Sunday, May 11, 2025

ARP352 First States to Ratify

Last week we covered the end of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, and the decision by the Confederation Congress to express no opinion on the final product.  Instead they simply forwarded it without comment to the states for their consideration.  The decision to ratify or not was left up to the people of each state.

Delaware Ratification

The first state to receive the proposed Constitution was Pennsylvania. After the convention wrapped up its business on September 17, Printed copies of the document were available on the morning of September 18, and it was formally presented to the state legislature at 11:00 am that morning.  Delivery was not difficult,  The Pennsylvania legislature had been meeting on the second floor of the state house while the Convention was meeting on the first floor.  The day after the convention disbanded, the state legislature moved downstairs into the room that had been used by the convention, and that’s where it received its copy.

Delaware Ratification at Brattle Tavern
Even though Pennsylvania got a copy first and acted quickly, it was not the first state to ratify. It lost that race to Delaware.  The smaller state received the Constitution probably within a day or two of its printing.  It’s likely that George Read brought a copy home with him when he left the convention.  The legislature, however, was not in session, and had to be called into special session to consider the Constitution.

Despite being a small state, Delaware was politically divided.  Since independence in 1776, conservatives and liberals in that state had some of the most violent partisanship over elections of any of the thirteen states.  The conservatives, who mostly lived in the southern part of the state, were, at various times, called Tories, or the “court” “church” or “aristocratic” party.  The liberals, who were concentrated in the northern part of the state, were known as Whigs or the “country” “Presbyterian” or “democratic” party.,  General elections for the state legislature, scheduled for October 1, 1787 had to be suspended in Sussex county after armed riots kept people from voting.  The election had to be held on October 15th instead.  Even after that, violence and threats during the elections would cause the state legislature to refuse to seat the winners.

Yet, when it came to the proposed Constitution, the state was amazingly united.  Both the parties had favored a stronger federal government for many years.  It had supported the Annapolis Convention in 1786, and sent one of the largest delegations to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia.  Before the Convention was complete, the legislature convened in late August, anticipating a report.  Members then went home to get ready for the October elections.  When violence delayed the elections, the new legislative session did not begin until October 24.  By that time, the proposed constitution had been circulating for over a month.

The Assembly took up the Constitution on its first day back and submitted it to a committee.  The Committee took one day to report back and call for a state convention.  The Assembly scheduled the Convention to start on December 3.

Although the new constitution gave proportional representation to the House, tiny Delaware was very happy that the Senate gave representation by state.  But beyond that most of Delaware’s enthusiasm for the new constitution was economic.

Delaware received its imports through Philadelphia. Its population had to pay those import fees in the form of higher prices, while all of the benefits of those fees went to Pennsylvania.  Under the new Constitution, import duties would be collected by Congress, for the benefit of everyone. Further, the sale of western lands, which came from other states, would benefit everyone as well.  That funding meant that Congress would no longer be demanding appropriations from all states.  Beyond that, the Constitution would pay the salaries of Congressional delegations.  That was a burden on the state under the Articles.  Delaware also expected the new federal government would assume its war debt.  So Delaware would get lots of benefits and revenue would come from other states.  Delaware leaders also hoped that fast action might contribute to their case to seat the new national government in Delaware.

Despite the fact that both factions supported the Constitution, there was still some fighting over the election of delegates. Once selected though, there was little argument.  Ten delegates from each of the three counties met in Dover, as scheduled, on December 3, 1787.  Thirty delegates showed up and found themselves in agreement. Four of the participants at the ratifying convention were men who had signed the Constitution on behalf of Delaware in Philadelphia.  After four days of review and relatively little argument, the Convention voted to ratify the Constitution in full and without any amendment on December 7.  It was a unanimous 30-0 vote.  The convention also voted unanimously to donate land for the new federal capital.

Pennsylvania Ratification

Pennsylvania had hoped to be the first state to ratify.  The Assembly proposed calling a convention on September 28, before they even heard that the Confederation Congress was forwarding it to the states.  Its reason for the rush was that the session was supposed to end on September 29.  Members of the assembly did not want this to wait until the next session.  A majority in the current legislature favored the new Constitution.  It was not clear if a new legislature, following elections, would be as enthusiastic.  Pennsylvania also wanted to be a contender for the new national capital.  It was thought that an early and enthusiastic ratification would help them in that competition.

Unlike Delaware, Pennsylvania had some opposition.  These men, who came to be known as the antifederalists, objected to the new constitution.  Initially, they objected to the speed with which the assembly was moving.  They opposed calling a convention before the Confederation Congress had acted.  One member of the assembly noted that Article 13 of the Articles of Confederation required Congress’ assent to any changes in the terms of the union   Therefore Pennsylvania’s actions before Congress said anything was unconstitutional.

Most Pennsylvanians had not even had a chance to see the proposed document.  Although the legislature rushed thousands of copies to be printed and distributed across the state, in both English and German, it would take time to reach remote parts of the state, where opposition was likely to be stronger.

Antifederalist members attempted to prevent a quick vote on a convention by staying away from the state house, thus denying the assembly the required two-thirds for a quorum.  If they simply refused to show up, the legislature would dissolve on September 29th, and the state would have to wait until after the new elections to schedule a convention.  This would mean that, even if Pennsylvania supported the constitution, it would not be until the spring of 1788, after many other states had already acted.

In response, the Assembly sent out the sergeant at arms who, with the assistance of a Philadelphia mob, dragged two unwilling delegates back to the state house, thus giving them a quorum and voting for the convention. The conservatives in the Assembly supported the measure, and were joined in support by nine of their traditional opponents.  The result was an overwhelming vote in favor of the convention. Initially, the majority planned to call a convention in two weeks, mid-October.  After some debate they moved this back a few more weeks to November 20.  

Many local leaders expected the voters to be pretty evenly divided.  Pennsylvania had dealt with a pretty radical political division for years.  Its radical 1776 constitution was popular with the common people, but heavily criticized by wealthier merchants.  Many saw the new US constitution as an opportunity to undermine some of the more radical elements of the state constitution.  

Following the adjournment of the legislature, a large group of the opposition signed an address objecting to the treatment of their members being dragged into the state house to force a quorum and also to their more general objections to the constitution itself.

The election of delegates, however, came in much more in favor of the proposed constitution than most expected.  Federalists at the convention outnumbered antifederalists by about two to one.  Antifederalists proposed delaying the convention for another six months or so, giving the people more time to learn about the new constitution.  Since most other states were not planning conventions until then, they saw no reason to rush.  Federalist delegates, however, saw they had the advantage now, and voted down the proposal.

James Wilson was the only delegate to the Constitutional Convention who also went to the ratification convention.  He led the delegates in favor of ratification, telling the delegates how the Convention had to make compromises to make a document palatable to all the states.  His most important win was to get the convention to accept that they had to give a yes or no vote to the entire convention.  They could not vote on parts of the constitution nor suggest changes.

Opponents proposed multiple amendments and moved that their suggested changes at least be recorded in the record.  The majority rejected this and other efforts even to suggest any changes.  Frustrated by being shut out of any discussions, Antifederalists published a pamphlet  with their proposed changes to be circulated publicly.  This might have gotten some public support, but it was too late for the convention.

After about three weeks of debate, the convention voted 46-23 in favor of the Constitution as proposed.  Pennsylvania’s ratification of December 12 was just five days after Delaware’s.

Even after the state convention voted for ratification, the antifederalist circulated a petition, signed by thousands, objecting to the Constitutional Convention exceeding its authority and requesting that the legislature not confirm the results of the ratification convention.  In the end, this was too little too late. Pennsylvania was committed to ratification.

New Jersey Ratification

The third state to ratify, and the only other state to complete the ratification process in 1787 was New Jersey.  Much like Delaware, New Jersey saw the economic benefits of having import duties benefit the whole country.  New Jersey imports came through the port of New York or Philadelphia, which benefited those states at the expense of New Jersey.  It would also benefit from the sale of western lands that other states had to surrender.  New Jersey’s government at the time was big on paper money, something the new federal Constitution would prohibit.  Even so, state leaders seemed to think the Constitution would be a net positive for the state.

New Jersey also owned a disproportionate amount of federal debt from the war.  If the new government increased chances of that money being repaid, it would greatly benefit the state.  New Jersey had been the first state to choose delegates to attend the convention.  Despite the fact that its delegates had initially proposed many of the changes made at the Convention, state leaders still strongly backed the final document as much better than the Articles of Confederation.

Like Delaware, the New Jersey legislative session began in late October.  It took up the Constitution right away and quickly authorized a state convention.  The election of delegates to the convention took place in late November.  Three delegates were chosen from each of the state’s thirteen counties.  The convention met in Trenton on December 11.

The New Jersey Convention was much like Delaware’s.  There was almost no opposition, and a general consensus to support the document.  The delegates spent a week setting up rules for themselves, reviewing petitions and letters sent in by citizens, and reviewing the document itself.  With relatively little debate, the delegates agreed unanimously to approve the Constitution, without any changes, on December 18.  The convention remained in session for two more days, while delegates signed two copies of their resolution, one to send to the Confederation Congress and the other for the state archives.  Delegates also offered up ten square miles of land to host the new federal capital.  They also paid delegates for their time and sent them home on December 20.

Georgia Ratification

A fourth state began consideration of the Constitution in 1787. Georgia received the proposed constitution on October 10 when William Pierce returned with a copy for Governor George Mathews.  His copy also included Congress’ September 28th decision to transmit the proposed document to the states.  The following day, a local newspaper printed copies to be distributed throughout the state.  

One might expect to find some antifederalist sentiment in Georgia. The state had regularly quarreled with the Continental Congress both during and after the war.  The biggest post war issue was with regard to treaties with Indians.  Georgia wanted to make its own treaties, and openly resented Congress’ efforts to come to terms with the native inhabitants.  Georgia had land claims reaching all the way to the Mississippi River.  It had seen more westward expansion of its population than any other state since the end of the war.  It did not want to cede even more diplomatic power to a federal government.

Georgia’s interest in the process up until this point had been less than enthusiastic.  Georgia had appointed five delegates to the convention in Philadelphia.  Only four showed up.  None of them stayed for the entire convention.  During most of the convention only two Georgia delegates were present, and none of them seemed to contribute much to the debate.  Their most active delegate, Abraham Baldwin, spoke only eight times during the Convention.

One of the more important issues to the Georgia delegation was the protection of the slave trade.  Because of the efforts of Georgia and South Carolina, the convention had ended up protecting the slave trade, but only for twenty years.

If Georgians were ambivalent about some of the provisions in the proposed Constitution, other matters had taken precedence.  The state’s westward expansion had created another problem for Georgia.  The Creek Indians, who had suffered continued encroachments on their land by Georgia settlers, were ready to start an all out war with Georgia.  The hostility had heated up particularly throughout 1787 and was reaching a boiling point.  Georgia, with a relatively small population, only slightly larger than Delaware, needed the help of other states if the Creek went to war with them.  Refusal to join the new union of states could mean horrific defeat against an enemy known to be merciless in its warfare.

Georgia also shared a southern border with Florida, back in Spanish hands.  There was a great concern that relations with Florida would not remain amicable.  Georgia could not exist on its own next to such a powerful neighbor.  George Washington gave his thoughts on Georgia’s ratification put it in a letter to another supporter in Pennsylvania: “if a weak state, with powerful tribes of Indians in its rear, & the Spaniards on its flank, do not incline to embrace a strong general Government there must, I should think, be either wickedness, or insanity in their conduct.”


Just over a week after news of the Constitution arrived in Georgia, Governor Mathews called the legislature into a special session to consider it.  The legislature met on October 18, and considered the constitution the following week. After one day of debate, the Assembly adopted a resolution calling for a State convention to meet in Augusta beginning on December 25. 

Only eight of the thirty-three delegates showed up on Christmas Day to begin the convention. They had to wait until the 28th before a quorum arrived.

The legislature had thrown a potential problem into the mix by authorizing its convention to adopt or reject the Constitution in whole or in part, meaning that delegates might simply decide some parts of the documents were unacceptable and only ratify certain parts of the Constitution.  This would create a problem since there was no mechanism for other states to ratify the document in the same way that Georgia had.  If different states picked apart the document, there would be no way to approve the final constitution by everyone, at least not without a second convention that could make alterations and redistribute to the states for further consideration.  That could delay the process by years.  Many believed it would prove fatal to the process.

Fortunately for the federalists, Georgia seemed motivated to ratify quickly.  After reaching a quorum on Friday the 28th, the convention spent that day and Saturday electing officers, agreeing to convention rules, and reading through the Constitution.  There is no record of any debate on the merits of the document itself, or any indication that the convention delegates gave any thought to rejecting any part of it.  After taking the day off on Sunday, the delegates reassembled Monday morning and voted unanimously 26-0 to ratify the constitution in full with no changes or reservations.

It took two days to draw up the paperwork so that the convention formally confirmed its vote on January 2, 1788.

A Good Start

So, as 1787 came to an end, four states had ratified the constitution - three of them unanimously.  The country was nearly half way toward the nine states needed for the constitution to go into effect.  

These states had also set the precedent that ratifying conventions should simply vote yes or no.  They should not try to demand amendments or other changes that would likely slow up the ratification process by years, and perhaps prevent any consensus entirely.  We will continue with this next week as the ratifications move to New England.


- - -

Next Episode 353 Ratification in New England (coming soon)

Previous Episode 351 Ratification, First Steps

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Further Reading

Websites

The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution https://search.library.wisc.edu/digital/AConstitution

The Controversy Surrounding the Calling of the Pennsylvania Convention https://csac.history.wisc.edu/states-and-ratification/pennsylvania-2/pennsylvania-convention

The Carlisle Riot:  https://csac.history.wisc.edu/document-collections/popular-culture-and-ratification/celebrations-of-ratification/carlisle-riot

The [Pennsylvania] Petition Campaign Against Ratification https://csac.history.wisc.edu/states-and-ratification/pennsylvania-2/petition-against-ratification

The Address and Reasons of Dissent of the Minority of the Convention of the State of Pennsylvania to their Constituents https://csac.history.wisc.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/281/2024/05/DC9-02-03-02_Address-and-Reasons-of-Dessent_12Dec87.pdf

Popular Culture and Ratification https://csac.history.wisc.edu/document-collections/popular-culture-and-ratification

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

This Constitution: From Ratification to the Bill of Rights, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. 1988 (borrow only). 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Ford, Paul L. Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States, Brooklyn, NY: 1888. 

Jensen, Merrill (ed) Ratification of the Constitution by the States: Pennsylvania, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1976 (Univ. Wisconsin Website). 

Jensen, Merrill (ed) Ratification of the Constitution by the States: Delaware, New Jersey, Georgia, Connecticut, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1978 (Univ. Wisconsin Website). 

Mason, Alpheus T. The States Rights Debate: Antifederalism and the Constitution, Oxford Univ. Press, 1972. 

McCormick, Richard P. Experiment in independence: New Jersey in the Critical Period, 1781-1789, Rutgers Univ. Press, 1950 (borrow only) 

McMaster, John Bach (ed) Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution: 1787-1788, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1888. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*


Sunday, May 4, 2025

ARP351 Ratification, First Steps

Last week, we covered the end of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in September 1787.  We left off with the delegates signing the draft Constitution and preparing to go home.

Farewell Parties

Before we leave Philadelphia, I want to say a few things about a few parties.  The delegates worked six days a week during the convention, and spent most of their evenings, socializing either in public taverns or in someone’s home.  Because they had taken an oath of secrecy, they tended to remain with each other in the evenings to talk about various issues at the convention, without involving any outsiders.

Confederation Congress at City Hall, NY
Occasionally though, some delegates would attend outside functions.  George Washington was a particularly popular guest.  Shortly after arriving in Philadelphia in May, Washington spent time dining with members of the Society of the Cincinnati, who were wrapping up their national meeting about the time the Federal Convention was getting started. 

Benjamin Franklin hosted quite a few dinners, as did Robert Morris.  It was at one of these parties that a famous bet took place.  

Maryland delegate James McHenry recorded an incident at a party toward the end of the Convention.  Alexander Hamilton was hanging out with Robert Morris and Governeur Morris.  Hamilton, who had been a very close aide to Washington during the war, told the men that Washington never allowed any man to be familiar with him.  By that, he meant, act in a casual and friendly way.  Governeur called BS on Hamilton and said that among gentlemen, there was always the ability to be friendly and casual.

So Hamilton made a bet with Morris “If you will, at the next reception evenings, gently slap him on the shoulder and say, 'My dear General, how happy I am to see you look so well!” then Hamilton would buy him dinner for him and a dozen of his friends.”  It could be that Morris was hesitant to take the bet until Hamilton said * oh yeah, I triple dog dare you! *

“A few days later, the men were at a party with Washington, Gouverneur Morris entered, bowed, shook hands, laid his left hand on Washington's shoulder, and said, 'My dear Gen­eral, I am very happy to see you look so well!' Washington withdrew his hand, stepped suddenly back, fixed his eye on Morris for several minutes with an angry frown, until the latter retreated abashed, and sought refuge in the crowd."  Hamilton paid off his bet, but Morris later noted his mortification and said that, although he had won the bet, he had wished he had never made it.

This is not to say that Washington did not enjoy a good party.  The weekend before the Convention ended, Washington attended a farewell party at City Tavern thrown by his friends in the Philadelphia Regiment of Light Horse.  Many of these men were veteran Continental Officers that Washington knew from the war.

The bar bill from that party had achieved some fame of its own.  According to the bill, the men drank 54 bottles of Madiera wine, 60 bottles of Claret 22 bottles of hard cider, as well as many more of whiskey, beer, punch, cigars, etc. - with only 55 men in attendance.  That meant multiple bottles of booze for each guest.  The bill also included a charge for broken glassware, as well as even more alcohol for the twelve musicians who were hired for the night.  The total cost of the party, over 89 pounds sterling, would be over $20,000 in today’s inflation adjusted currency.

A few days later, Washington attended another party at City Tavern, following the signing, where the delegates from the convention bade farewell to each other.

Delivering the Constitution

With the festivities behind them, the delegates headed home.  On the night the final version was signed, printers worked overnight to publish 500 copies of the final document.  One of the printers was John Dunlap, who had printed the Declaration of Independence on the night it was finalized, and who was also an attendee at the party at City Tavern with Washington and the soldiers of the Philadelphia Light Horse.

Many delegates brought copies of the Constitution directly from the convention directly to various state officials or other important leaders.  Washington personally mailed copies to Thomas Jefferson in France, as well as his old friend the Marquis de Lafayette.

Even with the convention at an end, Washington observed his promise of secrecy, apologizing to the Marquis that he could not comment on the debates.  Washington told his friend that he considered the final product “a Child of fortune, to be fostered by some and buffited by others.”  Washington said he would not say anything for or against it and simply said the document would speak for itself.  Washington headed for home the day after the Convention completed its business.  

During his trip home, he had to cross an abandoned bridge in Maryland over a flooded river.  The bridge collapsed as his carriage crossed the bridge, sending it crashing into the river.  Fortunately, Washington and his travelling companion, John Blair, had exited the carriage before it had attempted the crossing.  Washington continued home.  

Like many, Washington had his concerns about the document.  During the Convention, he wrote to Hamilton, who had left for a short time in July saying “I almost dispair of seeing a favourable issue to the proceedings of the Convention, and do therefore repent having had any agency in the business.”

By the end of the Convention though, believed that it was the best they could do, and that the alternative to ratification was worsening anarchy under the Articles.  While Washington was not the most outspoken advocate of the final document, he most definitely supported its ratification and privately encouraged others to move forward with making it the basis of the new federal government.

The printed copy that was circulated immediately after the convention included the constitution itself, the letter to the Confederation Congress, and additional resolutions on ratification.  All three were signed by Washington.  The Convention Secretary, William Jackson, carried copies of the documents to New York to deliver to the Confederation Congress.  

Hopefully, most of us are familiar with the preamble to the constitution, which tries to outline its purpose.  But the letter to Congress, which also received a unanimous vote of the delegates and was signed by Washington, is often forgotten.  I think it gives great insight into the delegates’ views on the importance of the proposed constitution.  It’s a short letter, so I’ll read it in full:

Sir,

We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in Congress assembled, that Constitution which has appeared to us the most adviseable.

The friends of our country have long seen and desired, that the power of making war, peace, and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities should be fully and effectually vested in the general government of the Union: But the impropriety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident-Hence results the necessity of a different organization.

It is obviously impracticable in the federal government of these states, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all: Individuals entering into society, must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved; and on the present occasion this difficulty was encreased by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests.

In all our deliberations on this subject we kept steadily in our view, that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American, the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. This important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each state in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude, than might have been otherwise expected; and thus the Constitution, which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensible.

That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state is not perhaps to be expected; but each will doubtless consider, that had her interest been alone consulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others; that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish.

It was then signed by George Washington and noted it was by the unanimous order of the Convention.

The third document included with the letter and the Constitution itself were the unanimous resolutions of the Convention on what should be done with the proposed document.

It resolved that the constitution should be laid before the Confederation Congress, then submitted to the states.  It did not request that Congress vote on the document, endorse it, or do anything else.  It was to be a simple intermediary to distribute the document to the states.  Each state legislature should then call a convention of the people to ratify the document and then give notice to Congress of the state’s approval or disapproval.

The convention further resolved that as soon as nine states have ratified the constitution, that the Congress should fix a day on which electors, appointed by the states, to vote for a president.  It would be up to the states to schedule elections for Senators and Representatives.

After the electors voted, they would present these votes to the Confederation Congress.  The Congress would simply hold the votes until the newly elected Senators and Representatives convened to count the votes and certify the election.  At that point, the new government would take the reigns of power and the Confederation Congress would simply dissolve and disappear.

It was pretty gutsy that this convention, which had been formed on the premise of recommending amendments to the Articles of Confederation, came back with an entirely new government and even provided the instructions on how to bring it into existence.  It then essentially ordered the Confederation Congress to comply and to destroy itself in favor of a new government, implemented on the terms spelled out by the Convention.

It was probably only the fact that the most respected leaders in the country had done this, that it was given the deference that it received.  That, and the national consensus that the Articles of Confederation were failing, made its members willing to go along with the Convention’s resolutions.

Confederation Congress 

The Confederation Congress had been poorly attended over the summer, in part due to the fact that nearly one-third of its members were serving at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. By the time the Convention Secretary, William Jackson, arrived in New York on September 20, to deliver the Constitution to Congress, four of the delegates that had signed the document had beat him there.  More arrived over the next week, when Congress began debating what to do with the proposed document.  There were only eleven state delegations present.  Maryland only had one delegate in Congress.  Two were required for the state to cast a vote. Rhode Island, which was the only state not to send delegates to the Convention, had also not sent delegates to Congress.  Rhode Island did send a note to Congress saying it had refused to send delegates to the convention out of a “fear… of making innovations on the Rights and Liberties of the Citizens at large.”

Delegates to the Confederation Congress were not sure what to do.  They had supported a  Convention to recommend amendments to the Articles of Confederation.  This was an entirely new document.  Further, the document called on the states to ratify it, not the Confederation Congress.

Some delegates questioned whether the Convention had the authority to do this and whether the Congress needed to do anything at all since the document clearly wasn’t asking them to make amendments to the Articles.  There was some debate as to whether the Confederation Congress should make its own suggested changes to the proposed document before forwarding to the states.  They also had the option to endorse or reject the document in its entirety.

James Madison had to rush to New York because his Virginia delegation was evenly divided on whether to support the constitution.  He was the tie breaking vote in favor.  Madison then fought to shut down proposals to have the Confederation Congress suggest changes to the documents.  Many states were already considering the original proposal.  If Congress made changes, then there would be two different documents to consider, making ratification far more complicated.

The constitution was read aloud in Congress on September 20th, the day it arrived.  Congress then scheduled a date one week later, Wednesday, September 26, to consider the constitution.  Congress knew that this was coming.  Although the debates at the convention were secret, delegates who served on both bodies made sure Congress had some idea when it could expect the final product.  

Back in mid-August, the President of Congress, Arthur St. Clair, instructed all states to make sure they had at least two delegates present by September 26.  Rhode Island, which blew off the entire convention, also did not bother to send delegates to Congress.  All other states had at least two delegates present, except Maryland which had only one.

Quite a few of the more active convention delegates who were no longer in Congress, also traveled to New York to be part of the discussion.  These included Gouverneur  Morris and Alexander Hamilton, who both lived in New York, as well as Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, and John Rutledge of South Carolina.

Interestingly, Congress did not record any of their debates.  The records for those days simply note that Congress was in session, that there was a motion to transmit the Constitution to the states, then on September 28, the notes reproduce the Constitution itself and the fact that Congress was transmitting it to the states.

Unlike the Convention, the Confederation Congress did not usually act in secrecy.  Its proceedings were usually covered by the newspapers.  Despite the importance of this issue, there were no newspaper reports of the debates.  Most of what we know of the debates comes from New York Delegate Melancton Smith, who kept notes, and from letters written by other delegates who were present.  But the public at the time remained in the dark.

Dissenters like Richard Henry Lee of Virginia argued that it was absurd that Congress could not make any changes to a document that was supposed to be a list of recommended changes for Congress.  Lee, and Nathan Dane of Massachusetts were two of the most outspoken critics in Congress.  They saw the Convention’s legitimacy, only as an advisory committee to Congress, not an independent power that was bypassing Congress.  

To these men, this was a power grab.  The Articles required that major changes had to be unanimous.  This was to prevent sovereign states from being forced to cede power against its will.  The Convention was now suggesting that a group of nine states could implement an entirely new government.  Even if it wanted to do so, Congress could not endorse this plan unless all thirteen states agreed.

Given the fact that 10 of the 33 delegates present in New York had been delegates to the Convention, and given the general view that the Confederation Congress was a disaster and that speedy ratification as necessary, the majority voted not to amend, or even debate, the contents of  the proposed Constitution.  

Nationalists, like Madison, wanted Congress to endorse the new Constitution. That, of course, brought up the debate that members should be able to criticize parts of the proposed Constitution, and raise their objections.  Lee proposed some pretty popular amendments, like  guarantees for freedom of religion and the press, the right to a jury trial and independent judges, restrictions on a standing army in times of peace, protections against excessive bail, fines, cruel and unusual punishment, unreasonable searches and seizures, etc.  How could any of these basic protections be objectionable?  Why not add them?

No one objected to these protections on the merits, but for the federalists, making any changes, no matter how agreeable, would derail the process.  Madison compared the Convention to another house in the government.  If the Confederation made changes to the document, then it would have to be resubmitted to the Convention.  That would be impossible since the Convention already dissolved.  The document hammered out through considerable compromises.  Unravelling all of that would tear all that apart and effectively end this process.

Others like Rufus King said that they all realized the Articles of Confederation were not working.  That is why the states called for this convention in the first place.  The states are the sovereign entities that stand for the will of the people.  It should be up to the people of the states to decide whether this proposed constitution, as written by the convention, is worthy of ratification.  If the people don’t like it, they will reject it.  It’s not up to Congress to decide that for them.  It’s Congress’ job to transmit the proposal to the people for their consideration.

In the end, a majority of all state delegations present supported a measure to transmit the proposed constitution to the states without comment or alternation.  Total debate on the topic took only three days. On September 28, the Confederation Congress sent the proposed Constitution to the states.  They did not recommend any changes and expressed no public views on it, in whole or in part.  Congress considered its work on the matter complete.

Next week, we will take a look at how the states reacted to the proposed Constitution.

- - -

Next Episode 352 First States Ratify the Constitution (coming soon)

Previous Episode 350 Signing the Constitution

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

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Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  https://merch.amrevpodcast.com


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


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You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

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Further Reading

Websites

“From George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 10 July 1787,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-05-02-0236

Letter of the President of the Federal Convention, Dated September 17, 1787, to the President of Congress, Transmitting the Constitution. https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/translet.asp

The Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Revolution in Government https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/white-papers/the-constitutional-convention-of-1787-a-revolution-in-government

The Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Day by Day Account: https://www.nps.gov/inde/learn/historyculture/stories-constitutionalconvention.htm

Franklin closing speech to the convention: https://archive.csac.history.wisc.edu/assessments_64.pdf

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Secret Proceedings and Debates of the Convention Assembled at Philadelphia, in the Year 1787, Richmond; Wilbur Curtiss, 1839. 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Farrand, Max The Framing of the Constitution of the United States, Yale Univ. Press, 1913. 

Farrand, Max (ed) The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787Vol. 1Vol. 2, and Vol 3, Yale Univ. Press, 1911.  

Ford, Worthington, Chauncey The Federal Constitution in Virginia, 1787-1788. Cambridge: University Press, 1903. 

Jameson, J. Franklin Studies in the History of the Federal Convention of 1787, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903. 

Madison, James Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, Ohio Univ. Press, 1966. 

McMaster, John Bach (ed) Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution: 1787-1788, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1888. 

Meigs, William M. The Growth of the Constitution in the Federal Convention of 1787, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co. 1900. 

Richardson, Hamilton P. The Journal of the Federal Convention of 1787 Analyzed, San Francisco: Murdock Press, 1899. 

Scott, James B. James Madison's notes of debates in the Federal convention of 1787, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1918. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Amar, Akhil Reed America’s Constitution: A Biography, Random House 2005. 

Beeman, Richard R. Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution, Random House, 2009. 

Bowen, Catherine Drinker Miracle at Philadelphia: The Story of the Constitutional Convention, Little, Brown & Co. 1966 (borrow at archive.org).

Collier, Christopher Decision in Philadelphia: The Constitutional Convention of 1787, Random House, 1986 (borrow at archive.org).

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

Rossiter, Clinton 1787: The Grand Convention, Macmillan Co. 1966 (borrow on archive.org).

Smith, Page The Constitution: A Documentary and Narrative History, Morrow Quill, 1978. 

Stewart, David O. The Summer of 1787: The Men Who Invented the Constitution, Simon & Schuster, 2007. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, April 27, 2025

AR-SP31 From Trenton to Yorktown, with John Maass

The discussion features an interview with John Moss, author of From Trenton to Yorktown: Turning Points of the Revolutionary War, about his book and the key moments he identifies as turning points in the American Revolutionary War.

The conversation begins with Moss explaining that his book focuses on specific decisive military events that significantly altered the trajectory of the conflict toward American victory. He defines a turning point as a battle, campaign, or siege that results in a significant change altering the war's outcome. He emphasizes that his selection of turning points is intended to be provocative and encourage discussion.

The host raises the evacuation of Boston as a potential turning point. Moss explains that while significant for the Americans, providing them time to prepare for the New York campaign, it ultimately didn't change the trajectory toward American victory, especially considering the subsequent British successes in New York. He notes that the British evacuation benefited them strategically as well.

The first turning point discussed in detail is the "Ten Crucial Days" encompassing Washington's crossing of the Delaware, and the Battles of Trenton and Princeton. Moss highlights the dire situation of the Continental Army before these battles, with dwindling numbers, expiring enlistments, and declining morale. He argues that these victories were a strategic reboot, forcing the British to retract their forces in New Jersey and boosting American morale, enlistments, and confidence in Washington's leadership. The British commander, William Howe, even realized after these defeats that the war would not be a quick victory.

The second turning point is the Saratoga Campaign. Moss attributes the British failure to the difficult terrain, divided command, and poor communication. The British operated on exterior lines and lacked unity of effort. The American strategy, while not always involving set-piece battles, effectively prevented the British forces from linking up and securing Albany. The victory at Saratoga was crucial because it led to French involvement in the war, providing the Americans with much-needed naval support and resources. Moss considers Saratoga the most important turning point due to this foreign alliance.

The third turning point discussed is the winter encampment at Valley Forge. Moss argues its significance lies in the military transformation of the Continental Army under the training of Baron von Steuben, improving discipline and battlefield maneuvers. Additionally, Valley Forge was a political turning point where Washington solidified his leadership and overcame challenges to his command from Congress and other generals through strategic engagement and communication.

The fourth turning point is the Battle of Guilford Courthouse during the Southern Campaign. Although technically a British victory, it was very costly for Cornwallis, leading him to retreat and eventually abandon North Carolina. This effectively gave the Americans control of North Carolina and altered Cornwallis's strategy, leading him to Virginia.

The fifth and final turning point is the Siege of Yorktown. The combined American and French forces, with crucial support from the French Navy, trapped and forced the surrender of a significant British army. This decisive defeat led to the fall of the North government in Britain and ultimately compelled the British to negotiate peace.

During a question-and-answer session, Moss clarifies that his book focuses on the American theater and the impact on American victory, thus not delving into global turning points for the British, French, and Spanish. He also discusses the faulty British strategy at Saratoga, highlighting the lack of a clear plan after a potential link-up and the logistical challenges. Finally, he addresses the question of Britain's last best chance to win the war, suggesting that a more decisive victory by Howe at Brandywine could have severely weakened the Continental Army. However, he also points out that by late 1780 and 1781, even the Americans feared a diplomatic settlement that would leave Britain in control of significant portions of the colonies.

- - -

Order the book: From Trenton to Yorktown: Turning Points of the Revolutionary War, by John Maass

More books by John Maass 

To receive invitations to future live events, join my mailing list, https://mailchi.mp/d3445a9cd244/american-revolution-podcast-by-michael-troy

or become a member on Patreon.com: https://www.patreon.com/amrevpodcast


Sunday, April 20, 2025

ARP350: Signing the Constitution


For the past few weeks we have covered the Constitutional convention in Philadelphia, primarily the powers of Congress, that made up Article I and the powers of the presidency, laid out in Article II.  This week, we’ll go through all the rest.

Judiciary

The final branch of government to consider was the judiciary.  The Virginia plan called for a judiciary to be chosen by the legislature and to hold offices during good behavior.  The New Jersey plan called for a federal court to be chosen by the executive, but did not see the need for trial courts.

Signing the Constitution
In debate, the delegates generally agreed by consensus that there should be a court to hear certain matters.  Some delegates opposed the idea of creating inferior courts, arguing that state courts could handle most cases, and that needed appeals could then go to the federal Supreme Court.  Roger Sherman of Connecticut,, John Mason of Virginia, and John Rutledge of South Carolina spoke in favor of leaving trials to the state courts, with only an appeal to the Supreme court.   Nationalists like Madison, however, wanted federal courts to try issues involving federal law. The convention punted on this issue, establishing a Supreme Court, but leaving it up to the US Congress to decide what inferior courts, if any, should be established.

After some debates, the delegates determined that federal courts would have jurisdiction over issues that involved federal treaties, collection of federal revenue, and impeachments of federal officers.  They would also handle admiralty cases and cases where a foreigner was a party to the case.

Later, the delegates took away the power of trying impeachments, leaving that to Congress.  They also added that the federal courts would handle cases that involved disputes between states.  

The selection of judges was also a matter of debate.  Although Madison’s Virginia plan initially proposed judges be selected by the legislature, the convention rejected that idea pretty decisively early on.  Madison then pivoted his arguments at the convention toward giving that appointment power to the president.  This ended up being included in the larger debate over the appointment of executive branch officials.  In the end, judicial appointments ended up being the same as other appointment: the president would appoint and the Senate would confirm.

In the colonial era, many judges were appointed by crown authorities, and sat at the pleasure of those authorities.  Most Americans did not like that practice since it made judges dependent on those who could remove them.  In fact, one of the reasons for breaking with Great Britain in the Declaration of Independence “[the king] has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.”

To help protect judicial independence from political leaders, the convention opted to give judges lifetime tenure.  They gave some consideration to judges having a term of office, but the general consensus was that judges might try to curry favor if they had to be reappointed at some time.  Delegates also explicitly added that judicial salaries could not be reduced during their tenure.  If you could reduce a judge’s pay to almost nothing, it was the same as firing him as most could not afford to remain as judges without pay.

John Dickinson of Pennsylvania proposed giving the executive the ability to remove judges, subject to some confirmation by Congress.  Sherman supported this.  But several others, who had served as judges, men like Rutledge, and John Randolph of Virginia, argued that the power to remove judges for political reasons would destroy judicial independence.  In the end, the convention decided that removal of judges had to be only for the same standards as removing the president, that is issues of treason, corruption, bribery, and other high crimes and misdemeanors.  Removal would also require a two-thirds vote in the Senate to prevent factional majorities from misusing the impeachment process.

James Wilson of Pennsylvania advocated to give judges some power to review new laws.  In Britain, a Council of jurists could block a new law from taking effect.  This would ensure that all three branches had some say in laws before they went into effect.  Nationalists like Madison disagreed.  Judges were supposed to be arbiters of the law.  If they had a say in making the laws, that would bias them when cases questioning the law came before the courts.

When I talked about presidential powers last week, I neglected to talk about veto authority.  Much of the veto discussion involved either using judges or some special council to review and veto laws.  In the end, that power was given to the president.  Many argued that a veto should be absolute.  The King in Britain had the power to veto any law and that would be the end of the discussion.  Although several delegates, including Wilson, Hamilton, and Morris, supported this absolute veto, Opponents argued that it gave the president too much power.  They allowed Congress to override a veto with a two-thirds vote in both houses.  So if Congress overwhelmingly supported a measure, the president could not stand in the way.

Delegates also debated the idea of judicial review.  Should judges be able to strike down an unconstitutional law?  Gouverneur Morris and Madison, as well as others argued that it had to be an inherent power of judges.  Madison used the example of ex post facto laws, that is making something a crime and then convicting a person who committed the act before it was a crime.  The Constitution clearly barred that.  If Congress tried to create an ex post facto law, the court certainly could not enforce it.

Others, like John Dickinson, argued against this power.  It could be subject to abuse, giving judges an effective veto power of all laws. In the end, the final language did not explicitly address the question either way.  However, only a couple of delegates ever spoke against judges having this authority.

For the most part, the convention did not get into the details of defining any crimes.  The one exception to this was treason.  Delegates feared that factions would arise so that those in the majority would accuse their rivals of treasons.  Under British law, treason could mean a whole range of things that generally displeased the king.  The framers tried to avoid that by explicitly defining treason as making war against the United States or giving aid or comfort to its enemies.  At Benjamin Franklin’s suggestion, conviction would require testimony of at least two witnesses or a confession in open court.  Further, punishment of treason would only apply to the individual, not his family, another break from British custom.

Full Faith and Credit

So, the three branches of government were set up in the first three articles of the Constitution, at least that was how the Committee of Detail set up the powers.  There were still other things that needed to be covered. Article IV would cover how states interacted with each other.  One was a requirement to give full faith and credit to decisions by other state governments.  This actually came from the Articles of Confederation which required full faith.  

The Constitution also guaranteed that citizens would be entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens in all of the states. The fourth article also raised the issue of a person charged with a crime in one state and who fled to another. The Committee of Detail inserted this, nothing that such a person would have to be returned to the original state for trial.  The New Jersey plan had included something similar, but it hadn’t really received much of any debate during the convention.

Once inserted however, it touched off a debate that had been avoided through much of the convention: slavery.  In 1787, only a few states had begun the process of ending slavery in their states.  But several states in the south, particularly South Carolina, were nowhere near ready to give up the institution, and wanted to make sure that the Constitution would not interfere with slavery.

Two delegates from South Carolina, Pierce Butler, and Charles Cotesworth Pickney, moved that slaves or indentured servants who fled bondage to another state must also be returned to their masters.

Delegates from free states were not ready to use the Constitution to outlaw slavery altogether.  They knew that would blow up the convention and prevent probably all of the southern states from remaining in the Union.  Even so, James Wilson of Pennsylvania objected to a constitutional provision which meant that the federal government, and possibly other state governments, would have to spend money and resources trying to return slaves.  The government didn’t do that for horses or cows that fled their owners.  Why would it have to do that for slaves?

In the end though, the southern delegates were adamant, near the end of August, Butler moved to insert a clause that anyone held to service or labor in one state, and who escaped, shall be delivered up to the person claiming that service or labor.  The Convention agreed to this clause without a vote.  There is speculation it was part of a larger compromise on other matters added on that same day.

The delegates also included a clause allowing congress the authority to admit new states based on whatever criteria they wanted, but did make clear that new states could not be taken from jurisdictions of existing states unless that state agreed to the matter.  This was pretty uncontroversial, considered first in early June and never got much debate or dissent.  To the extent there was some argument, it was mostly over the claims to western lands that some larger states might assert.  Delegates eventually decided it would be up to others to decide the legitimacy of those claims.

They also added a clause allowing Congress to make laws for US territories that were not part of any other state.  This was already what the Confederation Congress was doing in the Northwest Territory.  They just had to add a proviso that this could not be used to prejudice any claims of territory by the US or its states.

The delegates also debated the insertion of a clause that the federal government would ensure that each state maintained a republican form of government and protected the existing laws of each state.  Gouverneur Morris objected, raising concerns about some of Rhode Island’s laws that seemed to threaten basic property rights.  Should the US government protect such laws?  

In the end, delegates changed the wording to ensure that each state did have a republican form of government, meaning one elected by the people, and not a monarch or oligarchy.  They left out any protection of existing state laws, but did guarantee protection to each state against foreign invasion or domestic violence.  This was probably in direct response to the recent Shays rebellion in Massachusetts, and the inability of the Confederation Congress to do anything to restore order.  Elbridge Gerry asked for a provision that the state government had to give permission for federal intervention.  After some debate, the delegates agreed.

Amendments

The Convention also tackled the subject of amending the Constitution.  The Articles of Confederation had required the unanimous consent of all states to make any such changes.  That had proven impractical..

The Virginia plan had proposed that all amendments be proposed by the national legislature.  As representatives of the people, this made sense to many.  This didn’t get much debate until late August, after most other issues were resolved.  When it did, some delegates argued that it should not be Congress, but rather the states, that would decide when a Constitutional Amendment was necessary.  A resolution by John Rutledge called for the application of two-thirds of the state legislatures to call for a new convention to discuss changes to the Constitution.  That was essentially how this Convention had come to be.

During debate in September the Committee of Style argued about who should be able to propose amendments.  Gerry and Hamilton wanted Congress to have the ability to propose amendments.  After all, they were the ones working under the Constitution and would mostly keenly feel the effects of any flaws.  Others were concerned that if the states were suffering, the federal Congress might not be willing to make the necessary changes.

IN the end, the Convention agreed to include two possible ways to propose Amendments.  One was with a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress.  The other would be if two-thirds of the states called for a convention to propose amendments.  Once an amendment was proposed, at least two-thirds of the states must consent to it.  Given some concerns about minorities being overruled, this was changed to require approval by three-quarters of the states.

There was still some concern.  Smaller states remained hesitant that Amendments might be used someday to take away equal representation in the Senate.  Eventually, the convention agreed that no state could ever be deprived of equal suffrage in the Senate without its consent

Another issue by the South Carolina delegation was concerned about federal power to prevent the importation of slaves.  They wanted protection against that federal power.  The overwhelming majority of delegates disagreed.  That was an issue that would be left up to Congress.  South Carolina, however, was adamant.  In the end, they agreed that Congress would have no power to block the import of slaves for the next twenty years.

Debts

The Convention also debated the repayment of debts.  The Virginia Plan had included a resolution that the new Congress would take on all the engagements of the Confederation Congress.

There was little debate that the new government should continue to repay the war debts incurred by the Continental Congress.  After all, the need to find a way to repay those debts was one of the reasons many delegates wanted this new government.  

There was, however, some debate over whether the new government should assume all the war debts that the individual states.  In August Rutledge put forward a motion that would allow the government to take on those debts.  A large faction of delegates, however, opposed the measure.  Many states had made great efforts to pay down their debts already.  Gerry made the point that states with relatively small remaining debts did not want to have the burden of paying down debts for states that had not made such an effort yet.  Butler objected to paying the debts at all.  He noted that speculators had purchased most of these notes, and he had not interest in paying off what he called “blood suckers.”  

Although not in the record, Hamilton, a strong supporter of assuming state debts, spoke with Madison about the question outside the convention.  Hamilton later told people that Madison agreed that the government should assume state debts, but had decided to leave that to the new administration to settle, and not put it in the Constitution.  In the end, the Constitution only said that the new government would repay debts from the Confederation Congress, and left silent the matter of state debts.

Ratification

The final article proclaimed that this new Constitution would be established once the conventions of nine states ratified it.  This was actually a pretty drastic step.  Remember that originally, the Convention was supposed to make recommendations to be approved by the Confederation Congress.  Such amendments under the Articles had to be unanimous. 

In this process, the delegates ignored the Confederation Congress entirely, and sent it to the states. It even bypassed state legislatures, calling for state conventions of the people.  They further required the effective support of only nine states, a two-thirds majority before the Constitution went into effect.  That was a lower standard that was even required for amendments to this constitution.

This process made clear that the Convention was not just recommending even radical changes to the Articles.  It was establishing an independent process to replace them without the consent of either the Confederation Congress or state legislatures.

Concluding the Convention

By early September the Convention delegates were exhausted from nearly four months of nonstop negotiating on this new document.  Up until the very end, there were arguments over various clauses.  On Saturday, September 8, the convention appointed a Committee of Style to draft the final version.  William Johnson of Connecticut served as the chair, with Alexander Hamilton, Gouverneur Morris, James Madison, and Rufus King also serving.

Morris did most of the actual drafting. Hw wrote the preamble beginning “We the people…” and made most of the final wording choices.  The Committee brought back a final document the following Wednesday.  Even at that point, after all the debate, the delegates argued for last minute changes.  The last significant one was to reduce the congressional override of a presidential veto from three-quarters to two-thirds.

The committee then printed copies for everyone the following day for a final review.  Many delegates still were not happy.  Elbridge Gerry, Edmund Randolph, and George Mason said they could not sign a document that lacked a bill of rights.  Delegates spent the rest of the week reviewing the final document to make sure that no one had snuck in any changes.

On Saturday, September 15, the convention gave its approval to the final wording.  The convention paid $30 to Jacob Shallus, an assistant clerk for the Pennsylvania State House, to draft and engross the final document.  The document was written out on four pages and was ready for signing on Monday the 17th.  Many delegates were still unhappy.  There was a question as to how many of them would sign the final version.

Benjamin Franklin was asked to give final remarks.  Franklin wrote out a speech, but was to sick to stand and address the delegates.  Instead, he handed his speech to James Wilson who read it for him.  Franklin conceded that the Constitution was not perfect and that he did not get everything he wanted.  But the compromises that they had made were the best they could produce as fallible humans.  

Franklin pointed out that any government would rely on the people who would soon administer the government to ensure it would work.  He hoped it would be well administered for years, and that it would be a long time before the people became so corrupted as to need a despotic government.  Delegates must rely on the people and the officials who would make up this new government to make it work.

Franklin ended by noting that he had raised his complaints about parts of the constitution during debate, but with the work done, he would support the final product and not make public anything that he thought should be different.  He urged the delegates to sign this imperfect document as the best that men could produce.

Gouverneur Morris called on all delegates to sign, simply as witnesses to the unanimous consent of the states present.  In the end, thirty-eight of forty one delegates signed.  Mason, Randolph, and Gerry still refused.  A thirty-ninth signature, that of John Dickinson had to leave the convention due to illness, but authorized fellow delegate George Read to sign on his behalf.

Delegates signed, grouped by states.  Alexander Hamilton wrote the State names at the bottom of the document.  With their work complete, the delegates went home.

Next week, we’ll see what the country thought as the people got their first look at this new document.

- - -

Next Episode 351 Ratification, First Steps

Previous Episode 349 Creating the Presidency

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on X (formerly Twitter) @AmRevPodcast

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20).


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Further Reading

Websites

The Virginia Plan: https://www.senate.gov/civics/common/generic/Virginia_Plan_item.htm

The New Jersey Plan: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/patexta.asp

The Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Revolution in Government https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/white-papers/the-constitutional-convention-of-1787-a-revolution-in-government

The Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Day by Day Account: https://www.nps.gov/inde/learn/historyculture/stories-constitutionalconvention.htm

Franklin closing speech to the convention: https://archive.csac.history.wisc.edu/assessments_64.pdf

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Secret Proceedings and Debates of the Convention Assembled at Philadelphia, in the Year 1787, Richmond; Wilbur Curtiss, 1839. 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Farrand, Max The Framing of the Constitution of the United States, Yale Univ. Press, 1913. 

Farrand, Max (ed) The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787Vol. 1Vol. 2, and Vol 3, Yale Univ. Press, 1911.  

Ford, Worthington, Chauncey The Federal Constitution in Virginia, 1787-1788. Cambridge: University Press, 1903. 

Jameson, J. Franklin Studies in the History of the Federal Convention of 1787, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903. 

Madison, James Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787, Ohio Univ. Press, 1966. 

McMaster, John Bach (ed) Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution: 1787-1788, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1888. 

Meigs, William M. The Growth of the Constitution in the Federal Convention of 1787, Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co. 1900. 

Richardson, Hamilton P. The Journal of the Federal Convention of 1787 Analyzed, San Francisco: Murdock Press, 1899. 

Scott, James B. James Madison's notes of debates in the Federal convention of 1787, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1918. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Amar, Akhil Reed America’s Constitution: A Biography, Random House 2005. 

Beeman, Richard R. Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Constitution, Random House, 2009. 

Bowen, Catherine Drinker Miracle at Philadelphia: The Story of the Constitutional Convention, Little, Brown & Co. 1966 (borrow at archive.org).

Collier, Christopher Decision in Philadelphia: The Constitutional Convention of 1787, Random House, 1986 (borrow at archive.org).

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

Morton, Joseph Shapers of the Great Debate at the Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Biographical Dictionary, Greenwood, 2005.

Rossiter, Clinton 1787: The Grand Convention, Macmillan Co. 1966 (borrow on archive.org).

Smith, Page The Constitution: A Documentary and Narrative History, Morrow Quill, 1978. 

Stewart, David O. The Summer of 1787: The Men Who Invented the Constitution, Simon & Schuster, 2007. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.