Sunday, March 6, 2022

ARP240 New Southern Strategy


Sir Henry Clinton remained as commander of military forces in North America over the winter of 1779-80.  He had remained in the city since retreating from Philadelphia in 1778, deploying only relatively minor raids since then.  He did not have enough forces to launch any major offensive operations because London had directed the redeployment of much of his army and naval support to the southern colonies and the Caribbean.

North America was no longer the biggest priority for London, as the Ministry now faced off against French and Spanish threats all over the world.

Cornwallis Returns to America

Clinton had received assistance in the return of General Cornwallis in the summer of 1779.  Cornwallis had returned to London in late 1778, tendering his resignation, which the King accepted, and returning home to tend to his sick wife, Jemima.  When Jemima died in February, Cornwallis was distraught and refused to speak with anyone for months.

Gen. Henry Clinton
In April, 1779, Cornwallis wrote to Clinton to discuss possibly returning to service and to America.  Alluding to the recent loss of his wife, Cornwallis wrote “This country has now no charms for me, & I am perfectly indifferent as to what part of the world I may go to” but that if Cornwallis planned to invade the southern colonies, he would happily participate.

Cornwallis arrived back in New York in July.  Despite this, Clinton remained frustrated that he lacked the manpower to engage in any important campaigns, while London still urged him to embark on extensive campaigns.  Around this time, a frustrated Clinton vented to one of his young colonels that he would gladly change positions with a grenadier in the infantry, and advised the young officer never to seek command of an army.

Clinton had written to London again, requesting to resign his command and return home.  He gave Cornwallis detailed access to all of his plans, expecting that Cornwallis would be his successor.  Although Cornwallis had said repeatedly that he had no desire to take the North American command, he did his duty.  About a month after Cornwallis’ arrival, Clinton wrote to Germain once again asking to resign.

To say the truth, my Lord, my spirits are worn out by struggling against the consequences of so many adverse incidents. . .. Had even the feeble reinforcements which I am still expecting arrived as early as I had thought myself secure . . . I should have found myself enabled to attempt measures perhaps of serious consequences. Under my present circumstances, if I have not fulfilled the expectation which may have been indulged for the army, I trust I shall always find the failure attributed to its just cause, the inadequacy of my strength to its object. . . . Thus circumstanced, and convinced that the force under my command at present, or that will be during the campaign, is not equal to the services expected of it . . . permit me to resign the command of the army to Lord Cornwallis.

Back in London, Lord Germain refused to accept Clinton’s resignation.  There had been a movement in London to give the command to General Guy Carleton, but Germain absolutely hated Carleton.  Therefore, Germain wanted to keep Clinton in place rather than allow Carlteon to take the command.  Clinton continued to groom Cornwallis, hoping that London might allow Cornwallis to take over and allow Clinton to return  home.

In September of 1779, Clinton received desperate pleas from Jamaica, which feared an imminent invasion by the French fleet.  The French had just captured St. Vincent and Grenada and Jamaica feared it might be next.  

Clinton responded by giving Cornwallis an independent command with 4000 of his soldiers to deploy to Jamaica.  The army boarded ships and left New York.  They were at sea for only a few before receiving word that the French fleet had left the Caribbean and had attacked Savannah.  Rather than changing course for Savannah, the fleet returned to New York.  Soon thereafter, they received word that the siege had failed and that the French fleet had left.  So, Cornwallis and the 4000 soldiers remained in New York.

Collier Returns to Britain

Although a new General would not replace Clinton, North America did get a new naval commander.  Since the recall of Admiral Richard Howe back in 1778, the navy had not seemed to have made North America a priority.  Howe was supposed to hand off command to Admiral John Byron, but Byron simply sailed off for the West Indies, where he was focused on contending with the French Navy.  Admiral James Gambier assumed command in North America, but was generally considered incompetent and corrupt.  

George Collier

When London recalled Gambier, Commodore George Collier assumed command of the North American fleet.  Collier had done a pretty impressive job, conducting the Chesapeake raids, supporting the army on the Stony Point actions and the raids along the Connecticut coast.  Collier also led the relief fleet to Penobscot, which we covered a few weeks ago.  When Collier returned to New York after his success at Penobscot, he found that Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot had arrived with orders to assume command.

Collier had performed impressively, but was rather young, only 41, and not yet an admiral.  London believed a more experienced leader was needed in North America.  So, Collier returned to Britain for reassignment to another theater and Admiral Arbuthnot assumed command.

Marriot Arbuthnot

The 69 year old Arbuthnot had a long and slow moving naval career.  He had joined the navy as a teenager, taking about a decade to make lieutenant.  He distinguished himself in the War of Austrian succession, and captained his first ship, a captured prize ship, after nearly twenty years of service.  

Marriot Arbuthnot
Arbuthnot continued to serve respectably on a series of ships.  Just before the Seven Years War began, he faced a court martial for using navy ships for personal use, moving people and equipment for personal benefit.  He received a reprimand but continued in office.  He also then arrested the purser who had brought the charges, and had the man clapped in irons on charges of drunkenness and embezzlement.

During the Seven Years War, he commanded a ship at the battle of Quiberon Bay, and also captured a number of prize ships in the West Indies.  He also participated in the capture of Havana.

In 1775, Arbuthnot became the naval commander at Halifax, and was also appointed a Lieutenant Governor.  London credited him with keeping Nova Scotia loyal as the colonies to the south broke into rebellion.  In 1778, he received promotion to rear admiral and was recalled to London.  While in London he sat on the court martial of Admiral Keppel, following the battle of Ushant.  Shortly after that, he received another promotion to vice admiral and received orders to take command of the North American Station.

Arbuthnot was delayed in coming to America because of the threats of the French fleet on Britain.  After leaving for America in May 1779, Arbuthnot received word at sea that the French were attempting an assault on the Island of Jersey.  The Admiral took his fleet to Jersey to protect the island.  After ensuring the threat had gone, only then did he continue to New York.  The result was that Collier had remained in command all summer and that Artbuthnot did not arrive in until the fall.

Fighting a Word War

The British relief fleet brought reinforcements. Clinton received about 3800 soldiers to add to his garrison.  However, they did little to improve the British position in New York.  Clinton had to send 2000 soldiers to Quebec in order to secure that region.  The fear of France’s entry into the war was that the Quebecois might not remain loyal to the British government absent a show of military might.  

The end result was that the reinforcements that Arbuthnot brought with him barely covered the losses Clinton had in New York from his deployment to Quebec.  On top of that, the long time at sea due to the detour to Jersey had given time for more sickness to spread through the fleet.  More than one hundred soldiers died at sea before the fleet arrived in New York. In the weeks that followed, nearly one thousand soldiers were in hospital as a result of the illness that the fleet brought to New York.  

Clinton had been promised at least 6000 reinforcements this year, so even a substantial 3800, which was more than he ever received at any other time, was a disappointment.  Officials back in Britain, however, were still fearful of an invasion by France and Spain against the home island.  Sending too many soldiers to far-off America only weakened defenses at home.

British officials also had to contend with the growing unpopularity in Britain of the war in America.  Many of those who enlisted in light of the possible French-Spanish invasion, did so with the understanding that their service would remain in Britain.  When the 71 Highlanders received orders to ship to America as part of Clinton’s reinforcements, sixty of them mutinied and refused to march to their transports.  Officers called in another regiment to force the mutineers aboard their ships, resulting in a fight that left several men on both sides dead.

In addition to defending the home island, Britain now faced a siege of its forces at Gibraltar, had already lost Minorca, and had lost several islands in the West Indies.  British troops were needed in West Florida to combat the Spanish at New Orleans.  Britain was also looking to hit the enemy where they might be weaker.  

San Juan Expedition

In October, Britain deployed 1200 soldiers to Central America to attack  San Fernando de Omoa, a fortress which guarded the Captaincy of Guatemala, in what is today part of Honduras.  Britain already had a small island colony called St. George's Caye which is just off the coast of what is today Belize.  

Spain had attacked and destroyed St. George’s Caye shortly after Spain declared war against Britain.  Aftward, Spanish forces hunkered down at their fortress at Omoa, awaiting the British reaction.  Britain had initially deployed only a few hundred regulars to force the Spanish out of St. George’s.  But after finding the forces entrenched at Omoa, had to send a larger force of 1200 men aboard twelve ships to attack the enemy.  General William Dalrymple commanded the British assault.

The British landed several artillery batteries on shore, backed up by ship’s cannons.  Then on October 20, sent an assault team to sneak into the fort, open the main gates and allow the British forces to assault the surprised enemy.  With that, Britain took the fort at Omoa.

Of course, that did not end things, Mattias de Galvez, who was Captain General of Guatemala, organized a counter-attack.  Galvez was the father of Bernardo de Galvez, who was in command of New Orleans at this time.  The elder Galvez organized local Spanish troops to retake Ochoa, 

Mattias d'Galvez
Galvez could not muster enough men to take the fort back by force, so he tried to use a bit of guile.  In the hills around the fort, Galvez had his men maintain large numbers of campfires at night, hoping the enemy would think their numbers were much greater than they were.  On November 29, his men assaulted the fort.  

The British were able to fend off the attack.  However, the British garrison was also being  decimated by tropical diseases.  After fending off the attack the British made the decision to withdraw and retreated to their ships.

In the end, the battle was of little consequence, other than the fact that the British captured two Spanish treasure ships carrying about $3 million worth of silver.  But the incident highlights that Britain had to worry about outposts all over the empire and also hitting Spain and France wherever it could, in order to keep the enemy deploying its forces in far off colonies as well.

For men like Washington and Clinton, New York was the center of their universe and the focus of their attention.  For officials in London, New York was just another British outpost.  It needed attention just like all the other outposts, but could not be the sole focus, or take a disproportionate amount of resources.

Clinton would always be disappointed in the numbers of reinforcements he received, and believed them to be inadequate for his mission.  The attitude in London, however, was that yeah everyone would like more soldiers everywhere, but that just isn’t possible.  You need to make do with what you have and hopefully impress us with what you can do with them.

Withdrawal from Rhode Island

By late 1779 General Clinton had accepted that he would not receive sufficient reinforcements from London.  Germain had promised him at least 6000 new soldiers in 1779.  Instead, he received only 3800.  Those who did arrive spread sickness through the ranks, meaning the reinforcements led to a reduction in the total number of men fit for duty.

Clinton decided that if he was going to get anything done, he needed to consolidate his forces.  With the British success at Savannah, Clinton saw his best option in the south.  He could not abandon New York.  The occupation there kept the main Continental Army pinned down. It also prevented New England from considering another offensive into Canada.  So, the British would stay in New York.  The occupation of Newport, Rhode Island, however, would come to an end.

Recall that Clinton had been ordered to take Newport back in 1776, when the commander, General Howe, wanted to get Clinton out of the way while Howe was pushing the Americans across New Jersey.  Newport was a British toe hold into New England, and provided a salt water port in the event that New York Harbor froze over.  Clinton had taken the island, then promptly sailed off for London to make his first attempt at resigning.

By late 1779, there was no plan to attack New England, and most of the British Navy had moved to the West Indies.  Newport, primarily garrisoned by Hessians, had become increasingly unpleasant.  The island required that food and fuel be shipped in from elsewhere.  As a result, the garrison frequently went on reduced rations, and often went cold for lack of firewood.  Further, the possibility of the French Navy’s return made Newport a sitting duck without sufficient British ships to support it.  Given that the New York Garrison had so many sick, the Newport Garrison would provide a valuable supplement of troops in case the Americans and French decided to launch a joint attack.

By October, General Clinton ordered the evacuation of the 3500 man garrison at /Newport.  Then, he received word that the French fleet had attacked Halifax.  With that, Clinton believed that perhaps Newport would be more important and debated with Admiral Abruthnot whether they should try to hold it after all.  Arbuthnot disagreed and the two officers squabbled.  In the end, it turned out that Halifax was not under threat, and that the British garrison at Newport had already destroyed so much of its defenses that if the French did attack there they would be in a terrible position. Clinton, therefore, went ahead with the evacuation.

Because the British did not want Newport to be of use to the enemy, they did their best to destroy the town on their way out.  They burned hundreds of houses, filled in wells, destroyed the docks, disassembled all fortifications, and toppled the lighthouse.  Nearly every tree and fence had already disappeared during the occupation’s desperate search for firewood.  Any area farms that still had any crops or cattle on them had those confiscated by the departing army.

General Richard Prescott, who had resumed command of Newport after being kidnapped and exchanged, ordered his patrols to shoot at any civilians who appeared on the street or at their windows as the soldiers marched to their ships in preparation for evacuation to New York.  Many residents who had abandoned Newport during the occupation never returned, and the city suffered damage from which it never really recovered.

Eyes on Charleston

Part of Clinton’s reasons for abandoning Newport and consolidating his forces at New York was in hopes of launching a large expedition against Charleston, South Carolina.  This was one of the offensives that Lord Germain had been pushing him to undertake.

The success of the British forces in breaking the siege of Savannah against a combined French and American force, and the near capture of Charleston months earlier with a small force that had initially launched as a foraging expedition, gave hope to Clinton that perhaps Charleston could fall.

Having received the 3500 soldiers from Newport, about 3800 reinforcements from Britain, and another 2000 from St. Lucia, Clinton thought that he finally had enough soldiers to defend New York and send a large expedition to secure the south.

Clinton could have deployed General Cornwallis with a sizable expedition to South Carolina.  But Clinton wanted to take Charleston personally.  This was an opportunity to redeem his failure in 1776 to capture Charleston.  In that attempt, Clinton’s attack force could not take down Fort Moultrie, then called Fort Sullivan.  For years afterward, Clinton was deeply embarrassed by his failure to defeat a bunch of inexperienced militia, and would tell pretty much anyone who would listen how the failure was really someone else’s fault.

This new expedition against Charleston would redeem that scar on his reputation.  So, on December 26, 1779, General Clinton, along with General Cornwallis and about 7600 soldiers aboard ninety transports, left New York City, bound for Charleston.  Hessian General Wilhelm von Knyphausen assumed command of the garrison at New York.

- - -

Next Episode 241 Drafting an Army & Freeing Slaves (Available March 13, 2022)



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Further Reading

Websites

McLarty, Robert Neil. “Jamaica Prepares for Invasion, 1779.” Caribbean Quarterly, vol. 4, no. 1, University of the West Indies, 1955, pp. 62–67, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40652617

Goerge Collier: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/collier_george_4E.html

Marriot Arbuthnot: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/arbuthnot_mariot_4E.html

Marriot Arbuthnot: https://morethannelson.com/officer/marriot-arbuthnot

Neimeyer, Charles P. “The British Occupation of Newport Rhode Island 1776–1779.” Army History, no. 74, U.S. Army Center of Military History, 2010, pp. 30–45, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26296027

Garrison Town, the British Occupation of New York City 1776-1783: https://www.hudsonrivervalley.org/documents/401021/1055071/GarrisonTown.pdf/f33b8f85-7231-43bf-b6fc-5512e48d6005

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Beatson, Robert Naval and Military Memoirs of Great Britain, from 1727 to 1783, Volume 6, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1804. 

Fortescue, J.W. A History Of The British Army, Vol. 3 1763-1793, London: Macmillian and Co. 1911. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cook, Don The Long Fuse: How England Lost the American Colonies, 1760-1785, Atlantic Monthly, 1995. 

Hibbert, Christopher Redcoats and Rebels: The American Revolution Through British Eyes, W.W. Norton & Co. 1990.

O'Shaughnessy, Andrew Jackson The Men Who Lost America: British Leadership, the American Revolution, and the Fate of the Empire, Yale Univ. Press, 2013

Wickwire, Franklin B. Cornwallis and the War of Independence, Houghton Mifflin, 1971.  (Archive.org - borrow only)

Willcox, William B. Portrait of a General; Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence, Knopf, 1964.  (Archive.org - borrow only)

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, February 20, 2022

ARP239 Winter at Morristown


Last week, I covered the court martial of Benedict Arnold, which took place during the Continental Army’s winter encampment at Morristown, New Jersey.  This week, I want to cover that winter encampment itself.

By the end of November 1779, the Continental Army had completed the fighting season for the year.  For most of the year, Washington had remained near West Point in New York.  This gave him the greatest flexibility to pivot into upstate New York if the Sullivan Campaign had run into trouble, to move into New England if British forces at Newport, Rhode Island went on the offensive, or the ability to move south into New Jersey if the main British force opted to move in that direction from New York city.  As it turned out, the British did not do much of anything that year but protect what they had.  In fact, in October, the British abandoned its long-held position in Newport and concentrated its forces in and around New York City.  We’ll cover the reasons for that decision next week when we look at the British plans for 1780.

Moving to Morristown

The evacuation of Rhode Island greatly reduced the threat that the British might try something in New England beyond the nuisance coastal raids.  It permitted Washington to focus the Continental Army on New York City.  With that in mind, he moved the bulk of his army to the area around Morristown, New Jersey.

This was not the first time the army visited Morristown.  In early 1777, after the battles of Trenton and Princeton, the army had encamped at Morristown.  At that time, the army was much smaller, but had still left its mark on the area.  A great many soldiers and civilians had died of smallpox that winter.  In 1779, the army was much larger, but had at least been inoculated for smallpox.

Washington kept his army in the mountains, so that they could keep a better eye on the British in New York City, and also so that they would have the high ground should the British try to attack.  The winter camp at Morristown was about twenty miles north of the prior winter camp at Middlebrook.  Part of the reason for this change was to put the army about one day’s march closer to West Point, should the British launch an attack there.  Another likely reason for the change was that the army had wiped out the resources, including firewood, around Middletown, and needed an area that had the resources needed for the men.  

The main encampment near Morristown came on a wooded property known as Jockey Hollow.  It was owned by Henry Wick, a captain of cavalry in the local militia and a known patriot.  Adjoining his land was that of Peter Kemble.  

Kemble was an older man in his seventies, but was also a known loyalist.  Kemble had been the head of the Provincial legislature when the war began, and left politics when the assembly was dissolved in 1776.  His son, Lieutenant Colonel Steven Kemble, was the deputy adjutant general for the British army.  Col. Kemble had also been the head of army intelligence, although he had recently ceded that position to Major John Andre.  Another son, William, was a British naval captain.  Another, Samuel, was the Collector of the Port of New York in British-occupied New York City.  A fourth son, Robert, served as a commissary officer in the British army. One of Peter’s daughters, Margaret Kemble, was married to General Thomas Gage, the British commander of North America at the outset of the war.

With so much of the family fighting with the loyalists, you might ask why Kemble was not thrown in jail and his land seized outright.  Peter had wisely signed over his lands to another son, Richard Kemble, who at least nominally supported the patriot cause.  Peter also was friends with George Washington from before the war, a connection that may have helped shield him from attacks by patriots.

Israel Putnam’s Stroke

Although there were no major battles that winter, Washington lost his most senior general.  Israel Putnam was one of the most active and inspiring officers when the Continental Army formed in 1775.  He passed over several more senior Connecticut officers to become part of the founding class of Continental major generals, along with Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, and Philip Schuyler. By late 1779, Ward and Schuyler had resigned their commissions, and Lee had been suspended from service, and would resign before his suspension ended. 

Israel Putnam

That left General Putnam as the senior major general in the Continental Army, ahead of Horatio Gates, William Heath, Nathaniel Greene, and Benedict Arnold.  That said, over the course of the war, Putnam had not exactly proven his merit to General Washington.  As a result, he had been given less critical independent commands where combat was not likely.  In late 1779, Putnam was in command of the Maryland line, which was stationed about two miles south of West Point in New York.  He was working with Washington and others to build up the defenses at West Point.

His last real combat was an inadvertent encounter while he was in Connecticut recruiting in early 1779.  When General Tryon had led British forces against Connecticut coastal towns, Putnam rallied some militia to challenge them and ended up making his famous escape from capture by riding down a steep hill (see Episode 211).  

When the army moved into winter quarters at Morristown, General Putnam returned home to Connecticut for a few days, before heading down to New Jersey.  As he left his home in Connecticut for the ride to Morristown, the general suffered a numbness in his right arm and leg.  He attempted to shake it off and keep going.  However, it turned out to be a paralytic stroke that disabled him.  With that, Putnam’s military career came to an end.  He hoped he would recover and resume his command, but never regained full control of his body. He would live for another decade, but remained at home on his farm in Connecticut.

Log House City

After the army arrived in Morristown in late November and early December, the soldiers set about building cabins for the winter.  By this time, the army had become experienced in building winter quarters.  The cabins were built to exacting specifications, each one 14x16 feet and 6 ½ feet tall at the eaves.

Each regiment built three rows of eight houses each for its soldiers.  Each cabin housed about a dozen men, and included straw bunks and a fireplace.  Each regiment had a cleared area in front of the huts for assembly.  Huts for regimental officers were built behind the other huts, and only after the huts for enlisted men were completed.

In total, over the course of about two months, the army built about one thousand cabins, housing about 12,000-13,000 men.  The location was dubbed “Log House City” and immediately became the largest town in New Jersey, and probably the fourth or fifth largest in the United States.

Ford Mansion
Washington stayed in the home of Theodosia Ford.  The Ford Mansion was about five miles north of Jockey Hollow, and was one of the largest mansions in the area.  Ford’s husband, Jacob Ford, had been a patriot officer, who had died of pneumonia during the army’s first occupation of the area in 1777.  

Washington stayed in the home, along with five aides-de-camp and eighteen servants.  After a few weeks, Martha joined her husband as well. The Ford family squeezed into two bedrooms on the first floor, while Washington and his retinue took over the rest of the house.  

Other officers occupied area homes.  General Arthur St. Clair stayed with the Wicks.  General William Smallwood moved in with the Kembles.

The Hard Winter

The winter at Morristown is widely regarded as the hardest winter of the war.  The winters at Valley Forge and Middlebrook were quite mild by comparison.  Freezing temperatures and numerous snow storms made life difficult.  There was already snow on the ground in early December, when most of the army arrived. A series of storms in December, followed by a blizzard in early January, left more than four feet of snow on the ground.  In addition to the cold and snow, brutal winds swept through the area, making life miserable for everyone.  The soldiers, many without adequate clothing, had to build their cabins in the snow. Many were completed during or after the January blizzard, with some soldiers still living in tents and awaiting housing in February.

The Hudson River and New York Harbor froze solid.  There are reports of British soldiers traveling from Manhattan to Staten Island on horse-drawn sleighs over the ice.  Washington even considered launching a full-scale invasion of the city, having his men charge across the ice.  But the lack of supplies made that plan impossible.  Instead, his concerns turned to whether the British might use the ice to attack the Continentals.

Food and clothing shortages were nothing new for the Continental Army, but the brutal winter made things so much worse.  The snow blocked the roads, making it nearly impossible to get food to the camp.  When Martha Washington arrived in Philadelphia on December 21 in her coach, she found herself unable to continue because the snow had blocked all of the roads.  Washington had to send a sleigh to bring her the remainder of the way to Morristown.  She vowed that in future years, she would make sure to arrive earlier in the season to avoid the difficulties she had faced in reaching her husband.

On December 15, shortly after the army’s arrival, Washington wrote to the President of Congress, Samuel Huntington that the because of the lack of food “I find our prospects are infinitely worse than they have been at any period of the War, and that unless some expedient can be instantly adopted a dissolution of the army for want of subsistence is unavoidable.”  The next day, he wrote a circular letter to state leaders which said:  “The situation of the Army with respect to supplies is beyond description alarming, it has been five or six Weeks past on half allowance, and we have not three days Bread or a third allowance on hand nor anywhere within reach.”  In January, Washington wrote Huntington again, reporting that his men had gone days without food.

Soldiers’ accounts from the winter recount the men trying to survive by eating tree bark, the soles of shoes, and some unfortunate pet dogs.  Out of desperation, Washington ordered most of the army’s horses sent to Pennsylvania so that the men could eat the corn that had been provided as horse fodder. He also sent home early some soldiers whose enlistments would expire over the winter, in order to cut down on the number of mouths to feed.

Part of the frustration for the army was that there was no general food shortage in the area.  Local farms in New Jersey had a pretty good harvest the prior fall.  But because the Continental had no money, all they could provide were promissory notes that might eventually be paid in Continental currency, which was also plummeting in value every day.  As I’ve said before, even patriotic farmers could not afford to give away their produce.  They relied on the income from their farms to feed their families.  

A great many farmers ended up selling to the British in New York.  If they could get their crops or cattle to Sandy Point, New Jersey, they could get the food aboard ships to be taken to Manhattan.  Getting cattle or crops through enemy lines, of course, was dangerous.  Continental patrols could stop and seize wagons headed for the enemy.  Many dealers became smugglers, buying from local farms for gold or silver, no questions asked, then taking the risk themselves to get the food to New York where they could sell at substantial profit.  The result was plenty of food in the area, but very little getting to the Continental Army.

Washington was loath to permit the soldiers to plunder the locals.  To avoid that Washington put requisition requirements on each local town to provide a certain amount of food. The army made clear that this was not voluntary.  If the locals did not produce the required amount of food, then foraging units from the army would confiscate them, without any compensation.  

The soldiers could not provide for themselves.  Many men were unfit for duty because their pants had literally rotted away and fallen off their bodies.  Many had no shoes and had to borrow shoes from their comrades when they needed to leave the cabin.  By January, the army was even out of paper money for even nominal payment for food and clothing.  The soldiers had not been paid in months, not that paying them would have done much good.  Continental paper money was nearly worthless.  A captain noted that he had paid the equivalent of an entire year’s salary for a pair of shoes.

Desperate soldiers defied the weather and standing orders against looting to find food held by area farmers.  Washington noted that his army was “becoming a band of robbers.” In January, when there was virtually nothing to feed to soldiers, Washington was a little more understanding about men seeking to feed themselves by any means necessary.  Once locals began responding to the military supply quota, the army cracked down on plundering.  Public orders announced that any soldier found out of camp after dark would be lashed on the spot.  Those found stealing from civilians could face even harsher penalties, including the possibility of hanging. 

General de Kalb noted that “Those who have only been in Valley forge or Middlebrook during the last two winters, but have not tasted the cruelties of this one, know not what it is to suffer.”  General Washington wrote to Lafayette, still in France “The oldest people now living in this country do not remember so hard a winter as the one we are now emerging from.”

By the spring of 1780, when the army began thinking about closing its winter encampment and beginning the new campaign season, the Continental army had been decimated.  Nearly 10% of the 12,000 men who began the winter encampment at Morristown had deserted. Thousands more had left following the end of their enlistments, been redeployed, or died from disease or exposure.  The result was a Continental Army of less than 8000 men facing the main British army still in New York, and less than 5000 of those were fit for duty.

Congressional Investigation

Back in Philadelphia, the delegates received Washington’s increasingly desperate letters about the army falling apart.  The elected leaders recognized there were shortages everywhere, but that the real problem must be waste, fraud, and abuse within the army.  Its response was to send a committee to figure out how the army could clean up its act and become functional again.

Philip Schuyler

The committee, made up of Philip Schuyler of New York, John Mathews of South Carolina, and Nathaniel Peabody of New Hampshire.  Schuyler initially tried to beg off, saying that as a former officer, he would have a bias in favor of the army, but his fellow delegates convinced him to go.  Congress gave the committee its instructions:

You are to abolish unnecessary posts, to erect others, to discharge useless officers, to stop rations improperly issues,; and are hereby further authorized to exercise every power which may be necessary to effect a reformation of abuses and the general arrangement of those departments which are in any wise connected with the matters committed to your charge.

The Committee arrived in late April.  On May 10, after about two weeks in camp, they wrote back to Congress, saying that General Washington’s letters informing Congress of the suffering, deprivation, and morale of the soldiers were an understatement. “Their starving condition, their want of pay, and the variety of hardships that they have been driven to sustain, has soured their tempers and produced a spirit of discontent which begins to display itself under a complexion of the most alarming hue.”

In short, the conditions imposed on the army had put it on the verge of mutiny.  If Congress did not act to change things, the army could dissolve, or turn against its own leaders.

Dances and Dating

While conditions at Morristown were some of the worst of the war, the officers did make efforts to keep up their own morale at least.  The officers pooled their money, in an initiative led by Martha Washington, to hold a series of dances and socials over the winter.  It provided some measure of relief to the suffering and tedium of the winter.  Officers put up $400 each of their own money (in inflated Continental dollars of course) to help pay for the costs of these parties.

Martha Washington was not the only notable lady at camp.  Many officers had their wives join them for the winter.  Nathanael Greene’s wife Caty Greene showed up at camp pregnant with her fourth child, which she would have that child in the camp in January.

It was also a time for new romance.  Over the winter, twenty-two year old Betsy Schuyler, daughter of General Phillip Schuyler, came to Morristown that winter to stay with her aunt. Betsy and Martha Washington began a long lasting friendship that winter.  But it was not the most significant relationship she would make. 

Colonel Hamilton came to pay a visit at the home of Betsy’s Aunt.  The two had met about two years earlier when Hamilton had stayed at her father’s home for a brief visit.  They did not seem to connect on that first visit. 

On this meeting, however, Hamilton became love-struck immediately.  According to one story, Hamilton was so stricken by his first visit in Morristown with Betsy, that he forgot the password to reenter camp when returning home.  The two quickly became inseparable.  When Hamilton had to leave camp required by his military duties, the couple wrote letters to one another.  

Betsy’s father, General Phillip Schuyler, was, by this time, a member of Congress. As I mentioned, he visited the camp that spring as part of the investigatory committee.  After receiving his blessing, the couple got engaged in April.  Betsy would remain with the army as a camp follower after the winter camp broke up.  The following December, Hamilton and Schuyler would get married.

The Morristown encampment would remain active until June, 1780.  I will cover a few other events from the camp in some future episodes, but for most soldiers it would be remembered as the most brutal winter of the war for its cold and deprivation.

Next week: Across the River in New York General Clinton makes plans for the British army in the coming year.

- - -

Next Episode 240 British Plans for 1780 


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20), Zelle, or popmoney (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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Further Reading

Websites

Morristown Winter Encampment: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/morristown-winter-encampment

The Great Story: https://njskylands.com/hsmtnhp

“To George Washington from Major General Nathanael Greene, 14 November 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-23-02-0234

“General Orders, 3 December 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-23-02-0382

From George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 15 December 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-23-02-0467

“From George Washington to Samuel Huntington, 18 January 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-24-02-0147

“From George Washington to Philip Schuyler, 30 January 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-24-02-0258

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Halsey, Edmund Drake History of Morris County, New Jersey, New York : W.W. Munsell & co. 1882. 

Tarbox, Increase N. Life of Israel Putnam ("Old Put"), Major-General in the Continental Army, Boston Lockwood, Brooks & Co. 1876. 

Tuttle, Joseph F. “Washington at Morristown during the winters of 1776-77 & 1779-80Harper’s New Monthly Magazine, New York: 1859. 

Weig, Melvin Morristown: A Military Capital of the American Revolution, Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1950. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Chadwick, Bruce The General and Mrs. Washington: The Untold Story of a Marriage and a Revolution, Sourcebooks, 2006. 

Cunningham, John T. The Uncertain Revolution: Washington and the Continental Army at Morristown, Down the Shore Publishing, 2007. 

Hazelgrove, William Morristown: The Darkest Winter of the Revolutionary War and the Plot to Kidnap George Washington, Lyons Press 2021. 

Laurerman, Rosalie Jockey Hollow: Where a Forgotten Army Persevered to Win America's Freedom, (self-published) 2015. 

Rae, John W. Morristown: A Military Headquarters of the American Revolution, Arcadia Publishing, 2002. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, February 13, 2022

ARP238 Court Martial of Benedict Arnold


When we last left General Benedict Arnold back in Episode 219, he had resigned his position as Military Commander of Philadelphia and had just gotten married to Peggy Shippen.  

Delays

Arnold had resigned his command in the face of numerous criminal charges alleging corruption, misuse of power, and consorting with loyalists.  The charges were brought by the State of Pennsylvania, and supported by its President, Joseph Reed.

Benedict Arnold

Arnold retained his commission as major general and demanded a court martial in order to clear his name. Many of the state charges were dropped and the matter was moved to a military court. George Washington had initially tried to convene a court martial shortly after the charges were brought in the spring of 1779, hoping to get the matter over with as quickly as possible and get one of his best combat generals back into action.

President Reed, however, did not want these charges brushed away.  He notified Washington that the prosecution needed time to build its case. If the army tried to push through a quickie court martial and absolve Arnold wrong-doing, then Pennsylvania would cut off its supplies to the Continental Army.  Bowing to this pressure, Washington gave Pennsylvania time to build its case.  Washington first scheduled the trial for June 1779. Continued delays pushed the trial back for months.  

Meanwhile General Arnold remained in Philadelphia, falling deeper into debt and trying to build a life with his new wife, without any real way to support her.  He opened up secret communications with the British, offering to betray his country.  None of this, however, had come to light in the public yet. 

Americans were divided on Arnold. Some saw him as a great general who had been treated poorly by government officials and who was a hero of the revolution.  His detractors saw him as a vain, corrupt man who consorted with loyalists, and despite whatever contribution he made to military victories, was not worthy to remain a military leader.  It seems that the overwhelming majority held the former opinion.  Arnold was a hero, one who had been critical to many of its early successes, and should be recognized as such.

Arnold had certainly made his share of enemies during his military rise.  In 1776, Arnold had nearly faced a court martial. That conflict stemmed from his criticism from the decision of another court martial that he had demanded against subordinate officers who, he believed, had failed to follow his orders.  The only thing that saved Arnold at that time was the fact that his military services were needed to defend against the British invasion from Quebec.

There was no love lost between Arnold and most of the officers who had served with him in the earlier years of the war.  While many might have had a grudging respect for his abilities on the battlefield, Arnold did not seem to get along well with others.  He had a prickly personality, and many believed he put his concerns of money and his personal wealth above the needs of the country.

The proximate cause of the charges he now faced were primarily the result of Arnold’s willingness to associate with, and protect the interests of, loyalists in Philadelphia.  As military commander following the British evacuation in 1778, Arnold mixed with the Philadelphia elite, many of whom had consorted with the British during the occupation of the city.  

Many Philadelphians who had suffered greatly from the occupation, resented those who had collaborated with the British and, in doing so, maintained their property and comfort.  They now wanted these collaborators to pay.  Arnold, however, saw these people as the real leaders of the city - the merchants who could actually get things done.  Further, Arnold wanted to be accepted by the elites of society, something the orphaned boy who had to fight his way to the top thought he deserved.

Joseph Reed 

The radicals could not charge Arnold with treating the Philadelphia loyalists decently.  Not only was that not a crime, Washington and Congress had instructed Arnold to do just that.  Washington did not want to see a reign of terror go after Philadelphians who has done what they needed to do to survive the British occupation.  Rather, Washington, and much of the Continental Congress, was forward-looking, focused on returning Philadelphia to its role as a producer of goods and supplies needed to continue the war effort.  The commercial and economic leaders of the city were crucial to making that happen.

So, the radicals couldn't go after Arnold for being nice to suspected loyalists.  Instead, they could go after Arnold on charges of corruption and abuse of power.  They accused Arnold of using his position of authority as military commander of the city to profit himself personally.

Although a great many radicals in Philadelphia resented Arnold, one of the most powerful was Pennsylvania President Joseph Reed.  It was Reed who had brought the charges against Arnold, and who had prevented Washington from sweeping the charges under the rug.

Following Pennsylvania’s charges in February, the Continental Congress looked at, and dismissed many of the charges.  Several of the charges, such as shutting down the merchant trade for a time, had been ordered by Congress.  By the time of the court martial in December, Arnold faced four charges: 

  1. Allowing a loyalist ship to leave Philadelphia with valuable cargo
  2. Shutting down Philadelphia shops from all commerce, while at the same time making purchases of his own from the stored goods for personal profit and resale.
  3. Imposing menial duties on militia soldiers, and 
  4. Appropriating state wagons to transport private property for his own benefit.

The Court Martial

Arnold’s trial had been delayed at first because Reed insisted on being given time to build a case.  Although the court planned to convene on June 1 to accommodate Reed.  By that time, the summer campaign season began, and there was no time to gather a large group of senior military officers to hear the case.  Once the Continental Army settled into winter quarters in Morristown, the long-awaited court martial could begin, finally starting on December 23.

Robert Howe

Because Arnold was such a senior officer, the normal protocol of being judged by those more senior to the accused was waived.  All of the twelve officers who sat on the court martial were subordinate to Arnold.  Also, due to changes in availability, the court’s composition when it began on June 1, changed considerably to new officers who presided beginning in December.  Major General Robert Howe, headed the court martial.  Also presiding were brigadier generals: William Maxwell, Henry Knox, and Mordecai Gist.  The remainder of the 12 man court consisted of colonels, and even one lieutenant colonel.

Lieutenant Colonel John Laurance, who had prosecuted several other generals in prior years, led the prosecution.  As was the norm at the time, General Arnold defended himself.

The Charges 

The first charge against Arnold was that he had permitted a loyalist ship to leave Philadelphia.  The story gets pretty complicated.  A group of partners, led by Richard Shewell had a ship, the Charming Nancy in Philadelphia in the spring of 1778, while the British still occupied the city.  The partners were trying to get out of town with their valuables before either the British or the Americans could seize it.  

The owners convinced the British that they wanted to sail to New York as part of the general evacuation.  However, they were also concerned about being captured by American privateers that preyed on ships leaving Philadelphia.

Shewell had gone to Valley Forge to see if he could get a pass that would prevent privateers from taking his ship.  Most of the leadership at Valley Forge saw him as a collaborator and threw him out.  Shewell met with Benedict Arnold, who at the time was still in Valley Forge awaiting the final evacuation of Philadelphia. Arnold gave him a pass, allowing the Charming Nancy to leave Philadelphia and go to any American-controlled port.

When the ship left Philadelphia during the British evacuation, it was seized by a privateer and taken to Egg Harbor, New Jersey.  After several months of fighting, the American prize court accepted the validity of Arnold’s pass and permitted the owners to keep the ship and its cargo.

Arnold’s defense was simply that he believed that the owners were Americans, trying to prevent their ship and cargo from being seized by the British, and that he granted the pass in order to prevent the goods from falling into the enemy’s hands.

The prosecution attempted to show that the owners of the Charming Nancy had sold Arnold an interest in the cargo, and that Arnold, acting out of personal interest, had defied Congress’ instructions not to permit any ships or cargo to leave Philadelphia. 

The problem with the prosecution's case was there was no evidence that could prove Arnold had any ownership interest, and Arnold had issued the pass one day before Congress finalized its orders barring any ships from leaving Philadelphia.  In truth, Arnold did receive a personal interest in the ship, but the prosecution could not prove this at trial.

The second charge was that after Arnold had taken control of Philadelphia, that he had purchased goods from warehouses that had been ordered by Congress to be held for inventory and potential confiscation.  

When the British had abandoned Philadelphia in a hurry, they could not take everything of value, nor did they make much effort to destroy it.  Congress had issued orders, essentially preventing the sale or movement of any goods until the army could determine what items were in the city, who owned them, and whether they were subject to seizure.  General Arnold was responsible for executing those orders.

A great many loyalists feared that their goods would be seized by the army because of their collaboration with the enemy during the occupation.  They were desperate to get their goods out of there, or to sell them quickly for any amount.  The prosecution accused Arnold of buying goods at pennies on the dollar, while at the same time barring anyone else from buying or selling anything.

Arnold defended himself by denying any personal interest in any of the goods that had been embargoed.  He readily admitted that he had executed his orders from Congress to prevent the sale, transfer, or removal of any items by anyone else.  He also conceded that had he made any purchases of these goods that doing so would be both illegal and repugnant.  Arnold categorically denied making any deals in which he purchased or took any ownership interest in the goods that he had sequestered on behalf of Congress.  Once again, Arnold probably did do this, but the prosecution was unable to give any conclusive proof that he had done so.  Again, Arnold really did make such deals. The prosecution simply could not prove it.

Timothy Matlack
The third charge involved misuse of militia.  This seemed to be a rather petty charge that stemmed from an incident where one of Arnold’ aides, Major Franks, ordered a militia sergeant named William Matlack to fetch a barber.  Matlack happened to be the son of Timothy Matlack, who sat on Pennsylvania’s Supreme Executive Council.  Arnold had ignored Matlack’s complaints about this matter.

At trial, Arnold’s defense was simply that soldiers under the command of an officer must follow orders.  Enlisted men regularly performed acts of service for officers and there was no good legal precedent for thinking otherwise.

The fourth and final charge against Arnold was that he had used wagons owned by the State of Pennsylvania to transport personal property from Egg Harbor, New Jersey.  Arnold readily admitted that he had used wagons to transfer property back to Philadelphia.  The British were about to attack Egg Harbor and the use of the wagons prevented those goods from falling into the hands of the British. Further, Arnold noted that he had reimbursed Pennsylvania for the cost of using the wagons, so he did not improperly benefit from the use of government property.

Arnold brought witnesses and documents to back up his defense.  At the same time, he stressed his  own sacrifices that he had made to the country.  He savaged Reed, bringing up the old story about how Reed had betrayed General Washington back in 1776 when Reed was Washington’s aide, and the same time corresponding with General Charles Lee to imply his support that Lee replace Washington as commander in chief.

The Verdict

The trial lasted just over a month, but a large portion of that was the result of brakes caused by the terrible blizzard conditions that happened in northern New Jersey during that month.  By late January, the court reconvened to render its verdict.  The court dismissed charges two and three.  The prosecution did not produce any good evidence that Arnold had purchased any of the warehouse items in Philadelphia, and dismissed the charge of misusing militia for personal service.

As for the first charge, permitting a ship in possession of the enemy to have a pass to an American port, the court found that behavior to be “irregular” but did not go so far as to say it implied any criminal behavior.  On the fourth charge, the use of state wagons to transport personal property, the court found it to be “imprudent and improper.”  Even though Arnold had paid for the use of the wagons, an officer could not use his military authority to make use of state property for personal benefit and just pay for it later.

Samuel Huntington
Even so, the court did not see the finding of guilt to be serious infraction that required dismissal from service or any other real penalty.  It recommended that Washington reprimand Arnold for his behavior.  The final verdict was really more about poor judgment, and arguably an effort simply to maintain good relations with Pennsylvania by not simply granting a blanket acquittal with honor.

The court martial submitted the verdict to Congress, which gave its approval on February 12 by a vote of 23-3.  For some reason, Congress did not immediately communicate its approval of the conviction back to Washington. President Samuel Huntington provided Washington with formal notice in a letter dated March 11, along with a printed copy of the court martial proceedings.

Washington, pursuant to his duty, issued a written reprimand as part of his general orders for April 6, 1780.  The general orders simply repeated a summary of the charges and the verdict as well as Congress’ reprimand.  In the final sentences, Washington issued his reprimand as required by the court:

The Commander-in-Chief would have been much happier on an occasion of bestowing a commendation on an officer who has rendered such distinguished service to his country as Major General Arnold.  But in the present case a sense of duty and a regard to candor oblige him to declare that he considers his conduct in the issuance of the permit as particularly reprehensible, both in a civil and military view, and in the affair of the wagons, as imprudent and improper.  

In addition Washington included a personal note to Arnold, essentially reminding Arnold that, as military leaders, they needed to remain above reproach.  I think the note also says a lot about how Washington regarded his own position in the army:

Our profession is the purest of all.  Even the shadow of a fault tarnishes the luster of our finest achievements.  The least indiscretion may rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired.  I reprimand you for having forgotten that, in proportion as you have rendered yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in your deportment toward your fellow citizens.  Exhibit anew those noble qualities, which have placed you on the list of our most valued commanders.  I will myself furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with opportunities for regaining the esteem of your country.

Moving On

In his not to Arnold, Washington seemed to make clear in his note to Arnold that he was eager to get Arnold back in the field, where he could regain public esteem and restore his reputation as an honorable warrior.  

Arnold, however, remained frustrated.  In a letter from about this time, sent to Silas Deane, he wrote 

I believe you will be equally surprised with me, when the court-martial having fully acquitted me of the charge of employing public wagons or defrauding the public, or of injuring or impeding the public service.  Yet in their next sentence say ... I ought to receive a reprimand’ 

He clearly was not in any frame of mind to return to military service or restore his reputation.  A few weeks before the final reprimand, Arnold’s wife had given birth to their first child, Edward.  Arnold seemed focused on beginning a naval career, having written to Washington about the idea of taking a fleet to sea.  Arnold had been a merchant captain before the war, and had already acted as a naval commander on Lake Champlain.  A naval command could have given him, not only an opportunity for military glory, but would also to recover from his financial troubles, as he would be entitled to a share of any prizes captured at sea.

Washington passed along this request to Congress, but did not support it.  The Continentals did not have the ships or sailors to create a new fleet for Arnold.  Putting him in a command above the many navy captains who had waited for years for a ship an crew would have created a political firestorm.

A few weeks after the reprimand, Arnold received word from the Board of Treasury that it had disallowed some of his requests and that Arnold now had to repay Congress £1000 sterling.  Arnold, who was already hopelessly in debt and still hoping to get money from Congress, was beyond frustrated with his situation.

Around this same time, he renewed his secret correspondence with British Major John Andre.  In late March he had sent General Clinton details about the defenses around Charleston, South Carolina, looking to prove his worth to that army.  He began looking for an opportunity to switch sides and to turn over as valuable a piece of property as he could, in order to maximize his cash reward from the British. 

Arnold began writing to Phillip Schuyler to intercede with Washington to give him a new appointment as Commander of West Point.

Next week: we look at the hardships endured by the army during the winter in Morristown.

- - -

Next Episode 239 Winter at Morristown 


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20), Zelle, or popmoney (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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Further Reading

Websites

Proceedings of the Court Martial: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/evans/N13495.0001.001/1:2?rgn=div1;view=fulltext

Murdoch, Richard K. “Benedict Arnold and the Owners of the Charming Nancy.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 84, no. 1, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1960, pp. 22–55, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20089261

“General Orders, 6 April 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-25-02-0212

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Arnold, Benedict Proceedings of a general court martial for the trial of Major General Arnold, Philadelphia: Francis Bailey, 1780 (1865 reprint). 

Hill, George Canning Benedict Arnold. A Biography, Boston: E.O. Libby 1858. 

Sellers, Charles Coleman Benedict Arnold The Proud Warrior, NY: Minton, Balch & Co. 1930. 

Todd, Charles Burr The Real Benedict Arnold, New York: A.S. Barnes and Co.1903. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cunningham, John T. The Uncertain Revolution: Washington and the Continental Army at Morristown, Down the Shore Publishing, 2007. 

Lea, Russell M. A Hero and A Spy: The Revolutionary War Correspondence of Benedict Arnold, Heritage books, 2008

Malcolm, Joyce Lee The Tragedy of Benedict Arnold: An American Life, Pegasus Books, 2018. 

Randall, Willard Sterne Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor, William Morrow & Co. 1990 (or read on archive.org).