraging Yorkers in Vermont to continue their acts of resistance.  He even appointed New York judges with jurisdiction over cases that arose in Vermont.  Once again, Allen took an army of Vermont militia to the area that was the center of pro-New York activity.  They seized the property and arrested and banished several leaders of the pro-New York faction.  Allen wrote to Haldimand that he planned to do everything in his power to return Vermont to a British province.

Congress reiterated its willingness to recognize Vermont only if it gave up on its annexed territories.  When the war finally came to an end, efforts to resolve the issue also seemed to wane.  The threats from Canada had ended, and New York did not seem to press its claims as hard as it had in the past.  Vermont had no war debts, and actually ran a surplus from all the loyalist property it had seized.  It did not seem in any hurry to join the Confederation and take on the war debt for the entire country, at least not on any terms but its own.

Several Canadian leaders, including the new Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, John Graves Simcoe, tried to use trade agreements to pressure Vermont into returning to British control.  The easiest way to get goods to market was up the river to Quebec.  Britain’s trade restrictions made that uneconomical.  That would change if Vermont became a British province. 

Nothing came of that though.  The British realized that the trade restrictions only kept them more divided.  In 1787, Lord Dorchester (formerly known as Guy Carleton) in Quebec created a free trade zone between Vermont and Quebec on most goods.

The Allen brothers, Ethan, Ira, and Levi, all seemed to warm up to the idea of making Vermont into a British Province.  Levi secured a contract to provide the British navy with masts made from Vermont timber.  Ira worked on plans to dig a canal connecting lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence River to facilitate trade.  Ethan was still writing to Lord Dorchester in 1788 asking for British arms so that Vermont could defend itself if the new United States decided to attack Vermont.

For the longest time, Vermont’s position was that it would only consider being a British Province if Congress denied entry into the US.  By 1789 though, Levi was writing to British officials that he preferred the idea of being a province to US statehood. He also encouraged the Church of England to send a Bishop to Vermont to encourage more Anglican converts.

Statehood

By 1790 though, the US Congress was ready to settle this matter.  It had finally gotten Rhode Island to join the Union, and had gotten other states to cede land for new western states, meaning the Vermont issue could finally be resolved.  A big incentive for many northern states was the Kentucky was probably going to seek admission soon, and so Vermont would provide another northern state for balance.  

Soon after his election, President Washington made clear his wishes that Vermont be admitted as a state.  Alexander Hamilton, a New Yorker, also became a leading advocate.  In the summer of 1789, New York Governor Clinton finally authorized the legislature to appoint commissioners to begin talking about the possibility of ceding Vermont, allowing it to become its own state.

By this time Vermont had its own concerns about joining the Union. Vermont had no war debt, but would be responsible for paying off part of the US war debt.  It was also concerned that New Yorkers with land clams in Vermont could bring those claims in federal court, and possibly win.  It could also lose the free trade agreements that it had in place with Quebec at the time.

After considerable discussions with New York, Vermont agreed to pay $30,000 to cover any possible land claims based on New York grants of land in Vermont.  It also agreed to take on its share of the US war debt.  Vermont also worked out its border disputes conceding the annexed lands that were in New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.

Officials held a statewide convention that met in Bennington in January, 1791 to discuss the concerns over joining the Union.  While many delegates voiced some concerns, the consensus for joining was prety overwhelming.  The delegates voted 105-4 to ratify the US Constitution and join the Union.

President Washington received the news and forwarded it to Congress with the recommendation that Congress admit Vermont.  Since New York had already signed onto the agreement, there was little opposition.  The main arguments in Congress were over how many representatives Vermont would get. They settled on two. Because all the objections with the neighboring states were settled, Congress passed the resolution relatively quickly.  President Washington signed it on February 18, 1791.  The Resolution set admission for March 4.  With that, Vermont became the fourteenth state.

Next week: Federal officials lay out their plans to build a new capital on the bank of the Potomac River.

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Next Episode 371 Planning Washington, DC (coming soon)

Previous Episode 369 First Bank of the United States

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Further Reading

Websites

Vermont’s Admission to the Union “The Vermonter” March 1902: https://books.google.com/books?id=nFMSAAAAYAAJ&pg=RA2-PA101#v=onepage&q&f=false


Graffagnino, J. Kevin “Vermonters Unmasked” Vermont History, Summer, 1989. https://vermonthistory.org/journal/misc/VermontersUnmasked.pdf

Then Again: Defiant ‘Yorkers’ brought to heel during 1783 ‘Cow Wars’ https://vtdigger.org/2020/07/19/then-again-defiant-yorkers-brought-to-heel-during-1783-cow-wars

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Collections of the Vermont Historical Society, Vol. 2 [Haldimand Papers], 1871. 

Allen, Ira The Natural and Political History of the State of Vermont, London: J.W. Myers, 1798.

Bemis, Samuel F. “Relations between the Vermont separatists and Great Britain, 1789-1791American Historical Review, Spring, 1916. 

Dexter, Warren W. and Hanson, Barbara C. Vermont: Wilderness to Statehood, 1748-1791, Rutland: Academy Books, 1989. (borrow only). 

Hall, Henry Ethan Allen: The Robin Hood of Vermont, New York: D. Appleton and Co. 1895. 

Kingsford, William The History of Canada, Vol. 7, Toronto: Roswell & Hutchinson, 1887. 

Van de Water, Frederic F. The Reluctant Republic; Vermont, 1724-1791, New York, The John Day Co. 1941. 

Wilbur, James B. Ira Allen: Founder of Vermont, 1751-1814Vol 1 & Vol. 2, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1928.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bordewich, Fergus M. The First Congress: How James Madison, George Washington, and a Group of Extraordinary Men Invented the Government, Simon & Schuster, 2016. 

Chernow, Ron Alexander Hamilton, Penguin Press, 2004. 

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010. 

Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800, Oxford Univ. Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation, Knopf, 2000.

Ellis, Joseph J. The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution 1783-1789, Alfred A. Knopf, 2015. 

Mello, Robert A. Moses Robinson and the Founding of Vermont, Vermont Historical Society, 2014. 

Randall, Willard Sterne Ethan Allen: His Life and Times, W.W. Norton & Co, 2011. 

Sherman, Michael (ed) A More Perfect Union: Vermont Becomes a State, 1777-1816, Vermont Historical Society, 1991 (borrow on archive.org). 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.