ARP257 French Army in America

Back in Episode 246 we discussed Lafayette’s return to America from France.  Lafayette arrived in Boston in late April 1780 and made it down to General Washington’s Headquarters in Morristown New Jersey by early May.  The young general from France was pleased to announce that a French Army would soon arrive to support the Continentals in a final push to defeat Britain.

Washington, of course, was elated with the news, but also concerned since his army had fallen to only a few thousand men.  The southern army had been captured at Charleston and the states seemed in no hurry to send new soldiers.  Further, the army did not have the food or supplies to take care of the few soldiers that they did have. 

Washington spent the next few months desperately trying to build up his army for a major campaign with French cooperation during the summer of 1780. But the men and resources simply were not there.  The news of the arrival of the French Army spurred him to do whatever he could to prepare, but there was not much he could do.

Comte de Rochambeau

Leading the French army was Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, better known as the comte de Rochambeau.  Lafayette had requested command of the army, but the Continental major general had left France as a captain in the French Army.  The King of France was not going to turn over an entire army to a kid still in his twenties, no matter how impressive an impact he had made in America.

General Rochambeau was an older, experienced officer.  Like most officers of the era, Rochambeau came from aristocracy.  He was the third son of the Marquis de Rochambeau, who came from a prominent military family that could trace its ancestry back to officers who had led in the crusades.  His mother came from an important naval family.  Although his father had some physical handicap that had prevented military service, he nevertheless served the King and was honored as a Knight of the Holy Sepulchre, among his titles.

comte de Rochambeau

Both of Rochambeau’s older brothers died in childhood.  So, from a young age, he was destined to carry his family’s title.  Born in 1725, he attended Catholic boarding schools where he received educational and military training beginning at age five.  At 15, he received his first commission as a cornet of horse and began service in the Army of the Rhine during the War of Austrian Succession.  The young teenager learned the rigors of combat at an early age and managed to thrive and impress his superiors.  He was wounded in battle several times, and suffered the same deprivations that the rest of his men faced during the war.  

By 1747, the 22 year old found himself a colonel leading a regiment.  A couple of years later, the 25 year old Colonel Rochambeau accepted his mother’s arrangement for his marriage into another wealthy family. 

By the outbreak of the Seven Years War, Rochambeau had risen to brigadier general.  He distinguished himself at the battle of Minorca, and was wounded in battle in the German states during the war.  By the end of that war, Rochambeau found himself serving as inspector-general of infantry and mixing with the top ministers at the court of Versailles.

Since France had entered its latest war with Britain, much of Rochambeau’s time was spent planning for the invasion of England in 1779.  After that plan fell apart due to problems and delays by their Spanish allies and an unfortunate smallpox outbreak in the invasion fleet, Rochambeau was looking for something else to do.  In 1780 Rochambeau was a 55 year old military commander with nearly 40 years of military experience.  According to his writings, he was contemplating retirement.  The thought of another major military campaign far from home did not seem to be something that he particularly wanted.

Unlike many other officers, we don’t really know Rochambeau’s personal views on the American fight for liberty, or other political issues of the day.  He did not speak English, and knew rather little about America.  Rochambeau was a professional soldier, who followed orders and fought whatever battles his superiors thought appropriate.  The King’s decision to appoint him the head of an expeditionary force to America would be his first independent command.

French Expeditionary Force

The King's commission directed Rochambeau to command his army separately from the Continental Army. The French army in America would not serve as auxiliaries.  His orders directed him to work closely with General Washington and to coordinate military actions that would assist the success of the American cause.  At the same time he was to use his own military judgment in the use of his army.  Initially, the king had granted Rochambeau a force of only 4000 soldiers.  After some negotiation, the King increased the number to 7500, out of the 32,000 men who had been assembled for the aborted invasion of Britain.

French Regulars

Lafayette had advised Rochambeau to bring all the supplies that they would need while in the field in America.  He noted that the Americans had almost nothing and that the French could not really rely on local supplies while in the field.

By March of 1780, Rochambeau was ready to embark on his transatlantic voyage.  Unfortunately, the French Navy was not ready.  All the troop transport ships had been used to ship another army to the West Indies.  After a few weeks of scrambling, the ministry managed to find enough ships to cram about 5500 soldiers aboard.  They had to leave behind another nearly 2500 men who would have to join them on a second voyage later.  They also had to give up the transport of any horses.

The fleet set off for America at the beginning of May.  The winds and weather forced the fleet to take a longer route, so that they were still at sea after two months.  Along the way, the fleet encountered ships that brought the news that the Continental Army had fallen at Charleston and the entire southern army had been taken prisoner.  The Americans had lost almost as many soldiers in South Carolina as Rochambeau was bringing to America.  The French also learned that General Clinton had returned to New York and was preparing a greeting of his own when the French fleet arrived.  

While the officers knew of their destination, the French soldiers were not informed until about seven weeks into the voyage.  The men cheered when they heard the news.  In part this may have been because of the French feeling toward American liberty.  A fair amount of the celebration may have been because they were not headed to the West Indies, where tropical diseases were known to decimate European regiments.

Newport

On July 11, 1780, the French fleet arrived in Newport, Rhode Island.  The British did not contest the landing.  They had abandoned Newport in late 1779 in order to consolidate forces in New York ahead of the Charleston offensive.

The people of Newport at first greeted the French fleet a bit tentatively.  No one was really sure what an occupying army would bring, even if it was allied with the US.  Even Continental soldiers and militia were known for taking what they needed from the locals out of necessity.  Although the French were now allies, the people of New England had been fighting them as long-time enemies only twenty years prior.  Only two years before, in 1778, the French had abandoned the attempt to recapture Newport from the British.  This had threatened to create a deep hostility between the two armies, which Washington and Lafayette had to work overtime to patch up.

The locals also had little to offer their French guests.  The town population had been less than 10,000 before the war, and the years of British occupation had caused it to fall to less than 5000, hardly enough to support 5500 French soldiers and thousands more sailors.  The British had largely destroyed Newport on their way out in 1779, and the town had few resources to rebuild.  Many buildings were still burned-out shells. 

Many of Rochambeau’s soldiers were sick with scurvy from a difficult 70 day journey to America aboard overpacked cramped vessels.  Rochambeau received reports that 2300 of the French soldiers and sailors required hospital rest following the voyage.

French Map of Newport 1780

Rochambeau proved that he was not just a career military officer.  He also knew how to act as a politician.  He began meeting with local leaders and ensuring them that the French Army would not abandon them again, that they were ready to pay in specie (gold and silver) for whatever they needed, and that they would remain good guests while stationed in the city. The men set about repairing buildings for use.  They brought much-welcomed hard money to pay locals for what they needed.

Within days, local support began to show.  The Town Council called for a night of illumination of candles in all the houses to celebrate the arrival of their allies.  With local support, the French army of 5500 men settled in and around Newport.  General Rochambeau, however, still had to worry about a British attack.  The main British army at New York was only 150 miles away.  A short sail up the coast could have the enemy upon them in days.  Newport’s defenses were a mess and a large portion of the French army was in hospital following the difficult sea voyage.

Rochambeau began writing letters to Versailles noting the difficulties he encountered.  The American economy was in freefall, with the Continental dollar virtually worthless.  The Continental Army appeared to consist of only a few thousand men who were starving and in rags.  General Washington seemed unable to draw in new recruits, and part of the American army needed to move south in order to replace the army that had been captured at Charleston.

British forces were in control of Georgia and South Carolina, and seemed on the brink of taking North Carolina.  George Washington had not yet traveled to meet with Rochambeau.  Many historians have argued that this delay was because Washington was embarrassed that he had no army to fight alongside the French.  At this same time, Washington was writing letters to officials in Virginia saying that they need to be aware of the “totally deranged situation of our affairs—of our distresses—of the utter impracticability of availing ourselves of this generous aid [that is, the French support], unless the States would rouse from the Torpor that had siezed them.”

The New England militia turned out in force to supplement the French forces, commanded by General William Heath.  But Rochambeau saw them as an army of beggars. The militia needed guns, tents, clothing, provisions, etc. Everyone was looking to the French army to serve as quartermaster for all the Americans.

Rochambeau’s letters to French officials back home essentially said that they need to send more soldiers, ships, arms, and money to win this fight, and that the Americans could be counted on for almost no military support.  But those were longer term issues.  Right in front of him, was the danger of a British attack before the French were prepared to defend themselves.

Bull’s Ferry

To take some of the pressure off his new French allies, Washington was eager to engage in some activity to distract the British.  He did not have the resources for a full scale attack, but did order General Anthony Wayne to launch a raid on Bull’s Ferry in New Jersey

Wayne took two regiments of Continentals from the Pennsylvania Line, along with the 10th Regiment, as well as a company of dragoons and four pieces of field artillery.  Their goal was to capture a blockhouse at Bull’s Ferry, on the New Jersey coast, just across the Hudson River from New York City.  A small unit of 70 loyalists held the heavily-defended spot, which kept open a river passage into New Jersey from Manhattan.  The guard also protected an area to the south where the British grazed cattle and horses.  While Wayne’s force attacked the blockhouse, he sent Major Light Horse Harry Lee’s cavalry to round up the cattle and horses.

Bulls Ferry

Wayne’s force attacked the outpost on the morning of July 21.  The battle began with the Continentals using their artillery against defenders who had no canons to return fire.  The defenders did put up a defense with muskets.  After about an hour of no real progress. Wayne’s frustrated attackers wanted to storm the defenses.  Wayne and the officers saw that the defenders had built up considerable defenses, creating a tangle of abatis that would take considerable time to break through.  

Eventually, the soldiers charged despite efforts by the officers to hold them back.  As the officers feared, the attackers got caught up in the abatis and were forced to withdraw after taking heavy casualties.  With that, the Continentals gave up the fight and withdrew.  The 70 loyalist defenders suffered 5 dead and 16 wounded.  The Americans suffered 15 dead and 49 wounded.  British reports estimate the attacking force at over 2000 soldiers.  The American records don’t give a number, but if it really was just the two or three regiments, and the artillery, it was probably more like 700 to 900 attackers.  Even so, that should have been more than enough to overwhelm 70 defenders.  The Continentals did return with a herd of captured cattle, but failed to capture the block house.

That’s probably why the Americans wanted to forget about the failed attack.  Instead, we remember it because British Major John André wrote a poem called “The Cow Chace” making fun of the failed American attack, despite the lopsided numbers.

British Threat

Back in New York City, British General Clinton largely ignored the raid.  He was focused on launching an attack on the new French garrison at Newport.  Two days after the French landed at Newport, Admiral Samuel Graves arrived in New York with six more British ships of the line.  Combined with Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot’s existing fleet, the British had enough firepower to overwhelm the French naval fleet, which consisted of seven ships of the line and a few smaller ships.

Graves had hoped to intercept the French fleet at sea.  He had left port at Plymouth around the same time as the French fleet under Admiral Arsac de Ternay had left Brest.  But a storm had slowed up the fleet, and then Graves had gotten distracted trying to capture prizes along the way.  By contrast, French Admiral Ternay had passed up the opportunity to capture any British prizes that he had encountered, instead focusing on getting his troop transports to America.

In truth, the British probably could have taken Newport in the days or weeks following the French landing. The French had no time to construct defenses, and half their men were sick following the long voyage.

Adm. Samuel Graves

British General Clinton wanted to attack quickly, but Admiral Arbuthnot opposed it.  First, the fleet that had arrived under Admiral Graves was also sick from the long journey and either needed time to recuperate, or had to have much of its crew replaced with locals in New York.  This led to a delay of more than a week before the British fleet could leave for Newport.  

By the time the British fleet reached sight of Newport on July 22, the French fleet had had time to anchor into a defensive position in the harbor, where its cannons were supplemented by artillery batteries on land. Admirals Arbuthot and Graves discussed the matter, and decided they would not attack until Clinton had brought up his army to supplement that naval attack with a combined land assault.  Clinton had been ready to move, but the navy had not supplied him with the necessary troop transports to cross Long Island Sound into New England.

It would be another five days until General Clinton had his ships and was getting ready to embark an army of 6000 men at Throg’s Neck on July 27.  As Clinton prepared to load his army aboard the transports, he received word that the Continentals were massing an army of 15,000, presumably to attack Manhattan from the north.  It was the perfect time to attack, with the bulk of the British Navy up at Newport and with more than half the army prepared to join them. Clinton had to call off the troop transports and redeploy his soldiers to defend against the possible American attack.  

Of course, Washington had nowhere near 15,000 men at this time. Clinton’s intelligence about the American attack was a ruse.  The Culper Ring in New York had gotten word to Washington that Clinton was preparing to move on Newport.  

Washington made a pretense of massing a large force and moving it across the Hudson and into a position where it could attack the British in northern Manhattan.  He made sure word got back to Clinton of this new threat, while greatly exaggerating his numbers.  Members of the Culper ring helped to spread disinformation to British agents who informed Clinton of the imminent attack.  

By doing so, the Continentals bought more valuable time for the French at Newport to dig in, reinforce their defenses, and convalesce their soldiers and sailors.  Washington had also ordered General Heath to bring 5000 New England militia to Newport to support the French Army.  This militia army appeared quickly and was ready to assist within days. By the time the British were ready to attack, the French were ready to defend, meaning the British saw a pretty fair risk that they could be defeated.  

In letters back to London, Clinton blamed the failure to attack on the fact that Admiral Graves had arrived too late, that Admiral Arbuthnot had failed to get intelligence of the arrival of the French fleet, and that the navy had failed to provide timely access to the troop transports.

By mid-August, Rochambeau felt confident enough to send home the New England militia.  Although they had turned out quickly, the Americans did not have food or tents for a sustained presence.  Rochambeau decided these men would best serve the cause by returning home to bring in their harvests.

Instead of a decisive conflict, the British in New York had hunkered down into a defensive posture.  The French in Newport also began to settle in for what appeared to be a long term encampment.  As of the end of August, two months after the French arrived, Washington remained in New Jersey, with what little army he had, still not finding the time to meet his new ally in the war.  

Next time: we head south, as General Horatio Gates is tasked with building a new army in the south to confront General Cornwallis.

- - -

Next Episode 258 Gates Takes Command 

Previous Episode 256 Hanging Rock

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Further Reading

Websites

JONES, T. COLE. “‘Displaying the Ensigns of Harmony’: The French Army in Newport, Rhode Island, 1780-1781.” The New England Quarterly, vol. 85, no. 3, 2012, pp. 430–67. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23251387

WHITRIDGE, ARNOLD. “TWO ARISTOCRATS IN ROCHAMBEAU’S ARMY.” The Virginia Quarterly Review, vol. 40, no. 1, 1964, pp. 114–28. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26444997

French Encampment in Newport: https://w3r-us.org/french-encampment-newport-11-july-1-november-1780

Why Newport Scorned the French in 1780: http://smallstatebighistory.com/why-newport-scorned-the-french-in-1780

Comte de Rochambeau: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/biographies/rochambeau

Charles Henri d’Ternay http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/arsac_de_ternay_charles_henri_louis_d_4E.html

“From George Washington to Joseph Jones, 22 July 1780,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-27-02-0211

Wayne Loses Battle of Bull’s Ferry: https://www.revolutionary-war-and-beyond.com/general-wayne-loses-battle-of-bulls-ferry.html

Piecuch, Jim "Antony Wayne's Repulse at Bull's Ferry, July 21, 1780" Journal of the American Revolution, Oct. 4, 2022. https://allthingsliberty.com/2022/10/anthony-waynes-repulse-at-bulls-ferry-july-21-1780

Andre, John The Cow Chace https://www.americanrevolution.org/war_songs/warsongs78.php

McBurney, Christian “The Culper Spy Ring Was Not the First to Warn the French at Newport” Journal of the American Revolution, Dec. 9, 2014. https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/12/the-culper-spy-ring-was-not-the-first-to-warn-the-french-at-newport

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Balch, Thomas The French in America During the War of Independence of the United States 1777-1783, Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1891. 

Lomask, Milton Rochambeau and Our French Allies, New York, P.J. Kenedy, 1965 (borrow only) 

Rice, Howard C. (ed) The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, Princeton University Press, 1972 (borrow only) 

Winfield, Charles “The Affair at Block House Point, 1780” The Magazine of American History, Vol 5, pp. 161-186 (Google Books) 

Wright, M. W. E. “What France Did for America: Memoirs of Rochambeau” The North American Review: 

• Part 1 May 1, 1917  
• Part 2, June 1, 1917   
• Part 3,  July 1, 1917 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Ferreiro, Larrie D. Brothers At Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It, Alfred A. Knopf, 2016  (borrow on Archive.org) 

Kennett, Lee The French Forces in America, 1780-1783, Praeger, 1977. 

Vail, Jini Jones Rochambeau: Washington’s Ideal Lieutenant, Word Association Publishers, 2020 

Weelen, Jean E. Rochambeau, Father and Son, H. Holt and Company, 1936 (reprint 2016).  (borrow on Archive.org) 

Whitridge, Arnold Rochambeau: America’s Neglected Founding Father, Macmillan, 1965. (borrow on Archive.org) 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

ARP196 Rhode Island Campaign

By late summer, 1778, the British forces in North Ameirca were mostly restricted to their major garrisons on New York City and Quebec.  The next largest force in North America was in and around Newport Rhode Island.  

British Defenses 

In 1776, when General Howe ordered General Clinton to capture Newport, Clinton had been upset because it removed him from the primary campaign in New Jersey against Washington’s retreating Continentals.  After capturing Aquidneck Island, Clinton went back to London to resign his commission.  The king refused to accept his resignation and sent him back to New York City.  The British garrison in Newport came under the command of General Richard Prescott.  The Continentals managed to kidnap the general (see Episode 147) and the British sent General Robert Pigot to take command in Rhode Island.

First Rhode Island Regiment

Because soldiers were needed elsewhere, Rhode Island never really got enough soldiers to go on the offensive in New England.  Instead, they fortified Aquidneck Island and kept the waters around it as a port for the navy.  Occasionally the Americans in the surrounding areas would run minor raids against the island, but this was really just harassment.  Other than the mission to kidnap General Prescott, there was not much they could do.  Retaking Aquidneck Island without being able to control the waters around the island was just not possible.

In the spring of 1778, General Pigot ordered  a few British raids against the mainland, which I described back in Episode 185.  But again, those were day raids, designed as quick search and destroy missions, designed to be over before the enemy could respond in force. These minor raids aside, the occupation was pretty much a standoff for nearly two years, with the British in control of Aquidneck Islan and the patriots controlling the surrounding mainland.

General Pigot commanded between 2000 and 3000 British Regulars and Hessians, along with a handful of loyalist militia.  In July, before the French fleet reached New York, General Clinton sent an additional nearly 2000 regulars to Newport, under the command of General Richard Prescott.  The more senior General Pigot remained in command.  A short time later, Clinton dispatched another two regiments of Hessians.  All of these reinforcements travelled by sea and arrived via troop transports.  Rounding out Pigot’s command were Major General Francis Smith and Hessian General Friedrich Wilhelm von Lossberg.

These reinforcements put nearly 6000 soldiers under General Pigot’s command in defense of Aquidneck Island.  The British Navy still had at least a dozen smaller warships in the waters around Aquidneck in order to protect against any American assault on the island from the mainland.

American Forces

The Americans had been frustrated with this British outpost in New England.  But the Continental Navy was no match for the British, thus leading to the nearly two-year standoff.  However, until the French Navy under Admiral d’Estaing was able to threaten the British Navy  Washington saw no good chance to remove the British from Newport.

A year earlier, Washington had sent General Joseph Spencer of Connecticut to challenge the British presence in Rhode Island.  Spencer had called up New England militia for an attack on Aquidneck Island, but then cancelled the attack at the last minute fearing he had lost the element of surprise.  The Continental Congress had censored Spencer for his failure to attack.  Although a court of inquiry later exonerated the general, he resigned his commission and left the army as a result of the controversy.

 Gen. John Sullivan

Washington then sent General John Sullivan with similar orders.  Sullivan had spent several months trying to build up an assault force, but had done little other than try to parry against the British raids against the mainland.  

Washington, seeing the opportunity to use the French fleet to resolve this deadlock, sent his aide, Alexander Hamilton, to meet with Admiral d’Estaing at Sandy Hook, at the southern end of New York Harbor.  Hamilton, who spoke fluent French, advised d’Estaing of Washington’s plan to capture Newport with the French Navy’s assistance.  The French admiral set sail for Rhode Island. 

At the same time, Washington sent Sullivan about 2500 Continental reinforcements, as well as Generals Lafayette and Greene.  Nathanael Greene was, of course, from Rhode Island.  Even though he was serving as Quartermaster of the army at this time, Washington hoped his presence in the military command would help inspire local militia to turn out.  The bulk of the Continental army remained at White Plains, New York, just north of New York City, and perhaps a week’s march from Newport.  Washington was not going to break his siege of British-occupied New York.  His position north of the city also prevented Clinton from trying to march any British reinforcements overland to Rhode Island.

Washington had called on Sullivan to raise 5000 New England militia to supplement his army, but to keep secret the involvement of the French fleet.  Washington hoped to keep that a secret from the British.  Sullivan had difficulty getting the militia to turn out in great numbers until the actual arrival of the French fleet on July 29.  Buoyed by the presence of the fleet, New England militia began making their way to the Continental camp. 

Congress also ordered three Continental Navy ships in Boston to work with d’Estaing’s fleet. Two of the ships could not muster enough sailors to leave port.  All of the sailors were serving aboard privateers.  A third ship, the 32 gun Warren, did manage to leave port.  However, Captain John Burroughs Hopkins, much like his father, the now-disgraced Commodore Esek Hopkins, opted to disobey orders and set out in search of a merchant fleet sailing from Ireland to New York City.

Narragansett Bay

Washington’s aide, Colonel John Laurens, had been attached to General Sullivan for the campaign.  Laurens received Sullivan’s instructions and then waited for the French fleet.  When it arrived at Point Judith at the mouth of Narragansett Bay, Laurens, who also spoke French fluently, met with Admiral d’Estaing.

The meeting did not go particularly well.  Laurens informed d’Estaing that Sullivan only had about 1600 soldiers ready to go.  He was still awaiting the arrival of the Continental reinforcements under Lafayette and Greene.  He was also still awaiting the arrival of most of the New England militia. D’Estaing also learned that the British had destroyed most of the Continental boats in their May raids.  Sullivan wanted to wait for the arrival of more reinforcements and the manufacture of more boats before he could begin an assault. The French fleet should guard the entrance into Narragansett Bay and await further instructions.

Admiral d'Estaing

The French were not happy about having to wait. It would simply give the British time to improve their defenses.  There was also the danger that the British could send a relief fleet before the French and Americans could take out the defenders.  Also, the French sailors and soldiers aboard the ships had not been ashore since sailing from France.  The men were suffering from scurvy and lack of fresh water.  On top of all that, d’Estaing was perturbed that General Sullivan was issuing orders to him like he was some subordinate officer.

The British did, in fact, take advantage of the delay.  The French fleet was much larger than the small British contingent of ships around Newport.  Admiral Howe had issued orders to make sure the British ships were not captured.  The British Navy unloaded and scuttled the ships in Narragansett Bay, where they would serve as obstacles to an advance by the French fleet.  The crews mounted the cannons in batteries around the various islands in Narragansett Bay, prepared to contest any French advance.

The day after his arrival, d’Estaing sent two of his ships into Narragansett, to the west side of Conanicut Island, which sat west of Aquidneck Island.  The British defenders on Conanicut spiked their cannons, blew up their powder magazine and retreated to Aquidneck.  The following day, the French landed a small party and raised the French flag on Conanicut. A couple of days later, they placed their own cannons on the island to cover the entrance to Newport Harbor.  They did not land in force though, fearing a British counterattack would lead to the soldiers being trapped on the island.

French ships also attacked several British warships that were still unloading onto Aquidneck.  The British abandoned their ships and set them on fire, their primary goal, keeping the ships from falling into the hands of the French.

On August 1, General Sullivan came aboard the Languedoc to meet personally with Admiral d’Estaing.  The leaders agreed that, once they were ready, the Continentals would land on Aquidneck from their bases on the mainland east of the island.  The French would land on the west coast at the same time.

The French also landed some of their sick, to be cared for on the mainland, turned over several hundred prisoners from prize ships to be held as American prisoners, and sent to Boston nine prize ships that they had captured since leaving France.

On August 3, two small British ships took advantage of the fog and sailed past the French fleet into Newport. They carried word from Admiral Howe that he was assembling a relief fleet.  With that, General Pigot ordered several remaining ships to put their cannons back aboard in order to protect Aquidneck from any attack before the British relief fleet arrived.

The French, seeing these ships back in position, came after them.  After trying to sail away from the French, the British commanders ordered their ships set on fire and destroyed them.

General Pigot became convinced that the French were planning to assault Newport.  The British commander attempted to enlist more local loyalists, even slaves, to assist in the town’s defense. Most locals, however, did not like British chances and did not want to be captured on the losing side of the battle.  Pigot also virtually abandoned the northern part of Aquidneck Island, concentrating his forces and supplies in the area immediately around Newport on the south of the island.

American Assault

In response to the call for militia, Massachusetts had called up about 3000 soldiers.  Of these, about 1000 were already in the field and had their terms extended.  Another 2000 were drafted and sent marching.  Connecticut only sent a mere 500 soldiers, leaving another 4000 militia in the state to protect against any British invasion from Long Island.  New Hampshire neglected to send any militia, despite New Hampshire General Sullivan’s command.  Rhode Island called about 3000 militia, but only for fifteen day’s service.  Officials were concerned about getting men home in time for harvest.

1778 French Map of the Area Around Aquidneck Island

In addition to the militia and the 2500 Continentals still making their way from White Plains, Sullivan also had command of several regiments of state regulars: the First and Second Rhode Island regiments, two Massachusetts Regiments, and one regiment from New Hampshire.  Massachusetts also sent a regiment of artillery.  

By the first week of August, the bulk of the American forces had arrived.  The Rhode Island militia were some of the last, given that they did not bother to muster until August 6.  The other delay was a lack of boats to transport the army to Aquidneck Island.  Sullivan did not get authorization to pay for replacement boats until July 20.  Now he was rushing to buy, borrow, or build enough flat bottomed boats to transport his army.  By August 8 though, Sullivan had the fleet that he thought he needed.

With his forces ready, Sullivan called on d’Estaing to attack Aquidneck island as a feint to draw off British defenders, thus making the main American landing on the other side of the island easier.  The French leader, once again offended by Sullivan giving French forces a secondary role, insisted that both armies land simultaneously.

In point of fact though, although d’Estaing claimed to have 4000 French forces, he had only had about 1000 regular soldiers and 1600 marines.  The remainder of his forces were 1400 sailors who were not even armed with guns.  Much of his crew was also too sick for battle.  To supplement the French forces, Sullivan sent Lafayette commanding 300 Continentals and 900 militia to land with the French. 

Lafayette did not actually arrive until August 7.  Sullivan had planned the attack for August 8.  However most of his expected militia was still a day or two away.  He delayed the attack until August 10.  Even so, d’Estaing sailed several of his larger ships past Newport on the 8th, forcing the British to burn two more of their ships to avoid risk of capture.  Pigot also recalled the remainder of British soldiers from the northern part of the island, completely abandoning his defenses there.

On the morning of August 9, the day before the planned invasion, Sullivan called a council of war to discuss overnight intelligence that the British had abandoned their defenses on the northern part of the island. The council agreed to begin the landing right way, before the British thought better of their decision to withdraw, and returned.  

Sullivan sent a messenger to inform d’Estaing, while he deployed the First Rhode island Regiment to land and confirm the intelligence.  When the intelligence proved true, Sullivan began landing in full force.  The French had begun landing soldiers on Conanicut Island that same morning.  They planned to cross over to Aquidneck the following day.  About this time, d’Estaing received Sullivan’s message that he was already landing and inviting the French to move up their assault on Aquidneck.  The French landing force, mostly on Conanicut Island by this time, prepared to move on Aquidneck in the afternoon.

British Fleet

As the French prepared for their landing, d’Estaing received word of a fleet appearing in Narragansett Bay.  Fearful of the arrival of a large fleet from England, d’Estaing halted the French landing and began recalling his forces back to the fleet.  

As it turned out, the British ships were part of a fleet that Admiral Howe had cobbled together from ships arriving in New York Harbor.  Howe had been waiting for a larger fleet under the command of Admiral John Byron.  By August 6, Howe had eight ships of the line, seven smaller ships with at least 44 guns each, and a flotilla of smaller ships.  Howe figured that even if he could not defeat the French fleet decisively, it was better to go disrupt the assault on Newport than to await the arrival of the rest of the fleet. 

That night, under cover of darkness, d’Estaing took his fleet out of the narrow channels, preparing to sail into the open sea, where the large ships had a much greater advantage against the British.  The admiral hoped he could defeat the British fleet before more reinforcements arrived, then return to assist with the assault on Aquidneck.

Howe’s smaller fleet, having succeeded in drawing the French away from Newport, tried to get the best position upwind from the enemy before engaging.  The French pursued the British, who managed to keep their distance for the rest of the day. 

The next morning, the two fleets resumed the chase, but also noticed that the wind had picked up considerably.  Over the course of the day, the winds got worse, along with heavy rain and fog.  The storm was the remainder of a hurricane making its way up the east coast.  By evening, both fleets gave up the idea of battle and focused on riding out the storm.

Over the next two days, General Howe’s fleet got scattered, with several ships losing their masts and taking other damage.  The French also took serious damage and were scattered.  The Languedoc, d’Estaing’s flagship, not only lost several of its masts, but also broke its rudder, leaving the crew unable to steer.  On the morning of August 13, with the storm having passed, the smaller British ship, the Renown spotted the Languedoc and attacked.  Normally, the larger French ship would have had a clear advantage.  But after realizing the amount of damage, the Renown moved in to attack.  The French managed to keep the enemy at bay for most of the day, and overnight was able to signal other French ships to join her and chase away the British attacker.

Two British ships also attacked the damaged Marseilles.  But the larger French ship of the line managed to get off several broadsides despite damage to her masts, and chased off the British attackers.  Several other engagements took place as the damaged ships on both sides struggled to regroup their fleets.

Battle of Rhode Island

As the fleets struggled at sea, Sullivan’s forces dug in on the heights on the northern part of Aquidneck Island.  Sullivan had over 10,000 soldiers on the island  The army had to hunker down and endure the same storm that had hit the fleets at sea.  Soldiers’ tents were blown away and everyone was soaked.  Most of the gunpowder was ruined by water, making any battle plan much more difficult.

By the morning of August 15, the army had recovered sufficiently from the storm to begin moving south toward the British lines around Newport.  The Americans moved within a mile of the British.  Then, over the next couple of nights, moved within a few hundred yards, in artillery range of the lines.

The British defenses were formidable.  The reason that Pigot had given up the northern part of the island without a fight was so that he could concentrate his forces on entrenched heights just north of Newport.  The British laid out two lines, with water protecting their flanks and artillery covering the open fields that the Americans would have to cross.

The Americans outnumbered the British probably by two to one.  Sullivan tried to bait the British into leaving their lines to advance on the Americans, but Pigot remained safely inside his defensive perimeter.  For several days, the two sides just traded artillery fire, each side waiting for their navy to return.

On August 20th the British garrison happily caught sight of the British ship Senegal returning to Narragansett Bay.  Their hopes were dashed after learning that the Senegal was now a prize ship under French control.  Several other ships from the French fleet soon appeared.  They were badly damaged, but the French were returning to Narragansett, not the British.  If the French controlled the waters around Newport, the British could only hold out for a short time before inevitably having to surrender.  Their only hope was that a British fleet would arrive before they reached the end of their supplies.

The Americans appeared to be on the verge of victory.  Then, the Senegal landed a messenger at Point Judith with a message for General Sullivan.  D’Estaing informed Sullivan that the fleet was too badly damaged and that they were leaving right away, headed to Boston for repairs.  Sullivan immediately dispatched General Lafayette, General Greene, and Colonel John Langdon to persuade d'Estaing to remain.  The fleet’s presence, even for a few days, might be enough to convince the British garrison to surrender.  If d’Estaing could deploy his 4000 French troops onto the island, it would either convince Pigot to surrender, or at least divide his defensive lines, making an American attack more likely to prevail.

D’Estaing, however, would not be swayed.  His fleet was too badly damaged to do any good.  His lookouts had identified a few British ships of the line which they knew were part of Byron’s relief fleet.  The French did not want to get caught in Narragansett Bay facing a superior force, especially with their ships in such poor condition.  On the evening of August 21, the French fleet set sail for Boston.

With the French departure, Sullivan saw the American victory slip away.  He had already had to deal with several hundred militia leaving the island when their 15-day enlistments ended.  These were draftees, not volunteers.  Nothing would compel them to remain a minute longer than required.  Sullivan faced the imminent departure of all of the 3000 Rhode Island militia.  The other soldiers remaining were demoralized by the abandonment of the French fleet.  Following another council of war, the Americans withdrew back to the northern end of the island, where they occupied the defensive heights there.

Upon receiving word from Washington that a fleet of over 100 ships was gathering in Long Island Sound, likely a relief force for Newport, Sullivan began removing his supplies, heavy equipment, and some of his larger artillery off Aquidneck Island and back to the mainland.

By the evening of August 28th , the Continentals had completely evacuated their lines in front of Newport.  The British sent out two divisions, under General Von Lossberg and General Smith, to move to the northern part of the island and test the American lines.  The Americans held stiff resistance on fighting at Quaker Hill and Turkey Hill.  The back and forth fighting cost the Americans about 200 casualties, with the British and Hessian attackers taking about 260.  The British, back in control of the waters, brought up several frigates to support the attack. On the night of August 30, the Americans abandoned their position entirely on the island and rowed back across to Tiverton to take up defensive positions on the mainland.

Aftermath

With that withdrawal, the situation pretty much returned to the status quo.  The British held Aquidneck Island while the Americans remained across the water on the mainland.  The militia returned to their homes and the standoff remained.  The morning after the withdrawal, a 70-ship British relief fleet was spotted off Point Judith.  The British, once again, took control of the waters around Aquidneck Island.  

In the days following the French withdrawal, an angry General Sullivan and his officers hurled invectives and the French, the 18th Century equivalent of cheese eating surrender monkeys.  General Lafayette nearly got drawn into several duels while trying to defend the honor of his home country.  Some feared that the angry words might damage the new French alliance.  Sullivan had to put out a public declaration praising the efforts of the French.  The Continental Congress praised both the efforts of the Americans and the French.  The diplomatic statements papered over the hard feelings.  But once again, the Americans had failed to take their intended target.

Next week: we head back to upstate New York where battles still rage with the Indians and Loyalists at at Cobleskill and German Flatts.

- - -

Next Episode 197 Battle of German Flatts (Available April 18, 2021)

Previous Episode 195 Courts Martial of Lee St Clair & Schuyler

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Further Reading

Websites

Battle of Rhode Island: https://www.thoughtco.com/battle-of-rhode-island-2360205

The Battle of Rhode Island: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1778/battle-rhode-island

Battle of Rhode island: https://www.historyonthenet.com/battle-of-rhode-island-1778-key-battle-7

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 22 July 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0148

“From George Washington to Major General John Sullivan, 27 July 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0202

“From George Washington to Major General John Sullivan, 28 July 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0211

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 10 August 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0303

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 17 August 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0354

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 19 August 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0366

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 21 August 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0383

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 29 August 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0462

“From George Washington to Major General John Sullivan, 1 September 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0505

To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 3 September 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-16-02-0540

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Defense Technical Information Center Hearts and Minds: The Political and Military Effectiveness of the Rhode Island Militia in the American Revolution, 1992. 

Durfee, Joseph  Reminiscences of Col. Joseph Durfee: Relating to the Early History of Fall River and of Revolutionary Scenes, 1834 (from Harvard Univ. Library). 

Field, Edward Revolutionary Defences in Rhode Island; an historical account of the fortifications and beacons erected during the American revolution, with muster rolls of the companies stationed along the shores of Narragansett Bay, Providence, R.I., Preston and Rounds, 1896.  

Munro, Wilfred H. The History of Bristol, R.I: The Story of the Mount Hope Lands, Providence: J. A. & R. A. Reid, 1880. 

Murray, Thomas H. Gen. John Sullivan and the Battle of Rhode Island: a Sketch of the Former and a Description of the Latter, Providence : The American-Irish Historical Society, 1902.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Crane, Elain F. A Dependent People: Newport, Rhode Island, in the Revolutionary Era, Fordham Univ. Press, 1985.

Dearden, Paul F The Rhode Island Campaign of 1778: Inauspicious Dawn of Alliance, Rhode Island Bicentennial Federation, 1980. 

McBurney, Christian M. Kidnapping the Enemy, The Special Operations to Capture General Charles Lee and Richard Prescott,  Westholme Publishing, 2014.

McBurney, Christian M.  The Rhode Island Campaign: The First French and American Operation in the Revolutionary War, Westholme Publishing (book recommendation of the week).

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan, 1952.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Episode 119: Fort Cumberland (Nova Scotia) & Newport RI

In late 1776, British war plans seemed to be going reasonably well for the British.  In Canada, General Carleton had destroyed General Arnold’s fleet on Lake Champlain, and opened up the path for a spring invasion from the north.  General Howe had pushed General Washington out of New York and New Jersey and into Pennsylvania.  The patriot cause seemed to be in trouble.

Fort Cumberland

Despite being on the ropes, many Patriots were still looking to take the fight to the British.  Some still wanted to go on the offensive.  A revolution is not controlled by a single authority.  In many places, locals will take the initiative.

Back in March 1776, General Howe had evacuated Boston and moved his forces up to Halifax Nova Scotia before beginning the summer campaign in New York.  After Howe’s army left Halifax for New York, there were few British soldiers left in the area.  Recall that back at the beginning of the French and Indian war, Britain had removed most of the local French Acadians from the region and forced them to return to France.  See, Episode 007.  Thousands of colonists from New England moved into the area to take the farmland that the French Canadians had been forced to abandon.  During the French and Indian war, it seemed like a good idea for Britain to populate the area with British colonists. But by 1776, those same New Englanders were at war with Britain.  The New Englanders who had settled in Halifax shared the same political views as their friends and family in Massachusetts.

Model of Ft Cumberland, Nova Scotia (from Johnwood1946)

Among those settlers was Jonathan Eddy.  He had served as a New England militia officer fighting in Halifax during the French and Indian War.  When hostilities ended in 1760, Eddy took advantage of the cheap land, and moved his family to Halifax.  There, he settled into life as a farmer and an elected member of the local assembly.  In 1775, the Assembly expelled Eddy for non-attendance, though the real reason was probably more for his involvement in revolutionary activities.

In February 1776, Eddy traveled to Cambridge to convince General Washington to send a contingent to Halifax to take control of the region.  At the time, Washington was still besieging Boston and preparing his own offensive there. He did not want to deploy resources to begin another campaign.  Eddy then traveled to Philadelphia to get the support of the Continental Congress for a campaign to take Halifax.  Congress also rejected his proposals.  Finally, he returned to Massachusetts to get the Provincial Congress to assist with his plans.  Massachusetts refused to provide him with troops, but promised to provide arms and ammunition if he could raise enough men to attempt a takeover of Nova Scotia.

As I said,by the end of March, General Howe had moved the bulk of his army from Boston to Halifax.  But everyone expected it would be leaving soon.  Eddy spent most of the summer, attempting to raise a regiment.  Despite aggressive recruiting among small villages in northern New England, Eddy could not raise even 100 men.  Most men who wanted to fight for the patriot cause, had already left for Boston where they were fighting in the Continental Army.

Undeterred, Eddy took his small force back to Nova Scotia, where he was able to recruit more locals and a few Indians, bringing his force to around 180.

After Howe had departed for New York, there were few British soldiers in the region.  Eddy’s force targeted Fort Cumberland, which fell under the Command of British Lt. Col. Joseph Gorham.  Like Eddy, Gorham had served as an officer during the French and Indian war, and had settled in Halifax.  He received an appointment as Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs.  At the same time Eddy tried to recruit a patriot corps, Gorham attempted to recruit a loyalist corps.  He also toured much of New England, mostly before the fighting at Lexington and Concord, to put together a fighting force to support the King.  Gorham did not have much luck with recruitment either.  He ended up with a total command of about 190 men.

Jonathan Eddy

In the summer of 1776, after Howe’s forces left, Gorham took command of Fort Cumberland.  This was former French Fort Beauséjour, which sat on the isthmus between Nova Scotia and mainland Canada.  The fort was far from a priority for British, leaving Gorham’s militia with little supplies or anything else to build up the fort’s defenses.  Still Gorham and his men used equipment leftover from the French and Indian War, repaired the walls, and made the fort relatively defensible.

In early November, Eddy’s forces moved into the area. He recruited more locals, including several members of local tribes as well as some French speaking Acadians who remained in the area.  The force captured a small contingent of Loyalist militia under Captain Walker.  The patriots also captured a small sloop under Gorham’s command, the Polly along with its crew.  Eddy’s forces then began to lay siege to Fort Cumberland.  By some accounts, Eddy’s forces had grown to over 500 men, though this seems exaggerated.  Gorham had less than 200 in his garrison.  Eddy had already taken about 60 men prisoner.  However, Eddy had no cannons to use against the fort, while Gorham had three mounted cannons to put into use against the attackers.

On November 10, Eddy sent a letter to Gorham, calling for his surrender.  In response, Gorham suggested that Eddy surrender.  Two days later, Eddy attempted a night attack against the fort, hoping that surprise and confusion would allow his men to get inside the fort and take the garrison.  Gorham’s men, however, repulsed the attack.

Joseph Gorham at Fort Cumberland (from Wikimedia)

Following that failure, the soldiers serving under Eddy began to question his leadership.  A council of officers voted to remove Eddy from leadership.  Remember these were all local civilians acting as militia, with no professional officers or men around.  A little over a week later, the new leadership council ordered another attack on November 22 and again on November 23.  They burned a few outbuildings but failed to capture the fort itself.

On November 27, a British relief force arrived aboard the ship Vulture.  The ship carried 200 reinforcements, mostly Royal Marines under the command of Major Thomas Batt.  Two days later, Batt led a counterattack on the patriot lines outside the fort.  The British killed or wounded an unknown number of patriots while taking five casualties, two dead and three wounded, themselves.

The patriot forces scattered. Most of the men simply left the fight and went home. The British spent the next few days trying to chase down patriots, but with little luck.  They scoured the countryside and captured a few suspected rebels.  They also burned farms of those suspected of participating in the attack on the fort or other supporters of the rebellion.

The locals protested the destruction of property. Colonel Gorham offered a full pardon to anyone who surrendered and agreed to take an oath of allegiance, with the exception of Eddy and a few other leaders.  This upset Major Batt, who charged Gorham with neglect of duty.  Gorham later received exoneration of the charges.  The pardon seemed to return the area to loyal obedience and ended the patriot movement there.  Eddy, and a few others unwilling to submit, left for Massachusetts.

The battle at Fort Cumberland, also sometimes called Eddy’s Rebellion, ended up being a relatively minor affair involving mostly militia.  While some historians argue that a patriot victory there might have brought Nova Scotia over to the patriot side and made it the 14th State, it seems unlikely that the patriots would have been able to hold the territory against an almost certain British counterattack from Halifax.  In any event, the British, despite a victory, did not consider it terribly significant.

Occupation of Newport

All of this fighting in Halifax was happening while the British under General William Howe were pushing the Continental Army out of New York and across New Jersey, still moving slowly toward Philadelphia.  As I said, General Howe had joined General Cornwallis in New Jersey, slowly pushing Washington’s army into Pennsylvania.

Newport Map, 1777 (from Boston Rare Maps)

Howe had left General Clinton back in New York.  Clinton spent most of his days, I imagine, banging his head on his desk out of frustration.  Since the first British troops landed in New York earlier that summer, Clinton had proposed one plan after another to encircle, entrap, and destroy the Continental Army.  His commander, General Howe, continually rejected his advice, preferring to push the Americans back slowly, and always offering them an avenue of retreat.

As I mentioned a couple of weeks ago, during the New York campaign, Howe and Clinton’s relationship, which had never been particularly good, grew even more strained.  Clinton attempted to push beyond Howe’s orders on several occasions only to receive a reprimand from the commander.  During the battle of White Plains, a frustrated Clinton spoke openly of his frustration about serving under Howe to Cornwallis.  When Cornwallis passed along these comments to Howe, the commander decided to leave Clinton completely out of any combat plans under his command.

As the British and Hessians pushed the Continental Army across New Jersey, Clinton once again proposed taking a fleet up the Delaware while another army pushed Washington back to the river.  Washington’s army would be trapped and forced to surrender.  But Howe once again said no, and allowed Clinton’s subordinate, Cornwallis, to lead the British Army attacking Washington in New Jersey.

Still, Howe needed to give Clinton something to do other than sitting in New York writing letters to London about how badly Howe was performing.  Howe deployed Clinton to capture Rhode Island, or in particular the island and harbor areas around Newport.  General Howe’s brother, Admiral Howe needed a winter port for the Royal Navy.  The fresh water areas around New York might freeze up for the winter, thus trapping the navy and possibly damaging the ships.  The salt water port at Newport, Rhode Island would be a much safer nearby location to host the Royal Navy for the winter.  Newport would also once again give the British a toe hold in New England and would also serve as a good post to block New England privateers from coming and going.  Newport was thought to have one of the largest percentages of loyalist populations in New England, thus minimizing the dangers from local militia.

Clinton received a force of about six or seven thousand regulars and Hessians and took General Lord Percy as his second in command.  Some sources say the force was larger, but that may have been counting the thousands of sailors aboard ships carrying the army to Rhode Island.   Howe had originally promised Clinton a force of 10,000 soldiers, but reduced that number shortly before Clinton set sail.

A fleet of 83 ships under the command of Commodore Peter Parker carried Clinton and his forces troops from New York to Rhode Island.  You may recall that Parker had carried Clinton to the Carolinas where they faced the embarrassing loss at Fort Sullivan in Charleston Harbor.  See, Episode 96.  Clinton certainly had not forgotten about it.  He took this opportunity to bicker with Parker again over the incident.  He demanded that Parker take the blame for the failure at Charleston and clear the cloud over Clinton’s good name.  Parker was pretty conciliatory and wanted to put the issue behind them.  But making a fuss about it now only made the situation between the two commanders worse.

Even so, the landing at Newport on December 8, 1776 turned out to be a nonevent.  There were no Continental soldiers prepared to oppose the landing.  Washington’s army was in New Jersey, fleeing toward Philadelphia.  Charles Lee’s army was in southern New York, but seemed more interested in what was happening in New Jersey than attempting to oppose the British in Rhode Island.  Before the British fleet arrived, the local patriot militia had abandoned the defensive works along the shore and had already removed their cannons.

Sir Henry Clinton, 1777
(from Wikimedia)

Most patriot civilians in the area simply left town before the British arrived.  A prewar population of about 9000 had fallen to under 5000.  Clinton found the much reduced population remaining behind to be loyalists or Quakers who were willing to submit to British rule.  The British force landed unopposed.  There were a few patriot militia in the area, who the British easily captured or dispersed.

For the last year, Clinton had constantly recommended to General Howe that he should use forces to envelope the enemy and surround them so that the British could capture the enemy.  Instead, Howe just pushed the enemy further back, allowing them an avenue of retreat.  Now, Clinton in his first independent command, did exactly the same as Howe.  He landed his forces at Newport and simply allowed the enemy militia to flee.  Clinton was not interested in taking prisoners.  He simply wanted to take Newport as ordered and move on to other things.

The Continental Navy was still hanging around Rhode Island at this time.  Most of it remained bottled up near Providence. It did not confront the British or attempt to oppose the landing.  In fact, after a British ship, the HMS Diamond, ran aground in January 1777, the Continentals were still unable to capture or destroy it.  After the better part of a day, the tide came in and the British sailed on their way.  Shortly after that incident, Congress suspended Commodore Esek Hopkins from command of the Continental Navy.  The navy remained a nonentity of little concern to the British.

General Clinton was wary about spreading his forces to thinly.  He did not attempt to occupy the whole colony but kept his forces in and around Newport.  Clinton’s goal was not to occupy large portions of New England.  It was to secure a good salt water port for the navy to use over the winter.  From there, the Navy could protect its occupation of New York as well as harass patriot shipping all along the New England coast.  It also proved once again that the British could take control of any town they wished.  The Continental army or militia was not going to stop them.  Receiving word of Washington’s attack on Trenton, reinforced Clinton's view that he should not spread his troops too thinly, where small outposts would be vulnerable to a similar attack.

New England militia mobilized about 6000 soldiers in the area around Rhode Island to oppose any attempts to move inland.  General Howe, instead of providing reinforcements for an offensive, recalled many of the soldiers under Clinton’s command, for use in New Jersey.  As a result the British occupation would remain strictly on the defensive.

Clinton Goes Home

In January, 1777, Clinton turned over command to Lord Percy and returned home to Britain.  Clinton was frustrated at not getting any real command opportunity and still felt the need to clear his name over the failure to take Charleston.  He also wanted to express his frustration over Howe’s go-slow strategy and refusal to take any advice that might result in the capture and destruction of the Continental Army. Further, Clinton felt slighted by the fact that General John Burgoyne, a more junior general, had been given an independent command in Canada.

Clinton had planned to resign his commission once he returned.  As we’ll see in future episodes, the King would not accept his resignation and still had other plans for him.  But for the winter of 1777, once Newport was secure, Clinton hopped on a ship and went home to England, expecting that would be the end of his military career.

Percy Goes Home

After Clinton’s departure, General Lord Percy took command for a few months.  Then, he too decided to return to London.  Percy, who had saved the British during the retreat from Concord, and had led divisions in the Battle of Long Island and the assault on Fort Washington, had also regularly clashed with General Howe.  He had proven himself a highly capable officer on the battlefield, and also had the respect of the officers and men who had served under him.

Lord Percy (from Wikimedia)

Like Clinton, Percy felt he was being banished to Rhode Island where nothing interesting was likely to happen.  Adding to his frustration at being removed from the main action, Percy felt Howe was questioning his abilities as a general.  Howe, who was not exactly known for his aggressive strategy, wrote several letters to Percy over the winter, criticizing him for being too cautious in capturing territory in Rhode Island.

Since Percy had followed orders, and since Howe’s attempts in New Jersey to occupy more territory that winter had ended in disaster, it’s hard to say or certain why Howe was so critical.  It appears that Howe saw Percy as a Clinton ally and therefore a political threat to Howe’s leadership.  By putting Percy in a theater where he would not see much action, and then generally criticizing his failure to impress, Howe seemed to be trying to diminish Percy’s reputation among leaders back in London.

Officials in London seemed perfectly happy with Percy.  They even promoted him to Lieutenant General.  Despite the promotion, Percy decided to return home in the spring of 1777 and resign his commission.  Unlike Clinton, the King accepted Percy’s resignation, ending his military career.  General Richard Prescott assumed command of the British forces in Rhode Island.  I’ll have more to say about Prescott in a future episode.

Percy seemed content to retire and live out his life in wealth and comfort.  He divorced his wife, who had been cheating on him while he was away.  He then remarried.  He had nine children with his new wife.  In 1786 his father died.  Percy inherited the family estates and the title of Duke of Northumberland.

Ironically, Americans probably remember Percy’s illegitimate half brother, James Smithson, better than Percy.  Many years after Percy’s death, Smithson, who never visited America, left a large bequest in his will which formed the foundation of the Smithsonian Institute in Washington DC.

Next week: Thomas Paine will attempt to reinvigorate the Army with his publication of The American Crisis.

- - -

Next Episode 120: The American Crisis

Previous Episode 118 British Capture Stockton and Lee

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Further Reading

Websites

Jonathan Eddy: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/eddy_jonathan_5E.html

Joseph Gorham: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/goreham_joseph_4E.html

Eddy Rebellion at Cumberland: http://www.blupete.com/Hist/NovaScotiaBk2/Part2/Ch12.htm

The Eddy Rebellion: https://www.albertcountymuseum.com/the-eddy-rebellion

Jonathan Eddy's Account of the Attack on Fort Cumberland:
https://johnwood1946.wordpress.com/2014/10/01/jonathan-eddys-account-of-the-attack-on-fort-cumberland-november-1776

Cumberland Planters and the Aftermath of the Attack on Fort Cumberland, by Earnest Clark:
https://journals.lib.unb.ca/static_content/ACAD/acadpress/theyplantedwell/042-060Clarke.pdf

British and Hessian Forces Occupy Newport and Aquidneck Island in 1776, by Fred Zilian: http://smallstatebighistory.com/british-hessian-forces-occupy-newport-aquidneck-island-1776

Lord Percy: http://www.oshermaps.org/special-map-exhibits/percy-map/percy-biography

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

The Detail and Conduct of the American War, under Generals Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, and Vice Admiral Lord Howe, (original reports and letters) The Royal Exchange, 1780.

Field, Edward Revolutionary Defences in Rhode Island, Preston & Rounds, 1896.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 5, Vol 3, Washington: St. Claire Clarke, 1837.

Kidder, Frederick Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia During the Revolution, Joel Munrell, 1867.

Porter, Joseph Memoir of Col. Jonathan Eddy of Eddington, Me, Sprague, Owen & Nase, 1877.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Clarke, Ernest The Siege of Fort Cumberland, 1776: An Episode in the American Revolution, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995.

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Willcox, William Portrait of a General: Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence,  Knopf, 1964.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.