Sunday, January 12, 2025

ARP339 Hopewell Treaties

Over the last few episodes, we covered several treaties that freed up land in western New York, western Pennsylvania, western Virginia, and the territory north of the Ohio River for western expansion.  This provided new lands for settlers from the northern states.  Some of it would be sold to help fund the Continental Congress and pay off war debts.  Other land would be used to provide promised grants to veterans of the Revolutionary War.

Southern states faced a similar challenge and opportunity.  With the war over, settlers wanted to push further west into lands.  These lands were claimed by various tribes, including the Creek, Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw.

American Commissioners

In 1785, the Continental Congress appointed five commissioners to negotiate terms with the southern tribes.  Two of the commissioners, Daniel Carroll of Maryland and William Perry of Delaware, refused the appointments.  Those who accepted were Andrew Pickens, Benjamin Hawkins, and Joseph Martin.  Later, Congress added a fourth commissioner, Lachlan McIntosh.  All of the commissioners were leading advocates for taking more Indian lands.

Andrew Pickens

Andrew Pickens was born in Pennsylvania.  His family moved to Virginia and then South Carolina while he was still a child.  In 1764, as a young man, Pickets established a plantation, which he called Hopewell, in western South Carolina, near the border with Georgia.  Pickens was already an experienced Indian fighter, having served in the Anglo-Cherokee War of 1760-61.  

Andrew Pickens
Just across the Keowee River from the Hopewell plantation was the Cherokee town of Insunigu, which the Georgians called Seneca.  The town had been established centuries earlier and was a pretty sizable economic center for the Cherokee.  While the Cherokee were at peace for the moment, Pickens built a blockhouse on his property for future defensive needs.

I’ve mentioned many of Pickens’ exploits during the war in previous episodes.  He rose to the rank of brigadier general during the revolution, fighting in numerous battles against both the British and their Cherokee allies  He was captured at Fort Ninety-Six and wounded at Eutaw Springs.

In 1782, after the British had withdrawn back to Charleston, Pickens remained active fighting loyalists and Cherokee along the western border of the state.  Over that fall, the militia attacked and destroyed a number of Cherokee villages, killing any warriors that they found.  Pickens also traveled to a meeting at Augusta in October, where Georgia officials negotiated a treaty with the Cherokee.  Negotiations took five months, resulting in the Treaty of Long Swamp Creek in 1783, in which the Cherokee gave up claims to what is today northern Georgia, as well as the western part of South Carolina.  This included giving up the town of Seneca, across the river from Pickens’ plantation. The Cherokee had already given up a large amount of land following the Cherokee war of 1777.  This seemed to be simply another land grab. Many Creek and Cherokee factions rejected the terms of the treaty, but Georgia and South Carolina considered it binding.

When the British evacuated Charleston at the end of the year, Pickens was elected to the South Carolina legislature.  He also devoted time to rebuilding his Hopewell Plantation, which had been destroyed during the war.

In the spring of 1784, Cherokee claimed that settlers were moving into some of the lands that had been claimed by both Georgia and South Carolina.  This set off a border dispute between the two states that would last for years.  The other concern was that these illegal settlements could result in another Indian war.  

In 1785, Pickens had completed work on a new larger mansion at Hopewell.  He received word of his appointment from Congress to establish a new treaty with the Indians.

Benjamin Hawkins

Congress also appointed Benjamin Hawkins, a leader from North Carolina.  Raised on the frontier, Hawkins spoke several Indian languages.  He also attended the College of New Jersey at Princeton. The Revolution began while Hawkins was still in college.  He joined the Continental Army before he could graduate, and served as a French interpreter for General Washington.  In 1777, after the arrival of Lafayette, Hawkins found his services were no longer required.  

He returned to North Carolina and was elected to the state House of Representatives.  He then represented his state in the Continental Congress from 1781 through 1783.  Upon reaching Congress’ three year term limit, Hawkins returned to the North Carolina legislature.  He was serving in the legislature when he received Congress’ appointment to serve on the commission to establish a new treaty with the Indians.

Joseph Martin

The third member of the commission, Joseph Martin, came from a Virginia planter family.  Joseph was drawn to frontier life at the age of 16, when he ran away from an apprenticeship to join the fight to capture Fort Pitt during the French and Indian War.  Following the war, he remained on the frontier, where he worked as a surveyor, fur trader, and land speculator.  He received a rather large land grant in southwestern Virginia, near what is today the Kentucky border.  Part of this region was also disputed with North Carolina.

During this pre-war era, there were numerous Indian uprisings and raids, giving Martin considerable experience as an Indian fighter.  On several occasions, Indian attacks forced him off his land, only to see him return a short time later.  He built several defensive forts, known as Martin’s Station.  After the death of his first wife, Martin married a half-Cherokee wife, with whom he had two children.

In 1777, Governor Patrick Henry appointed Martin as Virginia’s Superintendent for Indian Affairs.  He managed to keep the local Cherokee neutral during much of the war. Though at times, they participated in attacks in coordination with the British and loyalists in the region.

By the end of the war, Martin was well established as an Indian agent, as well as a speculator in western lands.  Much of his time following the end of the war, was trying to restrain settlers in the self-proclaimed state of Franklin from retaliatory raids against the Cherokee, which threatened to set off another war.

Lachlan McIntosh

The three committee members met and agreed to hold treaty negotiations at Pickens’ plantation at Hopewell.  Trouble arose, however, from Georgia.  These negotiations under the authority of Congress threatened to call into question Georgia’s Treaty of Long Swamp Creek that had been concluded earlier.  Georgia saw this as an infringement on the state’s sovereign authority.  Georgia appointed Lachlan McIntosh and Elijah Clark to survey and establish Georgia’s borders as Georgia saw it in its treaty, before this Congressional commission could meet and decide anything different.

In an attempt to smooth over any hard feelings, Congress added McIntosh to the commission, along with Pickens, Hawkins, and Martin.

McIntosh is also someone we’ve covered many times before in earlier episodes.  The Scottish native had immigrated to Georgia with his family as a young boy.  His father died only a few years later during a conflict with the Spanish.  McIntosh was raised in a Savannah orphanage. As a teenager, he moved to Charleston where we worked as a clerk for Henry Laurens.  After that, he moved to the Georgia frontier where he worked as a surveyor, and acquired a sizable rice plantation.

When the Revolution began, McIntosh had already proven himself to be a patriot and military leader.  As a colonel in the Georgia Militia, he repelled a British assault on the Savannah River in 1776.  Shortly afterward, he received an appointment as brigadier general in the Continental Army.

McIntosh had been in a political conflict with Button Gwinnett, who had also wanted a commission in the Continental Army.  After McIntosh received the appointment, Gwinnett went to serve in the Continental Congress.  Shortly after that, he returned to Savannah and became involved in state politics.  After becoming the President of Georgia, Gwinnett and McIntosh fought over a great many things, eventually resulting in a duel where McIntosh killed Gwinnett.

Following the duel, General Washington pulled McIntosh north to prevent possible retaliation against him by Gwinnett’s political allies.  McIntosh commanded Fort Pitt, on the western frontier for a time.  During this time, he established Fort McIntosh along the Ohio River.  He ended up returning south for the defense of Charleston in 1780, when he was taken prisoner.

When he returned to his plantation after the war, he found it destroyed by the British.  He was broke and struggled to rebuild his home.  Georgia elected him to the Continental Congress in 1784, but he could not afford to go.  The following year, he received this survey appointment and then the appointment by Congress to serve on the treaty commission.

Creek Negotiations

The largest group of Indians in the region was the Creek.  The commissioners attempted to open negotiations with the Creek, but found it difficult.  At the time, the Creek Confederacy was headed by Alexander McGillivray, also known as Hoboi-Hili-Miko.  His father had been a Scottish trader who had married his mother Sehoy Marchand, a Creek woman who herself had a father who was a French trader.

McGillivray had grown up on one of his father’s large plantations in Augusta.  When he got older, we went to school in Charleston and then served as an apprentice to a trading company.  He seemed headed for a career as a wealthy southern merchant.  

The Revolution, however, changed everything.  McGillivray’s father remained a staunch loyalist and returned to Scotland when the war began.  In 1777 Alexander, who also remained a loyalist, moved west to live with his mother’s family among the Creek.  He received a commission in the British Army during the war, but did not really do much fighting.  He worked more as a diplomat for the Creek.

Given his lack of experience living among the Creek, it’s not entirely clear how he came to lead them.  His hatred of the Americans, combined with his wealth and education, certainly made him stand out.  He could not speak Creek very well, and he continued to live as a colonial planter.  He built two plantations for himself in what is today Alabama.  When Chief Emistigo was killed in an attempt to relieve the British garrison at Savannah in 1782, McGillivray became the principal spokesman for the relatively disorganized Creek. 

When Georgia began compelling the Cherokee to cede lands in 1783, McGillivray reached out to the British at St. Augustine for help.  The British responded that the war was over, and that they were getting ready to turn over St. Augustine to the Spanish.  They provided a little ammunition, but essentially told him that the Creek were on their own.

McGillivray next attempted to reach out to Spanish authorities, looking for a new ally.  In May, 1784, McGillivray and other Creek leaders met with Spanish officials in Pensacola. They agreed to put the Creek Confederacy under the protection of Spain, in exchange for aid and support against the Americans.  At the time, Spain was more concerned over its control of the Mississippi River.  It saw keeping the Creek as a buffer to westward advancing Americans as being in Spain’s interest.  In return, the Creek had the support of a powerful ally who could provide military assistance.

So when the American commissioners came calling, the Creek were in no mood to sign any treaty.  They asserted land claims as far north as modern day Tennessee, and disputed most of the territories that the Americans had claimed in recent years.  With the Creek unwilling to negotiate, the commissioners abandoned the effort and moved on to the Cherokee.

Cherokee Negotiations

The Cherokee arrived at Hopewell plantation in November of 1785.  Groups of families arrived over several days, totaling nearly 1000 people.  Over the next few days, the Cherokee leaders discussed terms with the commissioners.  

The final treaty established specific boundaries for Cherokee land and what lands were open to settlement. Both sides would have the authority to punish or remove trespassers who settled illegally on their territory.  It also required both sides to return any prisoners, including slaves, and any other property that they had taken during the war. The Cherokee also had to recognize that the United States was the sole protector of the region, not Spain, not Britain, only the US. Congress would have the exclusive power to regulate trade with the Cherokee.

Most of the Cherokee leaders rejected the treaty terms.  They noted that there were already 3000 settlers from the State of Franklin that had settled inside Cherokee territory, and that the US had done nothing about that.  Because Congress refused to recognize the State of Franklin, or do anything about the settlers, the Cherokee ended up signing two more treaties. The had negotiated the Treaty of Dumplin Creek, with President John Sevier of Franklin a few months earlier, and would agree to the Treaty of Coyatee in 1786 ceding even more lands in east Tennessee to the State of Franklin.

Quite a few, however, realized that they could not continue in a state of war with the US.  While many leaders refused to sign the treaty, several dozen of them did.  The Commissioners deemed this treaty binding on all of the Cherokee.

It was tradition to provide gifts at such treaty ceremonies.  When nearly 1000 Cherokee demanded gifts, the commissioners had to scramble to accommodate them.  This nearly exhausted their funds.  The commissioners decided to dismiss their security detail in order to save money.

Choctaw Negotiations

As the Cherokee departed in late November, a Choctaw delegation was on its way to Hopewell.  Their travels were delayed when Creek Indians seized most of their horses, forcing them to travel the rest of the way on foot.  A group of 127 men and women arrived at Hopewell in late December.

Two of the commissioners did not think the Choctaw would arrive when they did.  Commissioners Martin and McIntosh had already left.  They were able to get word to Martin, but McIntosh would miss the negotiations entirely.

The Choctaw requested gifts of food and new clothes before they would proceed with negotiations.  Pickens also invited the leaders who had arrived in time to share Christmas dinner with him. After the gifts and some ceremonial events, the two sides began discussions.  

The final treaty would contain many of the same terms in the treaty with the Cherokee.  The Choctaw would have to recognize the United States as the sole protector of the Choctaw.  Both sides would return any prisoners or property from the late war.  Both would be permitted to protect their territories from others who would settle there illegally.  

The borders of Choctaw territory essentially force the tribe to cede nearly 70,000 acres to the United States.  Part of the lands the US affirmed belonged to the Choctaw were actually controlled by the Creek.  The US would be no help with the Choctaw attempting to assert their claims to that land.  That was a matter between the Choctaw and the Creek. In addition, the US claimed three tracts inside Choctaw territory to set up trading camps.

The Choctaw leaders present generally accepted the terms and agreed to them.  They were more focused on establishing trade relationships within South Carolina. The Choctaw had fought the Spanish, alongside their British allies during the war, and had a really poor relationship with Spain.  With Britain now gone, the Choctaw hoped a better trading alliance with the United States would help them against their continued rivalry against the Spanish.

The Commissioners and Choctaw leaders finalized their treaty on January 3, 1786.  After that, the Choctaw returned home.

Chickasaw Negotiations

Just as the Choctaw delegation was leaving, the Chickasaw delegation arrived at Hopewell. This was an even smaller group, only a few dozen people.

Once again, the final terms were very similar to the other treaties, marking out boundaries of land reserved for the Chickasaw, and ceding other lands to the US.  The Chickasaw would recognize the United States as the sole power over their lands.  But would retain the power to deal with any illegal settlers on their land.  They would deliver  up any prisoners or property.  The Continental Congress would regulate all trade with the Chickasaw and would also establish a trading post on their territory.

Like the Choctaw, the Chickasaw had been longtime allies with the British and had fought against the French and Spanish for generations.  With the British gone, the Chickasaw had to rely on the United States to assist with any Spanish aggression.

Chickasaw negotiators questioned the provision for the return of American prisoners or property, since they said they had none.  They allowed the provision to remain, considering it meaningless.  Three Chickasaw leaders signed a final treaty on January 10, after which the delegation returned home.  

Post-Treaty Events

Along the way, several war parties of renegade Cherokees attacked the Chickasaw and stole their property.  The local Cherokee chief, fearing that this would blow back on him, went after the stolen property and returned it to Hopewell. The chief apologized that those responsible for the thefts had managed to escape and could not be turned over for punishment.

It seems, however, that many Indians were trying to play both sides off against each other.  Just over a year earlier, both Choctaw and Chickasaw negotiators had signed treaties with Spanish officials in Pensacola, which acknowledged that Spain had the sole power over their lands and also controlled them from trading with others.

The Congressional delegation also had problems ensuring they could keep to their side of the treaty.  Georgia leaders continued with their contention that the Continental Congress had no authority to negotiate treaties on their behalf, and they would not be held to any such agreements. North Carolina also refused to support these treaties.  Several years later, the state legislature would pass a bill declaring these treaties null and void, and upholding state land grants to lands that had been reserved for the Indians under these treaties.

Despite these challenges, the commissioners delivered the treaties to Congress, which then approved trading posts with these tribes, and considered the matter closed.

Next week, we head to Virginia, which passes the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom.

- - -

Next Episode 340 Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom (Available soon)

Previous Episode 338 John Adams Goes to London

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Further Reading

Websites

Treaty of Hopewell: https://mississippiencyclopedia.org/entries/treaty-of-hopewell

Treaty of Hopewell Videos: https://www.chickasaw.tv/events/hopewell-treaty

The Oconee War https://flagpole.com/news/news-features/2004/04/07/the-oconee-war-3

Treaty with the Cherokee, 1785 https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-cherokee-1785-0008

Treaty with the Chickasaw, 1786 https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-chickasaw-1786-0014

Treaty with the Choctaw, 1786 https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-choctaw-1786-0011

Spanish Treaties with West Florida Indians 1784-1802 https://stars.library.ucf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3143&context=fhq

Kinnaird, Lawrence, et al. “Spanish Treaties with Indian Tribes.” The Western Historical Quarterly, vol. 10, no. 1, 1979, pp. 39–48. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/967131

Stock, Melissa A. “Sovereign or Suzerain: Alexander McGillivray’s Argument for Creek Independence after the Treaty of Paris of 1783.” The Georgia Historical Quarterly, vol. 92, no. 2, 2008, pp. 149–76. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40585053

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Chappell, Absalom Harris The Oconee War. Alexander McGillivray. Gen. Elijah Clark. Col. Benjamin Hawkins, Columbus, GA: Thos Gilbert, 1874 (Google Books). 

Hawkins, Benjamin Creek Confederacy and a Sketch of the Creek Country, Savannah, 1848. 

Henderson, W. A. Alexander McGillivray, The Last King of the Creeks, Atlanta: Foote & Davies Co. 1903. 

Mooney, James Myths of the Cherokee, Government Printing Office, 1902. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Jackson, Harvey H. Lachlan McIntosh and the Politics of Revolutionary Georgia, Univ. of GA Press, 1979 (borrow on archive.org). 

Pound, Merritt B. Benjamin Hawkins: Indian Agent, Univ. of GA Press, 1951 (borrow on archive.org). 

Waring, Alice Noble The Fighting Elder: Andrew Pickens, 1739-1817, Univ. of S.C. Press, 1962 (borrow on archive.org). 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, January 5, 2025

ARP338 Adams Goes to London

This week we look at diplomatic relations between the US and Europe after the Revolutionary War.

The big issue for the United States was trade.  Under the colonial system major powers generally only allowed trade between their own colonies and the mother country.  This was known as mercantilism.  Trade rules were regularly set up to benefit the mother country, who got a monopoly on the raw materials from the colonies and had a monopoly selling finished goods back to them.

When the American colonies had been part of the British system, they were free to trade within that system. As independent states, Britain had largely cut them out of trade.  British ships still came to America with goods to sell, but Britain largely blocked or placed heavy tariffs on American exports to Britain.  During the years leading up to the Revolutionary War, British merchants, upset by various trade boycotts by the colonies, began finding other sources for raw materials, and were able to operate without American resources.  Many officials in London deliberately sought a policy of punishing the US for leaving the British Empire and the numerous trade benefits that went along with it.

New Secretary for Foreign Affairs

The continental Congress had created the office of Secretary for Foreign affairs back in 1780, but did not actually fill the position until more than a year later. Robert Livingston of New York took the job around the same time that the British were surrendering at Yorktown in late 1781. In that role, Livingston found himself to be acting pretty much as a secretary.  He was handling correspondence with the peace commissioners in Paris, and trying to keep Congress up to date with what was happening.  He didn't really have any role in making foreign policy.

Livingston found the role frustrating and rather powerless.  It also did not pay him enough to cover his expenses.  Livingston was also the Chancellor of New York. In December of 1782, local political opponents in New York were trying to remove him as Chancellor, arguing that he could not hold both jobs at the same time.  In response, Livingston tendered his resignation as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.  This was a critical time since the commissioners were concluding the preliminary peace treaty with Britain about this same time.  

Several members of Congress begged Livingston to stay on.  He agreed to remain until May, 1783, but did have to return to New York for a short time to attend to his duties as chancellor.  He hung around for a few months after that, leaving the position some time during the summer of 1783.

Despite still being in the middle of negotiations over the final peace treaty, Congress left the position unfilled when Livingston left..  The following year, on receiving word that John Jay was returning from Paris after concluding the peace treaty, Congress appointed him to serve as the new Secretary. 

Jay received notification of his appointment two months later, when he returned to America in July 1784.  Jay was not particularly interested in the job though.  He had private matters to attend to in New York.  I also considered running to replace George Clinton as Governor of New York.  In the end, the New York legislature appointed Jay as a delegate to the Continental Congress. Jay traveled to Trenton in that capacity.  After a couple of months, probably after seeing the mess that Congress had made of the foreign affairs department, Jay finally agreed to serve as Secretary beginning in December, 1784. Jay may have found the position more palatable since Congress moved to his home town of New York City in early 1785.

Jay seemed to spend most of his time working with his clerks to organize the department’s papers, making sure the critical diplomatic correspondence of the peace treaty was organized and preserved.

Jay handled all foreign correspondence on behalf of the government, but with the war over, and efforts to establish treaties in Europe largely stalled, there was not much correspondence.  Even Congress itself was doing little.  It struggled to gather a quorum most of the time.  Congress had appointed John Hancock to return to the presidency in late 1785.  Hancock, however, who was suffering various ailments, never left Boston for New York and resigned in the summer of 1786 without ever having left home.  Following Hancock's resignation, Nathaniel Gorham took up the office.

European Politics

With the war over, Americans showed little interest in Foreign Affairs, or the Continental Congress for that matter.  Parochial state interests were the main focus of anyone who showed interest in government at all. 

Americans generally had no interest in European relations.  Francis Dana, had served as the American minister to Russia during the war, and returned to Congress in 1784.  He wrote to John Adams that he opposed having any American ministers in Europe.  They just cost money that America did not have.  Dana also feared that foreign countries sending ministers to America would simply get America involved more in the intrigues of Europe.  With the war over, Americans like Dana were content to keep the Atlantic Ocean as a great divide and simply ignore the affairs happening an ocean away.  Dana was not unique in this outlook.  Elbridge Gerry, serving in the Continental Congress at the time, wrote Adams with similar sentiments.

Adams personally recognized the importance of foreign policy.  He had originally planned to return home after the treaty of Paris had been finalized.  Recognizing that this was a longer term appointment, Adams finally convinced his wife Abigail and his daughter Nabby to join him and his two sons in Europe.

Abigail leased out all their properties in Massachusetts, leaving her home in the care of a woman named Phoebe Aldee.  Phoebe had been a slave of Abigail’s father, William Smith.  When William died in 1783, Phoebe was freed in his will.  She had recently married a free man named William Aldee.  Abigail trusted her home to the newlywed couple.  In the summer of 1784, Abigail and Nabby, along with two servants and a cow, set sail for London.

Upon her arrival, Abigail learned that John was still in the Hague, trying to manage some financial matters.  She wrote to him to announce her arrival.  Adams had to remain in the Hague for a short time, but sent their son, John Quincy Adams, to meet them.  A couple of weeks later, John also arrived, but then took the whole family to Paris to deal with other diplomatic matters.  

Benjamin Franklin was still in Paris, as was Thomas Jefferson, who was expected to replace Franklin as Minister to France at some point when Franklin returned home.

While Americans seem to have lost interest in foreign affairs, Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson remained busy.  One big issue for them was managing debt.  All of those desperate loans taken during the war had to be repaid.  France, dealing with its own war debts, was pushing hard for repayment of the loans it had made to America.  Since neither France nor any other European power had any continuing interest in underwriting the government in America, the only place that could continue to provide loans was private bankers in the Netherlands.  Adams and the others were essentially taking out more loans to pay interest on the old loans.  If America failed to make its payments, then it would be impossible to get any additional loans and the whole thing would collapse.

Barbary Pirates

Another diplomatic issue developed with the Barbary states.  During the Revolutionary War, American shipping had the tacit protection of the French Navy.  Barbary states left American shipping alone.  When the war ended, American vessels no longer had any protection.  For centuries, these north African states had made a living by capturing and ransoming foreign shipping.  Most European powers had established agreements that would protect their own shipping in exchange for an annual payment to these states or threat of retaliation by their navies.  The US, however, had no such deal and no such navy.

In October 1784, Moroccan ships seized the Betsey, an American merchant ship.  It took several months with news to arrive that the ship and crew was being held for ransom.  Spain, which had a good relationship with Morocco, was able to negotiate the release crew.  But with that came a message that the Americans should send an envoy to Morocco with presents for the Emperor, otherwise, future crews would be treated more harshly.  

Jefferson sent an envoy to Morocco.  The problem was that the US had no navy, having sold off its ships at the end of the war.  It could not threaten Morocco.  Further the cash-strapped Americans could not afford to pay the annual tribute demanded by the Moroccan Emperor.

While negotiations were ongoing, the situation got worse when neighboring Algeria captured two American schooners, the Maria and the Dauphin in the summer of 1785.  Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli were semi-independent provinces affiliated with the Ottoman Empire.  Along with Morocco, these provinces made a living by capturing ships for ransom, or collecting tribute from countries that wanted their shipping left alone.

Barbary negotiators demanded a total of about $2.6 million in order to return the ships and establish a treaty with the US.  The American negotiators had received authorization from Congress to spend up to $40,000 to come to an acceptable peace with these groups.

While negotiations continued, the crews of the captured ships were enslaved and placed on starvation diets.  The American negotiators had to use part of the $40,000 allocation just to provide food for the enslaved crews.  

Most American shipping avoided the region.  Insurance rates made it nearly impossible.  Pirates captured several more ships off the coast of Portugal.  

After more than a year of negotiations, in 1786, the US was able to establish a treaty with Morocco, but not the three other provinces.  The American sailors would remain in slavery for more than a decade.

Jefferson and Adams met personally with the Tripoli Ambassador to London, Sidi Haji Abdrahaman.  The minister was unapologetic for the attacks on American shipping.  Citing the Koran, the minister argued that all unbelievers in the prophet Muhammud  were subject to capture and enslavement.  The only way for the attacks to end would be the payment of ransom and tribute that the Americans did not have.

Adams and the Court of St. James

Negotiations with the Barbary provinces were ongoing while the American diplomats in Europe struggled to secure other treaties.  Adams managed to secure trade agreements with Prussia and Sweden.  Those countries, however, had little economic impact.  Trade with France was somewhat open, in part thanks to the work of Lafayette, but again not providing much in the way of economic opportunity for American traders.  

Everyone knew that trade with Britain was the key to a return of the successful trade that existed before the war.  Britain had debated granting the US a broader trading status in hopes of restoring a closer relationship with its former colonies.  But a large portion of the British government wanted to exclude the US from trade, as a way of teaching the Americans that independence came with a price.  While British merchant ships happily sold goods to the Americans, the American merchant ships were largely blocked from entering British ports.

There were other issues that continued to separate Britain and the US.  The British army still occupied outposts in the Northwest Territory, in violation of the Treaty of Paris.  Americans also still complained of the slaves the British removed from the continent, also in violation of the peace treaty.  In response, Britain complained that the treaty also promised reimbursement to Tories who had their property confiscated.  That was not happening either.

America had to establish an ambassador to Britain to negotiate these and other matters.  The question was, who would be the ambassador.  Adams wanted the role, but he had his detractors in Congress.  One of the leading detractors was our old friend Arthur Lee, who had been a long time critic of any foreign ambassador who was not himself.  Adams also had enemies on the other side of the political spectrum because of his conflicts with Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane.  Many delegates also feared that Adams’ anti-slavery sentiments would prevent him from negotiating the return of stolen slaves.

Adams did not help his case by sending a letter to then Secretary Livingston, outlining his qualifications for the job.  Opponents saw this as vanity and a man who was too full of himself to represent the US.  British officials would just play on his vanity and prevent him from promoting US interests effectively.

In the end, Congressional debate focused on Adams and John Rutledge of South Carolina.  Rutledge had served as Governor of South Carolina during much of the war, and had served again in the Continental Congress before returning to take a position as head of the South Carolina Court of Chancery.  Rutledge was the favorite among southern delegates.  Other states somewhat skeptical of New Englanders, or Adams personally made the race a difficult one.

During these ongoing debates, a third choice arose.  Robert Livingston, the former Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and current Chancellor of New York came under consideration.  Livingston from New York got support from the middle states.

Despite some personal dislike of Adams and distrust of New Englanders, Adams’ years of experience in Europe convinced a majority of delegates to support him.  John Jay, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had worked alongside Adams in the final peace treaty negotiations, and supported him.  In the final vote, nine states supported the motion to send Adams to the Court of St. James in London.

Having received word of his appointment, Adams prepared to move his family from Paris to London.  His son, John Quincy, returned to America to take up studies at Harvard.  The rest of the family crossed the Channel in May 1785.

On June 1, days after his arrival, Adams presented his credentials to King George III.  The meeting could have been an awkward one.  After all, Adams had spent the previous decade calling the king a tyrant, while the king saw this colonial upstart as a traitor who likely would have been hanged for his actions under other circumstances.

That said, both men were focused on improving relations between their two countries.  Adams expressed a “desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal Intercourse between your Majesty’s Subjects and their Citizens.” The king responded:  

I was the last to consent to the Separation, but the Separation having been made and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the Friendship of the United States as an independent Power. . . let the Circumstances of Language; Religion and Blood have their natural and full Effect.

After the formal comments, the king chatted up Adams, commenting that even though he had spent quite some time in France, that he was a big fan of the French. Adams simply responded that he had no attachment but to my own country.  The king replied, “An Honest man will never have any other.”

The next day, Adams was in court again, along with all the other ambassadors, to celebrate the king’s birthday.  Once again, Adams and the king struck up a conversation and seemed to get along well.

Despite hitting it off well with the king, Adams had to wait weeks before gaining an audience with the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Lord Carmarthen.  Congress had instructed Adams to press the government on issues of trade, the return of slaves, and the removal of British forces from the Northwest Territory

When he finally got the meeting, Adams made the argument to Lord Carmarthen that opening British ports to US trade would allow American merchants to get the money required to repay British merchants for prewar debts.  So would the repayment of property stolen by the British army.  Allowing the Americans to move into the Northwest Territory would also improve the US economy.  If Britain wanted its debts repaid, the US would have to be allowed to make some money.

Carmarthen listened politely to Adams’ concerns and asked that they be put in writing.  But the British minister was noncommittal and refused to put forward any possible resolution to these issues.

With little movement on diplomatic issues, the Adamses settled into a rented house on Grosvenor Square in London.  Across the street lived former Prime Minister, Lord North.  Two men who sought the destruction of each other for so many years, now found themselves to be neighbors.  The Adamses hired a domestic staff and received visitors regularly.  The following summer, Jefferson visited Adams in London.  It was during this time the two men met with the Tripoli Ambassador, as I discussed earlier.  Adams also spent much of his time visiting the English countryside and visiting historic sites.

While Adams’ time in Britain was a pleasant one for him and his family, he never reached any resolution with the British government over the issues that separated the two countries.  Britain and the United States could not establish a treaty on trade issues.  The issues over reimbursements for the patriot’s slaves or for Tory property would never be resolved to anyone’s satisfaction.  

Adams spent three years in London, patiently working on these issues to no avail.  Finally, in 1788, after the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia increased his desire to return home and get more involved in domestic politics, Adams departed London left for home.

Next Week, we return to the southern US as officials make treaties with the Cherokee and begin westward movement.

- - -

Next Episode 338 John Adams Goes to London (Available December 27, 2024)

Previous Episode 336 Planning the Northwest Territory

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

BATTISTINI, ROBERT. “Glimpses of the Other before Orientalism: The Muslim World in Early American Periodicals, 1785—1800.” Early American Studies, vol. 8, no. 2, 2010, pp. 446–74. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23546653 

ROJAS, MARTHA ELENA. “‘Insults Unpunished’: Barbary Captives, American Slaves, and the Negotiation of Liberty.” Early American Studies, vol. 1, no. 2, 2003, pp. 159–86. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23546474 

Treaty with Morocco June 28 and July 15, 1786 https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/bar1786t.asp

“To John Jay from John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, 28 March 1786,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jay/01-04-02-0147

John Adams - Audience with King George III, 1785: https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/eyewitness/html.php?section=19

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Jefferson American Minister in FranceAtlantic Monthly, Vol. 30, Iss. 180, Oct. 1872. 

Varg, Paul A. Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers, East Lansing: MSU Press, 1963. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Abrams, Jeanne E. A View from Abroad: The Story of John and Abigail Adams in Europe, NYU Press, 2021. 

Graebner, Norman A., Richard Dean Burns, & Joseph M. Siracusa Foreign Affairs and the Founding Fathers: From Confederation to Constitution, 1776–1787, Praeger, 2011. 

Kilmeade, Brian and Don Yaeger Thomas Jefferson and the Tripoli Pirates: The Forgotten War That Changed American History, Sentinel, 2015. 

Lambert, Frank The Barbary Wars: American independence in the Atlantic World, Hill and Wang, 2005. 

McCullough, David John Adams, Simon & Schuster, 2001. 

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950. 

Morris, Richard B. The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence, Harper & Row, 1965 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Smith, Page John Adams, Vol. 2, Doubleday & Co. 1962. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, December 22, 2024

ARP337 Mount Vernon Conference

This week we are going to take a look at the post war years, primarily from George Washington’s perspective.

Return to Mount Vernon

Washington had resigned his commission at the end of 1783 and returned to Mount Vernon just in time for Christmas.  His letters from this time indicate he was happy for his time in public service to be over.  At the ripe old age of 52, he was considering his own mortality.  Four of his six brothers and two of three sisters had already died.  He had also lost both of his stepchildren.

Mount Vernon
That said, the Washingtons had young children in the house again.  Two of Jackie’s children: Nelly (age 4) and Washy (age 2) lived at Mount Vernon.  After Martha’s son Jackie died just after the battle of Yorktown, the Washingtons took his two youngest children to live at Mount Vernon.  Their mother, Eleanor Calvert Custis kept her two older daughters and went back to her parents’ home in Abington, Maryland.

It’s not entirely clear why the Washington’s took custody of two of their four grandchildren.  Nelly and Washy, however, lived at Mount Vernon for the last two yeast of the war, while both George and Martha were away with the army. The Washingtons had informally adopted the two to be raised as their own children.

Their mother, Jackie’s widow, remarried in late 1783, just before the Washingtons returned home.  She lived nearby in Arlington with her two oldest daughters, while her two youngest remained at Mount Vernon.

Washington focused on his plantation.  During the war, he had written to his caretaker regularly about administration and improvements.  He had dreamed of the day he could put the war behind him and return to managing his own land.  That time had finally arrived.

Things were not easy though.  The plantation had failed to produce at pre-war levels.  Washington found himself deeply in debt, even after Congress reimbursed his war expenses, something that he received rather promptly, unlike almost everyone else in the army.

Washington rode over twenty miles on most days, personally visiting most of the lands he owned in the area.  His estates in northern Virginia included five separate working farms totaling about 8000 acres of land.  More than 200 slaves, along with dozens of hired laborers grew various crops, including wheat, corn, and oats, raising livestock.  His commercial fishing boats sailed up and down the Potomac River.  A grist mill and other projects were in full operation as well.  Washington wanted to see for himself how things were progressing almost every day.  He conversed with his workers and gave detailed instructions on what he wanted done.

When visitors came to Mount Vernon, he wanted to discuss agriculture, and actively avoided discussing politics.  He received visitors of all sorts, almost constantly.  Some were old friends from the war or earlier in his life.  Many artists and sculptures came by, hoping to create an image of him.  Others were people who just wanted to meet the great man..  

Visit from Lafayette

One of his visitors in 1784 was the Marquis de Lafayette.  The French General had returned to France at the end of 1781, shortly after Yorktown.  He was received in Paris as a hero.  While he had left France back in 1776 as a French captain, he received promotion to brigadier general upon his return.  Lafayette remained actively involved in the war against Britain over the next two years, and also played a role in the final peace treaty.  He also served as a key player in helping France and the United States develop trade agreements.

Lafayette’s role in the peacetime world remained a question for many.  There is a story about a discussion near the end of the war, when there was a possibility that Britain might lose Jamaica. A minister suggested to the king of Spain that Lafayette might be made governor of Jamaica as a reward for his services.  The king responded “Never! He would create a republic there.”

The income from Lafayette’s lands in France assured that he would live a very comfortable life without ever having to work.  Even so, the young man was restless.  Just nine months after his return from America, his wife bore another daughter, Virginie.  

He also took a lover on the side, Diane de Simiane.  She was the wife of the Marquis de Miremont, an officer who had served as an aide-de-camp to General Rochambeau in America.  As it turned out, Miremont was a  homosexual.  His frustrated wife, Diane, began taking lovers at court, when she and Lafayette got together.  This was not Lafayette’s first affair.  During his first return to France in 1777, he began an affair with the wife of Count Philippe-Antoine of Hunolstein.  That was a relatively short lived relationship.  Lafayette’s relationship with Diane would last for over 30 years.  

Lafayette helped to establish several free ports in France, allowing for free trade between France and the United States.  He also lobbied for the reduction of import tariffs, which would increase trade between the two countries. Lafayette also spent some time at court trying to help some French Protestant communities regain some rights they had lost.  He also founded a school for the children of his home region and supported the building of a new wool weaving factory.

In 1784, once Washington had reestablished himself at Mount  Vernon, he invited Lafayette for a visit.  Washington’s letter to Lafayette establishes Washington’s state of mind at this time and his contentment to settle into private life:

At length my Dear Marquis I am become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac, & under the shadow of my own Vine & my own Fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp & the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the Soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame—the Statesman whose watchful days & sleepless Nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own—perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this Globe was insufficient for us all—& the Courtier who is always watching the countenance of his Prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. I am not only retired from all public employments, but I am retireing within myself; & shall be able to view the solitary walk, & tread the paths of private life with heartfelt satisfaction—Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all. & this my dear friend, being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my Fathers.

Lafayette jumped at the chance to return to America and visit with his old friend and confidant.  Of course, Lafayette’s return to America was more than just a personal visit.  The French hero of the American Revolution left France in late June, 1774, arriving in New York City on August 4. The city celebrated his return and he attended a reception by the State Assembly.  

After two days in New York, he set out of Philadelphia, arriving on August 9th. The City Troop of Light Horse escorted him into the city, where cheering crowds greeted him.  The new French Ambassador, François Barbé-Marbois, and former General Anthony Wayne hosted a banquet for the returning hero.  While in Philadelphia, Lafayette gave a lecture at the American Philosophical Society on animal magnetism, a popular theory then circulating around Europe.

On August 14, Lafayette reached Baltimore, Maryland, where he enjoyed two more days of public celebrations.  Following that, he rode on to Mount Vernon, arriving on August 17.  The two old friends spent days riding around Washington’s plantations and discussing a wide variety of topics, from reminiscing about the war, to agriculture, to philosophy and politics.  Lafayette was one of the few men in the world with whom Washington spoke freely.  The only record we have of their conversations is from what Lafayette mentioned in letters home to Adrienne.  

After Lafayette returned to France, Washington did remark to someone else that they discussed slavery, but the details were not recorded.  We do know that through other correspondence, Lafayette encouraged Washington to free his slaves and put them to work as tenant farmers, to show the rest of the south that it was a viable economic model.  Of course, this never came to pass.

Following this short visit, Lafayette continued on with a tour of New England and New York, accompanied by Virginian James Madison.  It was during this time that Lafayette visited the negotiations with the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, and apparently provided barrels of French brandy for all parties involved.

Lafayette hoped to secure better commercial relations between the US and France as part of this visit.  However, he also spoke out on touchy issues.  He gave addresses against slavery on several occasions during his visit, particularly in Virginia.  In November, while in Yorktown, Lafayette learned that James Armistead, who had carried out spy missions for him during the Yorktown campaign, was still enslaved.  Lafayette lobbied hard for his emancipation, which the Virginia Assembly granted just over a year later.

Lafayette then reunited with Washington in Richmond on November 22.  The two men returned to Mount Vernon where they spent another week together.  Washington then rode with his old friend for a day or two into Maryland, before they finally parted ways.  Lafayette returned to New York before sailing back to France.

Potomac Company

In between Lafayette’s two visits to Mount Vernon in 1784, Washington rode west to inspect some of his lands in what is today western Pennsylvania and West Virginia.  Part of his trip was to try to settle disputes with tenants living on his land who had failed to pay rent.  Part of it was also to survey possibilities of establishing better trade routes into the west.

Washington understood that western settlers would need to establish trade to the east to find markets for their goods and to buy things that they could not produce themselves.  Washington very much wanted to establish better trade routes between the Ohio River and the Potomac and James Rivers.  This would make Virginia a center of trade and commerce for the growing nation.  Such a trade route necessitated building better roads, canals, and locks to allow goods to ship easily to and from the west.  It would not be easy.  Upriver from Mount Vernon, the Potomac river had rapids and waterfalls that would need to be circumvented for shipping traffic. 

In October, 1784, Washington wrote to Virginia Governor Benjamin Harrison, calling for the establishment of the Potomac Company, which would hire workers to establish the necessary infrastructure between the Ohio and Potomac Rivers.  In his letter, Washington noted not only the economic benefits of such trade, but also the political advantages of having western trade flow through the eastern states.  Otherwise, westerners would be prone to using the Mississippi River, which would give Spain much more influence over them.  They might also use the Great Lakes, which would require closer relations with British Canada.  He also recognized that Virginia was in competition with Pennsylvania and New York, which also had plans to help westerners get their goods to market as well.

This was not a new idea for Washington.  He stared at the Potomac River from his back porch every morning for years, dreaming of the potential.  He had spent more than thirty years traveling through the back country around the Ohio River, as a surveyor, a soldier, and an investor.  In 1774, Washington had worked on a similar bill to start establishing infrastructure to the Ohio River from Virginia.  He was forced to set aside that project after accepting command of the Continental Army.  When he took up the project again in 1784, it was the continuation of his lifetime ambition.

The Potomac river had a number of geographical problems that Washington believed could be solved.  There was also a political issue.  The Potomac was the border between Virginia and Maryland.  The free flow of goods on the river would require the cooperation of both states.

Washington lobbied heavily for the bill, even riding to Richmond in November to meet with legislators.  James Madison became Washington’s key sponsor of the legislation.  After leaving Richmond, Washington traveled to Annapolis to convince the Maryland legislature to cooperate in this project.  Given the lack of government funds, Washington also focused on attracting wealthy investors.  He pitched the plan to both Lafayette and Robert Morris, among others, promising returns through fees collected on commercial traffic using the improved infrastructure.

Rather than allow Maryland and Virginia to pass differing laws, Washington wrote to Madison suggesting that an interstate commission meet to work out the details  Once that was done, both Virginia and Maryland could pass bills that were in agreement on the final plan.  While Madison worked on establishing such a commission from the Virginia side, Washington worked directly with Maryland officials to have them establish commissioners from the Maryland side.

Once Maryland passed their bill under Washington’s careful eye, he sent a copy to Madison, instructing him to get the bill through the Virginia Assembly without any amendments.  Virginia passed the bill, without amendments, ten days later.  The laws established the Potomac Company.  

Mount Vernon Conference

The next step was for the commissioners from each state to meet and work out the details.  The Virginia commissioners were George Mason, Edmund Randolph, James Madison, and Alexander Henderson. Madison, of course, was the sponsor of the bill. Edmund Randolph was Virginia’s attorney general.  He was also a former aide-de-camp to General Washington.  Mason was a longtime Virginia legislator who had also served in the Continental Congress before recently retiring.  He was also a friend and neighbor of Washington’s.  Henderson also served in the Virginia Assembly. He also owned a plantation near Mount Vernon. Both he and Washington had served as Vestrymen of Pohick Church together.  George Mason also attended church there.

Maryland also appointed four commissioners: Thomas Johnson, Thomas Stone, Samuel Chase, and Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer. Johnson never attended.  Stone served in the Maryland Senate at the time.  He was a former delegate to the Continental Congress, and owned a plantation near Washington’s across the River. Chase served in the House at the time, but had also been a delegate to the Continental Congress.  Jenifer was the Maryland Intendant of Revenue, and former President of the Maryland Senate.  He also lived on a plantation along the Potomac, not far from Mason, and Washington..

The implementation of the commission was a mess.  Maryland scheduled a meeting in March 1785 in Alexandria, Virginia.  The Virginia commissioners never received word of this meeting.  In fact, Mason and Henderson were never told that they had been appointed to this commission that they knew nothing about.

Mason found out when two of his Maryland neighbors on the commission wrote to him to suggest they visit him and all proceed together to Alexandria.  Mason probably wondered what the heck they were talking about, but rather than embarrass Virginia by revealing the lack of communication, he reached out to his neighbor Washington to find out what they were talking about, and reached out to his other neighbor Henderson to inform him that they were both expected to attend this commission meeting.

The men traveled to Alexandria, where they awaited the arrival of Madison and Randolph.  While waiting, Mason received a letter from Randolph regarding some other business and mentioning nothing about the commission meeting in Alexandria.  Based on this, Mason assumed correctly that Madison and Randolph knew nothing about the meeting. The Maryland delegates had sent the invitation via Virginia’s new Governor, Patrick Henry, who apparently did nothing to inform any of the commissioners.

Although Mason and Henderson represented Virginia at the meeting, they still did not have all the documentation over exactly what they were supposed to be negotiating.  Washington, of course, was also embarrassed at the failure of communications by Virginia.  He invited all the delegates to come to Mount Vernon to continue the discussions.  That way, commissioners would have a comfortable setting and not have to worry about room and board during the discussions.

The commissioners understood the general issues of negotiating an agreement regarding navigation and control of the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay.  Discussions, however, went well beyond that issue.  There was some question as to whether the states needed permission from the Continental Congress, especially on issues of naval protection of these waters.  There was also an issue over state currencies and the relative value of each.  They also expressed concerns about how legal issues between citizens of the states should be handled.  They also raised the issue of whether Pennsylvania ought to be included since its control of the Ohio River would be part of any final plan. Maryland also thought Delaware should also be included.

The commissioners recommended meeting again in September.  That never happened.  On May 17, 1785, the Potomac Company selected Washington to serve as its President.  The company sold 400 shares, each with a value of $400.  Individuals and communities along the Potomac purchased most of the shares.  

Washington and his board of directors began hiring workers and establishing projects along the River. These included digging canals and establishing Locks around the waterfalls.  They hired James Rumsey as Chief Engineer.  Rumsey had a reputation as a creative engineer, who recently had been working with steam powered riverboats.  The company could not hire enough men for the work, so many of those employed were indentured servants or slaves of those who rented out their labor.

Shareholders were required to make ongoing payments as the project progressed.  Over the first couple of years many shareholders defaulted, resulting in a forfeiture of their shares.  This, however, resulted in funding problems for the ongoing work.

As for the necessary regulations, following discussions via correspondence, the parties agreed that it would probably be better to meet in Annapolis, Maryland, in September of 1786 as part of a broader discussion of how interstate compacts like this one, and interstate trade issues more generally, should work and whether a new interstate compact was needed.

Next week, we take a look at post-war diplomacy as John Adams goes to London.

- - -

Next Episode 338 John Adams Goes to London 

Previous Episode 336 Planning the Northwest Territory

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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Further Reading

Websites

“From George Washington to Lafayette, 1 February 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0064

Marquis De Lafayette's First Visit to The United States After the American Revolution https://www.losthistory.net/mcjoynt/laf1784.htm

“From George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, 10 October 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-02-02-0082

Abbot, W. W. “George Washington, the West, and the Union.” Indiana Magazine of History, vol. 84, no. 1, 1988, pp. 3–14. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27791135

Littlefield, Douglas R. “The Potomac Company: A Misadventure in Financing an Early American Internal Improvement Project.” The Business History Review, vol. 58, no. 4, 1984, pp. 562–85. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/3114165

Potomac Company: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/the-potomac-company

Canal History: George Washington & The Patowmack Company https://www.canaltrust.org/about-us/about-the-co-canal/history/canal-history-george-washington-the-patowmack-company

“Act Giving Canal Company Shares to General Washington, [4–5 January] 1785,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-08-02-0117

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Headley, P.C. The Life of the Marquis De Lafayette, New York: A.L. Burt Co. 1903. 

Hunt, Gaillard The Life of James Madison,  New York: Doubleday, Page & Co. 1902. 

Nelson, Thomas F. Washington's Canal Around the Great Falls of the Potomac, Washington, D.C., Records of the past exploration society, 1910. 

Pickell, John A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, In Connection with the Narrative History of the Potomac Company, New York: D. Appleton, 1856. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010.

Horn, Pierre L. Marquis de Lafayette: French Statesman, Chelsea House Publishers, 1989 (borrow on archive.org).

Kapsch, Robert J. The Potomac Canal: George Washington and the Waterway West, West Virginia Univ. Press, 2007 (borrow on archive.org

Stewart, David O. George Washington: The Political Rise of America’s Founding Father, Dutton, 2021.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.