Sunday, June 15, 2025

ARP356 Federalist Papers and New York

Last week we covered the ratification of the Constitution by the largest state, Virginia, bringing the total to 10 states.  The other really critical state remaining was New York.

New York is Reluctant

The empire state was skeptical of the new constitution before it was even written.  Governor George Clinton had dominated New York politics for years.  He had served as governor since 1777, when the position was first established.  Before that he has served in the New York’s General Assembly, the Continental Congress, and as a general in the Continental Army.  He was extremely popular, and was even elected both governor and lieutenant governor in 1777.

NYC Celebrates Ratification
Clinton was also a political opponent of Alexander Hamilton.  The newcomer to New York Politics inherited Clinton’s wrath by marriage.  While Hamilton and Clinton had gotten along well as fellow Continental officers during the war, Hamilton had married the daughter of Philip Schuyler, who was probably Clinton’s strongest political opponent in earlier times.  Hamilton took up many of the same political causes that Schuyler had advocated once Hamilton began serving in the NY state legislature and the Confederation Congress.

When Hamilton introduced a motion to send five delegates to the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Clinton was skeptical.  The governor had his supporters in the legislature reduce the number of delegates to three, and sent Hamilton along with two strong ideological opponents of a stronger federal government, State Senator Abraham Yates, Mayor of Albany John Lansing.  These two delegates assured that New York would oppose Hamilton’s vision of a much more powerful federal government.  Both of these men left the Convention early to inform Clinton about what was happening.  Their absence meant that New York could not vote on anything else at the convention since it required at least two votes.  Hamilton would be the only NY delegate to sign the Constitution.

Clinton found his base of political power in the small yeoman farmers of New York.  These were opposed to the merchants in the city, and the large land owning aristocratic leaders like Phillip Schuyler.  Clinton also acted as a moderate.  Keeping in mind his political base, he still tried to put forward moderate policies that would benefit everyone.  New York had avoided much of the strife and economic difficulties that New England experienced in the post war era.  This had allowed him to continue serving as a popular four term governor by 1788.  

Doctors Riot

New York still had its issues.  In 1786, Clinton had called out the militia to help suppress some spillover from Shays’ Rebellion.  In 1788, while in the middle of the debate over ratification, Clinton had to call out the militia again.  This time for the doctor’s riot in New York City.  The doctor’s riot had nothing to do with the Constitution or national politics, but it is an interesting story, that happened at this time, so I suppose I should give it a quick mention.

There is some question about the story that sparked the riot.  While it seems to have some basis in fact, parts of it may have been made up or exaggerated.  In any event, I’ll give you the story and you can decide.

In April of 1788, a group of boys were playing near a lab at New York Hospital and saw a medical student dissecting a woman.  The boys wondered who the woman was, the student responded in a particularly “New York” way, and told them the body was “your mother”.  By coincidence, one of the boys had recently lost his mother.  He went home to tell his father.  His father then picked up a shovel and dug up his wife’s grave.  It was empty.  There is no evidence that the body the med student was working on was actually this same person.  Medical students had, for years, been digging up fresh graves for dissection.  More accurately, they would often pay grave robbers for bringing them fresh bodies, no questions asked.

Typically robbers would take bodies from the Negro Burial Ground, or the potter’s field for poor people, which did not raise much fuss, at least not among people who had the power to do anything about it. But in February, 1788, a newspaper reported that a white woman’s body had been stolen from Trinity Churchyard.  So when this event happened in April, New Yorkers were already primed for action.  

A mob quickly formed and stormed the hospital, causing doctors and medical students to flee.  The mob found three bodies, one boiling in a kettle to remove flesh from the bones, and two others cut up, with parts hanging around the room.  The mob destroyed the rooms, and took much of the specimens into the street, where they were burned in a large fire.  There was some effort to throw a couple of medical students who had been captured into the fire as well.  But the sheriff arrived and removed them to jail for their own protection.

After discussing the matter further that evening, probably in taverns, many memes of the public decided that more action was needed.  A mob of hundreds of people surrounded Columbia College.  Alexander Hamilton appeared and tried to calm the mob.  They pushed him aside and entered the areas where they thought they might find bodies or body parts.  The staff had removed them the night before.  Still unhappy, the mob, which grew to about 5000, broke into the houses of several doctors, searching for bodies.  

They finally ended up at the jail, demanding access to the medical students who had been arrested the day before.  The prisoners had to fend off attacks with rocks and bricks.  When one of the rioters got inside the jail, the guards killed him, which only angered the rioters even more.  Several more prominent leaders tried to quell the violence.  John Jay was hit in the head with a rock.  The former general Baron von Steuben, was hit with a brick.  Hundreds of militia rushed to the jail.  Clinton had sent them with strict orders not to fire on the mob.  However, when the mob attack the militia, they fired in self defense.  At least three rioters and three militiamen were killed in the fight, although some observers put the death count at twenty.

In the following days, many doctors published ads proclaiming that they had never taken a body from anywhere in the city.  This, of course ignored the fact that potter’s field and the Negro Burying ground were outside the city limits.  Vigilantes formed “Dead Guard Men” armed groups that patrolled the cemeteries night and day to prevent grave robbing.  A grand jury investigated the riots, but never resulted in any convictions.  

The issue seemed to subside after that, and there is no evidence that this had any impact on the debates over ratification, although the riots took place only a week or two before the elections of delegates to New York’s ratifying convention.

Antifederalist Arguments

Despite the occasional riot, New York was doing pretty well and things were pretty stable, especially when compared to New England.  Even so, New York had a divide similar to those in other states. The merchant class, particularly in New York City, favored the new constitution, which they believed would improve trade and establish more economic stability across the continent.  

At the same time farmers throughout the state opposed the constitution.  One reason New York was doing well was because of the massive revenues from tariffs collected in New York City.  This allowed the state to keep other taxes lower, meaning small farmers were not hit as hard with state taxes.  The new constitution would give those tariff revenues to the federal government, meaning the state would likely have to increase property taxes, hitting hard on struggling farmers.  New York had also confiscated a large amount of land from loyalists.  The new constitution was seen as a way for these loyalists to sue for the return of their property, pursuant to the peace treaty of 1783.  Patriot farmers who may have obtained this land a decade ago, might find themselves thrown off of their farms.

Governor Clinton’s political base rested with these farmers who opposed the new constitution.  He was in no hurry to get behind it.  He also did not come out forcefully against it.  In the fall of 1787 the state assembly was not in session, and Governor Clinton saw no reason to call a special session to consider the constitution.

The two New York delegates who had opposed Hamilton at the Constitutional Convention, Yates, and Lansing, began writing articles and essays in opposition to the Constitution, arguing that it would destroy New York’s sovereignty.  We see many of the arguments made in other states: the Convention in Philadelphia had exceeded its authority, there was no bill of rights, and so on.  One very local objection was giving up the revenue from the Port of New York.  Opponents also seized on the Senate in particular as being an aristocratic body.

Federalist Papers

Of course, the federalists fought for ratification in the state.  Leading that fight was Alexander Hamilton.  As early as July of 1787, two months before the convention in Philadelphia even ended, Hamilton had published an anonymous article criticizing the governor’s lack of support for the convention.  He argued the governor was more concerned about protecting his own power than the national good.

Beginning in late October, about a month after the Philadelphia Convention had ended, Hamilton published his first essay in favor of ratification and extolling the virtues of the new Constitution.

Hamilton hoped to recruit others to help write a series of articles explaining the benefits of the Constitution and encouraging New Yorkers to support its ratification.  The first man he sought for help was fellow New Yorker John Jay.   

Hamilton also reached out to William Duer, another New York finance guy. Duer wrote one or two essays.  Hamilton, however, did not consider his work up to the task, and removed him from the project.  Hamilton also reached out to Gouverneur Morris.  Morris had been a Pennsylvania delegate to the Convention, but had lived most of his life in New York, and had recently purchased a new home in the state.  Morris, however, was too busy to get involved in the project.  Hamilton then turned out of state, to James Madison of Virginia.

Hamilton, Jay, and Madison worked out a plan to divide the essays into their areas of expertise.  Jay, who had served as a diplomat in Europe and who had negotiated several treaties, focused on foreign relations.  Madison had long studied the history of ancient republics.  Many of his essays focused on historical reasons for why the Constitution had certain features.  The author of the Virginia plan also focused on the many checks and balances in the new government, and how they would prevent factions that were prevalent in many state governments from being able to take control of federal power.  Hamilton focused more on the executive branch, the judiciary, as well as taxation and the military.

It was common practice for both advocates and opponents to publish their essays under pseudonyms, usually drawn from ancient Rome.  Antifederalists in New York commonly published under the name Brutus or Cato.  Some historians suspect that Governor Clinton himself was Cato. Initially, Hamilton had begun publishing simply as “Citizen of New York”.  However, once Madison joined the team from Virginia, that would no longer work.  The team chose to publish under the pseudonym “Publius” after  Publius Valerius Poplicola.  He was one of the leaders of the effort to overthrow the Roman monarchy and helped form the Roman Republic around 500 BC.

Jay only ended up writing only a few essays.  He wrote four of the first five, but then fell sick in early December and could not really contribute over the next few critical months.  Some authors say that Jay was absent because he was injured in the Doctors Riot.  In truth, Jay had a flare up of rheumatism that prevented more activity.  He did write one more essay toward the end of the series.

Hamilton wrote the majority of the papers, with 51 credited to his pen, and 29 to Madison.  Another 16 essays are in dispute, with many scholars arguing they were jointly written by both Madison and Hamilton.  Since all were published anonymously, there is no clear record on the point.  They were published first as individual essays in New York papers.

A first volume of essays was published in March of 1788 containing the first 36.  A second volume at the end of May included the later essays, 37-77, with essays 78-85 published for the first time in that volume.  These were influential in explaining the benefits of the new Constitution and have been used by Constitutional scholars ever since, but it’s not clear how much of an impact they had on New York voters.

Ratifying Convention

Governor Clinton did not call for a special session in the fall of 1787.  Instead, he waited until the regular opening of the new session in January of 1788.  He sent the legislature, not only the constitution, but the letters he had received from Yates and Lansing explaining why they had left the convention early and including all of their criticisms.  Clinton did not say anything for or against the Constitution at that time, but simply handed it to the legislature.

For several weeks, advocates were concerned that the legislature might not even call a convention at all.  There were several close votes on how to characterize the convention.  But in the end, the legislators agreed overwhelmingly that this was a decision for the people and that it would be an abuse of their power not to call a convention at all.  They voted in February to hold elections two months later, in late April and early May.  This was the same time that legislative elections were held. They also opened the elections to all adult free white males, eliminating the property requirement that existed for electing legislators. The convention would take place in Poughkeepsie beginning on June 17.  

New York had two pretty well-organized political parties, even if they did not really have names.  They centered around politicians, with one faction backing Governor Clinton, and the other centered around Schuyler and Hamilton.  Those in favor were called federalists. Those opposed sometimes called themselves antifederalists, but also went by the name republicans.

There were twelve newspapers in New York state, all of which were run by federalists.  Only one newspaper printed a substantial number of anti-federalist articles.  The anti-federalists published their own pamphlets which they distributed statewide.

Because of the highly partisan nature of the debate, when the delegate votes were released in late may, there were 46 antifederalist delegates and only 19 federalists.  All of the federalist delegates came from New York City and the surrounding counties.  The rest of the state voted overwhelmingly anti-federalist.

The federalists then put their hopes in the fact that other states were likely to bring the Constitution into effect without New York.  That would mean the question would turn from keeping the Confederation or the new federal government to New York could choose to join the new union or not.  The confederation would be dead.

The federalists hoped to draw out convention debate in order to buy time for news from other states to arrive.  This seemed to work.

When the Convention began, there were still only eight states which had ratified.  On June 24, the Convention learned that New Hampshire became the 9th state to ratify, thus bringing the Constitution into effect.  A week later, on July 2, delegates learned of Virginia’s ratification.

Albany Riot

News of Virginia’s ratification just before Independence Day had varied reactions.  The Anti-federalists saw the new Constitution as a threat to their liberty and independence.  On July 4, a group of anti-federalists in Albany held a public burning of the Constitution.  In response, the federalists held a parade celebrating the Constitution that evening.

The Anti-federalists formed a mob, armed with clubs stones, and bayonets, to stop the parade.  These were not just local thugs.  Yates and Lansing were among those in the anti-federalist mob.  Both sides had been drinking heavily.  The federalists outnumbered the anti-federalists who retreated into a nearby house.  The federalists then besieged the house for some time before the defenders surrendered and were arrested.  

The riots resulted in about 18 seriously injured and one man killed by a bayonet. Despite the violence, work at the convention continued.

Ratification

Word of Virginia’s ratification began to divide the anti-federalist majority at the Convention.  As we saw in Virginia, the debate at the convention turned from yes or no to the Constitution to one of either voting for ratification, or voting for an alternative with lots of amendments to make the new government more acceptable.  New York did not want to be outside the Union, especially with a hostile British Army on its northern border in Quebec.  New Yorkers recognized the continued need for participation in the Union.  

There was also the issue of whether New York would remain the seat for the new federal government.  Obviously if New York refused to join, Congress would move to another state.

The Convention came up with a whole range of amendments to the Constitution.  They also voted to send a circular letter to the other states calling for a second convention to consider amendments. Like other states we’ve discussed, New York wanted a bill of rights, as well as a whole range of other more substantive changes.

Then the debate turned to whether ratification would be unconditional or conditional on these amendments.  Lansing proposed a vote on conditional ratification.  Federalists argued that without an unconditional ratification, New York would have no say in writing any amendments since it would not join the Union until after they were passed.  It would be much better to have New York participate in the amendment process as part of the Union. Federalists also raised the argument that if the convention refused to ratify, that New York City and its surrounding counties might secede from the state of New York and join the United States on their own.

One July 23, the delegates broke the fighting when several anti-federalists agreed to change their proposal to vote for ratification “on express condition” of the adoption of amendments to “in full confidence” that the amendments would be adopted.  This made the vote for ratification unconditional and allowed New York to join the new government.  On July 23, the convention voted 31 to 29 in favor of the new wording, despite the opposition of Governor Clinton and other anti-federalist leaders like Yates and Lansing.  Three days later, the delegates voted 30 to 27 to finalize ratification.

New York would become the 11th state to join the union.

Next week, the Confederation Congress begins the process of establishing the new federal government.

Next Episode 357 First Elections

Previous Episode 355 Virginia Ratification

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Further Reading

Websites

Lovejoy, Bess “The Gory New York City Riot that Shaped American Medicine” Smithsonian Magazine, June 17, 2014:  https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/gory-new-york-city-riot-shaped-american-medicine-180951766

Anatomy of a Riot, 1788: https://www.sciencehistory.org/stories/magazine/the-anatomy-riot-of-1788

New York & Ratification of the Federal Constitution https://history.nycourts.gov/about_period/federal-constitution

Brawl between Federalists and anti-Federalists, July 4, 1788 https://www.gilderlehrman.org/sites/default/files/00259_SPS.pdf

Violence and the Ratification of the U.S. Constitution in New York City https://www.gothamcenter.org/blog/violence-and-the-ratification-of-the-us-constitution-in-new-york-city

Ratification Riots: https://csac.history.wisc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/281/2020/11/Violence-in-the-Ratification-Debate_Essay.pdf

New York Ratifies the Constitution, 26 July 1788 https://archive.csac.history.wisc.edu/ny_ratifies_the_constitution.pdf

VIDEO: The Struggle for Ratification: New York’s Role in Shaping the U.S. Constitution  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOTfjhwcz6o

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Documentary History of the Constitution of the United States of America, Vol 2, Washington: Dept. of State, 1894. 

This Constitution: From Ratification to the Bill of Rights, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. 1988 (borrow only). 

New York Circular letter, 1788. 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Ford, Paul L. Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States, Brooklyn, NY: 1888. 

Headly, J.T. The Great Riots of New York, 1712 to 1873, New York: E.B. Treat, 1873. 

Kaminski, John, et. al (eds) The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution: Virginia (Vol 18-23) 2003-2009.

Renwick, Henry B. Lives of John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, 1817-1895New York: Harper & Brothers, 1840. 

Jay, John Address to the people of the state of New-York on the subject of the Constitution, New York: Samuel Loudon, 1788. 

Madison, James, Alexander Hamilton & John Jay The Federalist, New York: Random House Modern Library, 1937.

Rutland, Robert A. The Ordeal of the Constitution: The Antifederalists and the Ratification Struggle of 1787-1788, Northeastern University Press, 1983 (borrow only). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bailyn, Bernard (ed) The Debate on the Constitution : Federalist and Antifederalist Speeches, Articles, and Letters During the Struggle Over Ratification, Part One, Library of America, 1984 (borrow on archive.org). 

Bradford, M.E. Original Intentions: on the Making and Ratification of the United States Constitution, Univ. of GA Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Conley, Patrick T & John P. Kaminski The Constitution and the States: The Role of the Original Thirteen in the Framing and Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Madison House, 1988 (borrow on archive.org).

De Pauw, Linda Grant The Eleventh Pillar: New York State and the Federal Constitution, Cornell Univ. Press, 1966 (borrow on archive.org). 

Faber, Michael J. An Anti-Federalist Constitution: The Development of Dissent in the Ratification Debates, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2019. 

Kaminski, John P George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the New Republic, Madison House, 1993 (borrow on archive.org

Maier, Pauline Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788. Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

Rossiter, Clinton Alexander Hamilton and the Constitution, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. 1964 (borrow on archive.org). 

Smith, Craig R To Form a More Perfect Union: The Ratification of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, 1787-1791, University Press of America, 1993 (borrow on archive.org

Storing, Herbert J. What the Anti-Federalists Were For: The Political Thought of the Opponents of the Constitution, Univ of Chicago Press, 1981. 

Van Doren, Carl The Great Rehearsal: The story of the making and ratifying of the Constitution of the United States, Viking Press, 1948. (borrow on archive.org

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, June 8, 2025

ARP355 Virginia Ratification, 1788

Last week, we covered the states that ratified the Constitution in the spring of 1788.  We ended with the ninth state, New Hampshire, which managed to overcome intensive opposition to squeak through a “yes” vote at its second convention.  New Hampshire’s ratification brought the number of states to nine, meaning the Constitution came into effect.  Of course, it would still take time to hold elections and create the new government, so the Confederation Congress remained in operation.

Four states, of course, still had not approved it.  Virginia, by far the largest state, was still considering the matter. Many questioned whether a Union would work without them.  This week, we look at the ratification fight in Virginia.

Thanks to the efforts of James Madison, Virginia had been the state that had proposed the Constitutional Convention in the first place.  Despite that effort, ratification in the commonwealth was not a given.  Two of the three delegates who had refused to sign the final document were from Virginia.  One of those men who had refused to sign was Edmund Randolph, the state’s governor.

Edmund Randolph

I haven’t discussed Randolph, except in passing, so some background is probably in order.  Randolph came from a prominent Virginia family.  His Uncle Peyton Randolph had been the Speaker of the House of Burgesses before the war, then served as President of the First Continental Congress, as well as the first president of the Second Continental Congress.  Randolph left the Second Continental Congress after only a few days, due to illness, opening up the job for John Hancock.  Peyton returned later that year, only to die rather suddenly, while dining with his cousin, Thomas Jefferson.

Edmund’s father, John Randolph, was not quite as prominent, but did serve as Mayor of Williamsburg before the war.  John did not support the Revolution along with his brother.  He fled to Scotland after the war began, leaving with the  Royal Governor Lord Dunmore.  His twenty-two year old son, Edmund Randolph did not share his father’s views.  He remained behind and joined the Continental Army, serving as an aide to George Washington.  

He only remained in that role for a few months.  When Uncle Peyton died in 1775, Edmund returned to Virginia to settle his estate.  Edmund remained in Virginia, becoming the attorney general in 1776, at age 23.  He remained in that role for a decade before being elected governor in 1786.  Governor Randolph called for the Philadelphia Convention.  He led the Virginia delegation, and introduced Madison’s Virginia Plan at the Convention.

Despite his refusal to sign the Constitution, Randolph had played a pretty active role in drafting the document, serving on the final Committee of Detail that pretty much wrote the final version.  Randolph did not make clear his decision not to sign until about a week before the signing.  Randolph argued that the Constitution was not sufficiently republican.  He believed it it gave too much power to the president.  The House was too small.  There were no limits on a standing army.  He also found unacceptable the representation in the Senate by state, and the ability to pass commercial legislation by a simple majority.  

Edmund Randolph
Rather than sending the document out for ratification, Randolph had wanted the states to recommend changes, then hold a second convention to make some important corrections.  Until that happened, he could not support it.  Despite his refusal to sign, Randolph was not a full-throated opponent.  Before leaving Philadelphia, he told the delegates that he simply wanted to keep his options open at his state’s ratifying convention.

Perhaps part of Randolph’s reluctance was out of his respect for the views of George Mason, who also refused to sign.  Despite his position as governor, Randolph was the youngest delegate from Virginia, and one of the youngest delegates overall at the convention, only 34 years old at the time.  Mason was the oldest member of the Virginia delegation at age 62.

George Mason

Like Randolph, Mason had also supported the Virginia plan, but became increasingly disillusioned with the final document.  Mason also came from a prominent Virginia family.  He was actually George Mason IV.  His great-grandfather, George Mason I, had come to Virginia near its founding, following the end of the English civil war, where he had found himself on the losing side.  The Mason’s had long served in the House of Burgesses and George continued in that role.  

Mason was also the next door neighbor to George Washington at Mount Vernon.  Mason had been an active patriot during the war, serving in several state conventions after declaring independence.  He had written the Virginia Declaration of Rights in 1776, as part of his efforts to create Virginia’s state constitution.

When the Revolutionary War ended, Mason tried to retire from public service, but his importance in establishing the state constitution, caused many to compel him to continue.  He served at the Annapolis Convention in 1786, and then as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787.  Mason grew increasingly disenchanted with the constitution over the course of the convention.

George Mason
As someone who had authored a declaration of rights for a state constitution, he was deeply bothered by the absence of one for the new Federal Constitution.  He also argued that the House was too small to give proper representation, the judiciary was too powerful, and that the lack of a supermajority for commercial legislation would greatly disadvantage southern states.  He also said that presidential power was too large and should be limited through an executive council.  Also, despite being a slave owner, Mason wanted to give the government the power to end the slave trade immediately.  He wanted to see slavery come to an end.

Near the end of the Philadelphia Convention, Mason had moved to add a declaration of rights. This was unanimously rejected.  He also called for a vote on allowing states to propose amendments. The majority also rejected that motion.

Mason did not mince words, he told the delegates that the Constitution would eventually lead to “a monarchy or a corrupt, tyrannical aristocracy” and that he would “sooner chop off his right hand than put it to the Constitution as it now stands.”

Unlike Randolph, who was still taking a wait and see approach, Mason was a full-throated opponent of ratification.  As soon as he got home, he began writing and publishing his reasons why Virginia should refuse to ratify.

Other Anti-Federalists

The anti-federalist leaders in the state went beyond these two former delegates.  Former Governor Patrick Henry strongly opposed ratification.  He quickly put his oratorical skills to use opposing ratification for a whole host of reasons.  He believed a powerful federal government would work against Virginia’s interests and that Virginia would be better off on its own that to join such a union.  

Patrick Henry
Another prominent opponent was former President of the Confederation Congress, Richard Henry Lee, the same man who, in 1776, had made the famous motion that the colonies should become free and independent states.  Lee had refused an appointment to the Constitutional Convention since he was serving in the Confederation Congress at the time.  Lee believed that the convention would simply make recommended changes to be brought before Congress. He was quite upset by the decision to bypass Congress and go directly to the states.  Beyond that, Lee shared similar concerns as voiced by the other opponents about the document itself, believing that it would greatly harm Virginia.

One other ratification opponent, although not as prominent at the time, was James Monroe.  At 29 years old, Monroe had already served as an officer in the Continental Army, then as a delegate to the Confederation Congress. In 1786, he resigned to come home and pass the bar.  He began working as an attorney and got elected to the Virginia House of Delegates.  Monroe was not completely opposed to the Constitution, and actually made statements both before and against at the ratifying convention, but did object to its ratification without a bill of rights.

Federalists

On the other side, James Madison was the most prominent supporter of the proposed Constitution.  This had been a passion that Madison had been pushing for years. While he was not crazy about some of the compromises that he had to make at the Philadelphia Convention, he was convinced that a failure to ratify would mean the end of the United States and probably everything that has worked and fought for during most of their lives.

Of course, George Washington probably had the greatest potential influence on almost any public matter.  Washington seemed to share Madison’s views about the importance of ratification, and said so in private letters.  Washington, however, did not see himself in the role of a public advocate.  

Washington rejected the opportunity even to attend the state’s ratifying convention, while encouraging Madison to go.  Even Madison himself was reluctant to go, believing that it was a conflict of interest for him to have been a part in writing it, and then play a role in voting to ratify it.  It was only after Washington urged him to go so that he could explain why the Convention produced the document that it did, that he finally agreed to go.

Scheduling the Convention

When the legislature started its new session on October 15, 1787, Governor Randolph introduced the proposed constitution.  The legislature put it on the schedule for consideration, ten days later on October 25.  When they finally took up the matter, members spent a week debating the merits of the Constitution, and whether they should even have a ratifying convention.  On October 31, the legislature agreed to hold elections in March, 1788.  Each county would send two delegates.  Towns that were independently represented in the General Assembly could also send a representative to the convention.  Following the elections, two more months would pass before the Convention began on June 2 at the state house in Richmond.

Convention Debates

Judge Edmund Pendleton was elected to chair the convention.  Shortly after the convention began, Patrick Henry rose to give a famous speech called Liberty or Empire in which he argued that by creating this new empire the people were giving up on government with a foundation on liberty.  The following is a snippet of his speech:

We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty; our glorious forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of everything. That country is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the spirit of liberty from our British ancestors; by that spirit we have triumphed over every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, is about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of republicanism.

The convention agreed unanimously to go through the Constitution clause by clause, not holding any votes until that was completed.  The Virginia delegates did not immediately flock all to one side or the other.  Men like Henry were clearly opposed. Madison clearly in favor.  But a great many fell somewhere in-between.

A good example of this is Governor Edmund Randolph.  Although Randolph had mixed feelings about the proposed documents, he did not stay away from the ratifying convention like Governor Hancock in Massachusetts. Randolph declared that he had refused to sign because of the Philadelphia Convention’s decision to demand an up or down ratification vote from the states, rather than allowing the states to offer amendments.  Even so, Randolph declared that he believed that a new and more powerful government was necessary, and that this constitution, with some amendments, was the best hope for the future.

George Mason spoke next, particularly focused on the power of the new federal government to levy direct taxes.  He objected to the double taxation, that the people would suffer as both the state and federal governments demanded revenue.  Mason also did not call for outright rejection of the constitution.  Rather, he wanted to see amendments, similar to those already proposed by Massachusetts and South Carolina.

Henry Lee, also known as “Light Horse Harry” also spoke early.  He attacked the “imbecility” of the Confederation and attacked Patrick Henry’s unwarranted fears of the new government.  This caused Henry to give another lengthy rebuttal.  He attacked the idea that the people should surrender their rights and privileges in order to improve trade, or to try to become a great and powerful empire.  For Henry, nothing could justify the sacrifice of liberty.  

Madison also responded in favor of the Constitution.  But he was not a great orator.  He went off on a historical tangent to explain why ancient republics were different from the needs of the current time.  Aside from being rather boring, Madison did not have a strong speaking voice and the person taking notes could not hear much of what he said.  Hence, we don’t have a good record of what Madison said at the convention. Beyond that, Madison fell sick about a week into the convention and had to miss several days.

James Madison

Over several weeks, the delegates debated issues of representation, standing armies, direct taxation, and a host of other concerns.  They also debated the amendments already proposed by Massachusetts and South Carolina, trying to determine if these could resolve their concerns and whether Virginia should back them as well.

Over the course of the debate, it became clear that a majority of delegates rejected Henry’s notion that Virginia would be fine to go it alone, without joining the Union.  The debate shifted more to a discussion of what amendments, if any, were necessary to make this new government protective of their rights and liberties.  

Henry, seeing the writing on the wall, altered his strategy, instead focusing on putting in a great many amendments to limit federal power in the new government.  Henry got hold of a letter that former Governor Thomas Jefferson had written to another delegate, from which he read to the convention.  Jefferson expressed hope that nine states would ratify to begin the new government, so that things could move along, but that four states would hold out until important amendments could be added.

Several times, Madison and other delegates complained that they were not going through the Constitution, clause by clause, as they had agreed, but rather going off on different tangents, usually started by one of Henry’s tirades.  They eventually gave up on trying to go through the document clause by clause, because no one seemed interested in that.

On June 13, Madison wrote to Washington that the outcome would likely be close, and that the Kentucky delegates might hold the outcome in their votes.  The anti-federalists began to debate the issue of access to the Mississippi River for trade, something dear to the western delegates.  Henry noted that John Jay had recently tried to negotiate a treaty that would sacrifice the Mississippi in exchange for other trade concessions from Spain.  Giving more treaty making power to the federal government would allow northern states to undercut Virginia’s interests.

Madison countered this argument by arguing that the weakness of the Confederation had weakened Jay’s bargaining power, forcing him to make that concession.  A stronger federal government would, in fact, improve America's power to demand things on the world stage.

As the days of debate continued, it seems Virginia Anti-federalists were trying to draw out the convention until they could work out a deal with New York anti-federalists to agree to a series of amendment demands before these two large states would ratify.

The convention continued on, day after day.  As they approached the end of June, the main dispute came down to whether the Convention would ratify the constitution outright, or whether ratification would be contingent on the addition of several amendments.  

Because there had been no votes up until this time, neither side was certain of its position.  On June 25, delegates called a vote to approve the Constitution, only contingent on the adoption of several amendments.   The delegates rejected this by a vote of 88 to 80.  Realizing that they had a majority then called for a vote to ratify the Constitution unconditionally.  This passed by a vote of 89 to 79.

That, however, did not end things.  To get several delegates to support the vote, the Federalists agreed that they would vote on proposed amendments after ratification.  Like earlier states, these would be recommended changes, but would not prevent Virginia from joining the union.

The delegates compiled a whopping forty amendments to deal with almost all the concerns raised during the ratification convention. Twenty of these were drawn pretty directly from the Virginia bill of rights, things like freedom of speech and religion, various due process rights, etc.  The other twenty amendments were structural, things like a larger Congress with one representative for every 30,000 people, term limits on the president, limitations on direct taxation, a two-thirds vote for commercial legislation.  Many of these were quite similar to what other states, like Massachusetts had proposed. I’m not going to go through all twenty of these, but have included links in my blog if you want to read through all of them.

The convention wrapped up.  James Madison personally carried Virginia’ ratification to New York to deliver to the Confederation Congress. It received these results on July 15.  With that, Virginia became the 10th state to join the union.

Next week: the other big hold out New York considers ratification. To help them along three authors generate a series of articles, known as the Federalist Papers.

- - -

Next Episode 356 New York and the Federalist Papers 

Previous Episode 354 Ratification Spring

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Edmund Randolph https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/edmund-randolph

Kevin R. C. Gutzman. “Edmund Randolph and Virginia Constitutionalism.” The Review of Politics, vol. 66, no. 3, 2004, pp. 469–97. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4149191

“From Thomas Jefferson to Alexander Donald, 7 February 1788,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-12-02-0602.

Kukla, Jon. “A Spectrum of Sentiments: Virginia’s Federalists, Antifederalists, and ‘Federalists Who Are for Amendments,’ 1787-1788.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 96, no. 3, 1988, pp. 276–96. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249023

SMITH, ROBERT W. “Foreign Affairs and the Ratification of the Constitution in Virginia.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 122, no. 1, 2014, pp. 40–67. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24392923

Ratification of the Constitution by the State of Virginia; June 26, 1788: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/ratva.asp

VIDEO: The Fate of the Revolution: Virginians Debate the Constitution, Oct 20, 2016. https://www.mountvernon.org/library/library-events-programs/ford-evening-book-talks/ford-evening-book-talk-lorri-glover

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Documentary History of the Constitution of the United States of America, Vol 2, Washington: Dept. of State, 1894. 

This Constitution: From Ratification to the Bill of Rights, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. 1988 (borrow only). 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Ford, Paul L. Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States, Brooklyn, NY: 1888. 

Kaminski, John, et. al (eds) The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution: Virginia (Vol 8-10) 1988-1993.

Robertson, David Debates and other proceedings of the Convention of Virginia, Richmond: Enquirer-Press, 1805.  

Rutland, Robert A. The Ordeal of the Constitution: The Antifederalists and the Ratification Struggle of 1787-1788, Northeastern University Press, 1983 (borrow only). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bailyn, Bernard (ed) The Debate on the Constitution : Federalist and Antifederalist Speeches, Articles, and Letters During the Struggle Over Ratification, Part One, Library of America, 1984 (borrow on archive.org). 

Bradford, M.E. Original Intentions: on the Making and Ratification of the United States Constitution, Univ. of GA Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Conley, Patrick T & John P. Kaminski The Constitution and the States: The Role of the Original Thirteen in the Framing and Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Madison House, 1988 (borrow on archive.org).

Faber, Michael J. An Anti-Federalist Constitution: The Development of Dissent in the Ratification Debates, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2019. 

Glover, Lorri, The Fate of the Revolution: Virginians Debate the Constitution, Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 2016.

Maier, Pauline Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788. Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

Smith, Craig R To Form a More Perfect Union: The Ratification of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, 1787-1791, University Press of America, 1993 (borrow on archive.org

Storing, Herbert J. What the Anti-Federalists Were For: The Political Thought of the Opponents of the Constitution, Univ of Chicago Press, 1981. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, June 1, 2025

ARP354 Ratification Spring


Last time we covered the three New England states that considered ratification in early 1788.  Connecticut backed it pretty overwhelmingly.  Massachusetts backed it pretty narrowly, with only about 53% of delegates voting in favor.  To get to that majority, supporters had to back a series of suggested amendments. Since they were suggestions, they would not hold up the ratification process, but they legitimized some of the criticisms that later states would use against ratification.  Rhode Island just flat out refused to hold a convention, and instead held a referendum in March of 1788 where voters overwhelmingly rejected the constitution.

So  by early spring of 1788, we had six states that supported ratification and one state against.  Under the terms of the Constitution, once nine states had ratified, the Constitution would go into effect.  Any dissenters or stragglers would be denied participation in the new union.  Other states were still moving along, just at their own pace.

New Orleans Fire

Before we continue into our discussions about ratification, I want to mention one other event that took place around this time, which has nothing to do with ratification.  New Orleans was under the control of Spain at this time.  Spanish officials considered the city critical as it controlled access to the Mississippi River. The river was critical to commerce and also operated as the border between the United States and Spanish territory.

On Friday March 21, the Spanish Royal Treasurer was lighting candles on an altar in his home to commemorate Good Friday.  The candles set the curtains on fire.  Quickly, the entire house was engulfed in flames.  New Orleans consisted almost entirely of wooden buildings, built close together, with little thought given to fire prevention.  Strong winds spread the fire across the city.  It did not help that priests refused to allow the ringing of church bells as an alarm, since it was Good Friday and bell ringing was prohibited.  By the time the fire was out, 80% of the city had been destroyed.

It would take years for New Orleans to be rebuilt, but the rebuilding resulted in many more brick and stone houses, as well as a much more Spanish design in the city overall.  So, that was the big non-ratification story for 1788. I thought I’d at least mention it before we continue on with the ratification fight.

Maryland Ratification

Maryland was the last of the middle states to take up consideration.  The Governor, former Continental General William Smallwood, did not even present the constitution until the end of November, 1787, more than two months after the Convention had finished its business.

Before calling for a convention, the Assembly asked the Maryland delegates who attended the convention to testify before the Assembly.  Maryland had sent five delegates to the convention, none of whom stayed for the whole thing.  Three delegates signed the final document two others, Thomas Mercer and Luther Martin left the Convention early because they objected to what the convention was doing.

Mercer did not appear before the Assembly, but Martin, who had been Maryland’s Attorney General for many years, and also served in the Confederation Congress before heading to the Convention, had a great deal to say.  Martin showed up to the Convention in mid-June, after the Philadelphia delegates had been debating for nearly a month.  He was outraged, not only by the efforts to create such a strong national government which would be dominated by the large states, but also by the decision to require all delegates to secrecy.  The people of his home state had no idea that this convention was writing an entirely new constitution, and he was prohibited from telling anyone.

Martin ended up giving a lengthy negative report to the Assembly, much of which was later made into a pamphlet called Genuine Information and distributed to further the anti-federalist cause.  The other three delegates who favored ratification and who had signed the Constitution also gave their testimony.  One of them even read Benjamin Franklin’s speech for compromise into the record.  Martin’s opinions, however, carried a great deal of weight with many of the people in the state.

Maryland had long been skeptical of central government.  It had been the last state to ratify the Articles of Confederation, insisting that Virginia give up western land claims before it agreed.  It saw its large neighbor to the south as a direct threat.  The new constitution’s adoption of proportional representation in the House meant that Virginia would have far greater power in the new government.

That said, there was a sizable faction of federalists in the Maryland government.  They recognized the need for a more powerful government.  In a relatively close vote on December 1, the House of Delegates voted 28-22 to schedule the election of Convention delegates four months later, in April.  With the Convention to begin on April 21, a couple of weeks after the election of delegates.  

That gave the people nearly five months to debate the merits of the proposed Constitution.  Newspapers and pamphlets from both sides flooded the state.  The federalists seem to win a majority of delegates.  The anti-federalists then developed a plan to end the convention without taking any vote on ratification.  The argument was that they should wait until Virginia voted on the matter.  The hope was that a delay might result in a greater chance later to shut down the whole effort.

This tactic ended up backfiring. When James Madison heard about the plan in Virginia, he wrote to George Washington, urging him to weigh in on the matter.  The day before the convention was scheduled to begin, Washington wrote a letter to Thomas Johnson, a federalist delegate to the convention, saying that adjourning without a vote would be tantamount to a rejection, and made clear Washington’s view that this would be a disaster.

Maryland leaders, like almost everyone in the country, greatly respected Washington’s views.  When Johnson read Washington’s letter to the convention, support for ratification grew even stronger.  On the sixth day of the convention, April 26, 1788, the delegates voted overwhelmingly, 63-11, to ratify the Constitution.  Maryland was on board.

South Carolina

Next up was South Carolina, which did not even begin to consider the Constitution until January, 1788.  When the new legislative session began, the Assembly voted to thank the four delegates who had attended the convention.  All four were also members of the assembly.  They insisted that they be allowed to testify.  All four delegates spoke in favor of ratification.  

Other representatives, however, spoke against ratification.  Former governor Rawlins Lowndes, who as a Senator at this time, took up the lead of the opposition.  The opposition raised arguments we’ve heard in other states, such as the new government having too much power, and that the Convention had exceeded its authority.  They also feared northern domination in the new government and that southern interests in issues of commerce and foreign treaties would receive short shrift.  They also objected to the fact that Congress could ban the slave trade after 20 years.  The vast majority of legislators in South Carolina believed that slavery was critical to the state’s future.

The federalist majority in South Carolina, however, stressed the benefits of union and a stronger government. By this time, it was clear the constitution was headed for adoption nationwide.  South Carolina could not afford to be out on its own.  Almost everyone also believed that the southern population would outstrip the north in the coming decades. By the time Congress had the power to eliminate the slave trade, the south would have far more political power in the House of Representatives.

Although the state was divided on the issue ratification, there was not much debate about holding a convention.  The Assembly voted unanimously to schedule the convention in May.  The more contentious debate was over where to have it.  The federalists wanted the convention in Charleston, where the Constitution was strongly favored.  Anti-federalists wanted a convention in the west where opposition was stronger.  In the end, Charleston won by a single vote.

Several contemporaries expressed a belief that a majority of people in the state opposed ratification.  The federalists still had one big advantage.  Although the western counties were the center of opposition, the eastern districts were still greatly over-represented in the legislature.  Those voting districts were also used to pick Convention delegates, meaning the federalists in the east got more delegates than their population should have dictated.  Following the elections in April, the federalists had a clear majority of delegates.

The convention met in Charleston beginning on May 12.  Three days later, they received word that Maryland had ratified.  This only grew the momentum in favor of ratification.  The opposition manage to get the convention to vote in favor of several recommended amendments.  These included the right of the states to set the dates of elections, a declaration that the government powers were limited only to those expressly mentioned in the constitution, and removing the power to levy direct taxes, 

The Amendments, however, were suggestions. They were not contingent to ratification.  The vote to ratify the Constitution unconditionally took place on May 23, with a vote of 149-73 in favor of ratification.  South Carolina became the eighth state to ratify.

New Hampshire

New Hampshire had hoped to be one of the early ratification states.  The state had shown little enthusiasm for the convention itself.  They nominated four delegates, but refused to pay their expenses to travel to Philadelphia.  As a result, only two delegates went, and they didn’t arrive until July, about two months into the convention.  Both delegates, however, did favor the final product and signed the constitution.

A strong federalist movement in the state legislature.  Governor John Sullivan, a former Continental general, also supported ratification.  John Langdon, one of the leading proponents wrote to George Washington in November saying: “I have not heard a single person object to the plan & very few find fault even with a single sentence, but all express their greatest desire to have it establish’d as soon as may be.”

The governor called a special session of the legislature in December to set dates for the election of delegates.  It then scheduled the convention for mid-February, 1788.  Rather than simply hold statewide elections, New Hampshire allowed local towns to select their delegates at town meetings held between late December and early February.

New Hampshire was facing the same fights that were taking place all over New England, and which had resulted in Shays' Rebellion in 1786 in Massachusetts.  Like the farmers in Massachusetts, farmers in New Hampshire were suffering under heavy debt and heavy taxes to pay off war debt.  Many of these farmers saw the new constitution as an effort by the wealthy merchants to give themselves more power to tax and collect debts, thus destroying the farmers.  John Langdon, who told Washington he had not heard of a person who objected, apparently did not spend much time chatting with farmers in the small towns across New Hampshire.

All the state newspapers supported ratification, as did most of the state’s ministers. The anti-federalists, however, organized and encouraged towns to send delegates to the convention to vote against ratifications.  These instructions were mandatory, meaning even if the delegate was convinced to support ratification at the convention, he was obligated to vote no.

When the convention assembled in Exeter, delegates quickly realized that perhaps one-quarter to one-third of the delegates had instructions to vote no, and quite a few more were inclined to vote no.  With the final result in doubt, the federalists developed their own strategy.  The first was to make sure all their people were there on the first day of the Convention only about half the delegates showed up that first day.  Two-thirds of them were committed federalists.  With this group, they voted a friendly chairman, Josiah Bartlett.  Publicly, Bartlett was uncommitted, but federalist leaders believed they could count on him for decisions in their favor.

They also adopted rules that no votes would be recorded, other than final ratification.  That way, those who had instructions to vote no, could vote freely on other matters without annoying their constituents.  They also added a rule that a vote to adjourn would take precedence over any other motion. That way, if the vote looked like it was going the wrong way, they could shut down the convention first.

Over the next few days, the delegates went through the constitution, noting objections.  Many anti-federalists objected to the power of the Congress, and the federal judiciary.  They also railed against the terms of office.  In New England, annual reelection was considered an important protection of representative government.  Two year terms for the House and six for the Senate were simply unacceptable.  Many also objected to the rule against any religious tests for elected officials.  New Hampshire had a rule that all elected officials must be protestants.  That was also considered a fundamental requirement of good government.

The federalists managed to win over some delegates, but some of those they won over were under instructions to vote no.  Those counting heads realized that between those with instructions and those who chose to vote no, ratification would fail an up or down vote.  The federalists managed to get some of the delegates under instructions to vote for adjournment.  That way, they would have time to regroup and plan for another convention.   The convention voted to adjourn by a vote of 56-51, without a vote on ratification.

Part of the agreement to adjourn was to push back the next meeting until June, four months away. They also agreed to hold the convention in Concord, which was an area that had more opposition to the constitution.  This was part of the compromise to get the adjournment.

But the delay gave federalists more time to strategize on a plan that would get the constitution ratified.  They flooded the state with pro-ratification articles and pamphlets, emphasizing how the new constitution would benefit everyone in New Hampshire.  They also attacked anti-federalists and anti-federalist views with being tied to the paper money riots that had plagued New Hampshire two years earlier.

One of the most effective anti-federalists who spoke at the convention in February was a lawyer named Joshua Atherton.  In addition to some of the usual anti-federalist arguments, Atherton also stressed the fact that the Constitution permitted the continued institution of slavery, which he strongly condemned.  New Hampshire had become increasingly anti-slavery, although there were still a few slave owners living in the state at this time.  Atherton had opposed the adjournment in February and had wanted the convention to hold a vote rejecting the Constitution.

During this interim period, between the two conventions, federalists attacked Atherton personally, dredging up his Tory tendencies during the war.  Atherton had taken a low profile during the war, believing that the Americans could never win.  He also associated himself with other more outspoken Tories, but had never taken up the loyalist cause actively.  He had been detained briefly, but had been released as nothing really stuck to him during the war.  Even so, federalists accused him of wanting to keep the government weak so that Britain could someday retake its American colonies.

The PR campaign had an impact, but was not enough to turn things around.  Federalists also focused on town meetings to get more pro-ratification delegates, and also to try to reduce the number of instructions to vote no.  They also tried to get some small towns who had not bothered to send a delegate to the February convention to send one to the June convention.

This also helped, but it still was not clear that the state would not have enough votes for ratification. The federalists then tried another strategy.  There were at least two dozen delegates who supported ratification but who were under instructions to vote no.  The federalists got these delegates to agree to simply make themselves absent from the convention at the time of the vote.  This would reduce the numbers voting against ratification.

When the convention met again on June 18, there was also another incentive.  Since the last convention, Maryland and South Carolina had both ratified.  That meant that the next state to ratify would be the ninth state, meaning they would have the honor of bringing the Constitution into effect.

On that first day of the June convention, federalists counted 90 of 116 delegates present.  Sixteen of those absent were delegates who were under instructions to vote no.  After a few credential fights for some delegates, the federalists hoped to get an up or down vote while the numbers favored them.  They waited until Friday, June 20.  

A committee reported on twelve amendments, very similar to what Massachusetts had recommended.  There were a few differences, one prevented soldiers from being quartered in private homes.  Another required a three-fourths vote of both houses to raise a standing army in times of peace.  One barred Congress from laws “touching religion “ or infringing on the rights of Conscience”.  Finally, they wanted a prohibition on disarming any citizens unless they had engaged in actual rebellion. 

Following the report on amendments, Atherton made a motion to vote for conditional ratification.  That is, New Hampshire would not support the constitution until several amendments were added.  This was seconded.

The federalists thought they had the votes to defeat, but wanted to test that by calling for a vote to delay Atherton’s motion until the next day.  When that passed, the anti-federalists realized they were in the minority.  Atherton then moved to adjourn, but was voted down.  The federalists then moved to change the wording of Atherton’s motion from conditional ratification to unconditional ratification.  Four other delegates who supported ratification, but who were under instructions to vote no, then walked out of the convention.

The final vote in favor of unconditional ratification was 57-47 in favor.  Most were expecting a tight vote with a margin of maybe a couple of votes, so the ten vote margin seemed to surprise everyone.

With the ninth state having ratified, New Hampshire’s results were reported to the Confederation Congress on July 2, and they began to make plans to put the Constitution into effect.

While technically in effect, there were still two large and important states that had not ratified the Constitution: Virginia and New York.  

Next week: we’ll take a look at the Virginia ratification.

- - -

Next Episode 355 Virginia Ratification, 1788 

Previous Episode 353 New England Ratification

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

Ermus, Cindy. “Reduced to Ashes: The Good Friday Fire of 1788 in Spanish Colonial New Orleans.” Louisiana History: The Journal of the Louisiana Historical Association, vol. 54, no. 3, 2013, pp. 292–331. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24396396

Luther Martin, Maryland and the Constitution https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?params=/context/mlr/article/2710/&path_info=47_1_291_luther.pdf

Luther Martin, Genuine Information: https://www.consource.org/document/luther-martin-genuine-information-1787-12-28

“From George Washington to Thomas Johnson, 20 April 1788,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-06-02-0192.

Crowl, Philip A. “Anti-Federalism in Maryland, 1787-1788.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 4, no. 4, 1947, pp. 446–69. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1919636

South Carolina Recommendatory Amendments, 23 May 1788 https://csac.history.wisc.edu/document-collections/constitutional-debates/debate-about-amendments/recommendatory-amendments-from-state-conventions/south-carolina-recommendatory-amendments-23-may-1788

Bradford, M. E. “Preserving the Birthright: The Intention of South Carolina in Adopting the U.S. Constitution.” The South Carolina Historical Magazine, vol. 89, no. 2, 1988, pp. 90–101. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27654601

Brunhouse, Robert L. “David Ramsay on the Ratification of the Constitution in South Carolina, 1787-1788.” The Journal of Southern History, vol. 9, no. 4, 1943, pp. 549–55. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2197664

Smith, Robert W. “DEFENDING THE RICE BARREL: FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND THE RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA.” The South Carolina Historical Magazine, vol. 118, no. 1, 2017, pp. 37–59. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/45149585

Feb. 23, 1788 (NH Convention) https://www.cui.edu/centers-institutes/center-for-civics-education/convention-a-daily-journal/post/february-23-1788


Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

This Constitution: From Ratification to the Bill of Rights, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. 1988 (borrow only). 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Ford, Paul L. Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States, Brooklyn, NY: 1888. 

Hall, Aaron An oration, delivered at the request of the inhabitants of Keene, June 30, 1788; to celebrate the ratification of the Federal Constitution by the state of New-Hampshire

Kaminski, John, et. al (eds) The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution: Maryland (Vol 11-12) South Carolina (Vol 27) and New Hampshire (Vol. 28), 2015-2017.

Rutland, Robert A. The Ordeal of the Constitution: The Antifederalists and the Ratification Struggle of 1787-1788, Northeastern University Press, 1983 (borrow only). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bailyn, Bernard (ed) The Debate on the Constitution : Federalist and Antifederalist Speeches, Articles, and Letters During the Struggle Over Ratification, Part One, Library of America, 1984 (borrow on archive.org). 

Bradford, M.E. Original Intentions: on the Making and Ratification of the United States Constitution, Univ. of GA Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Conley, Patrick T & John P. Kaminski The Constitution and the States: The Role of the Original Thirteen in the Framing and Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Madison House, 1988 (borrow on archive.org).

Daniell, Jere R. Experiment in Republicanism: New Hampshire Politics and the American Revolution, 1741-1794, Harvard Univ. Press, 1970

Faber, Michael J. An Anti-Federalist Constitution: The Development of Dissent in the Ratification Debates, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2019. 

Maier, Pauline Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788. Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

Smith, Craig R To Form a More Perfect Union: The Ratification of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, 1787-1791, University Press of America, 1993 (borrow on archive.org

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.