Showing posts with label New York battles American Revolution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New York battles American Revolution. Show all posts

Sunday, August 30, 2020

ARP164 Forts Clinton and Montgomery


I realize we seem to be jumping from place to place for the last few episodes.  But there are just too many things going on in too many parts of the country all at the same time.  In the fall of 1777 the British had four separate large commands in North America.  General William Howe had just settled into Philadelphia.  General John Burgoyne was trying to move south through the upper Hudson Valley of New York.  General Guy Carleton commanded a force in Canada - mostly around Quebec and Montreal, and General Henry Clinton commanded the base of operation in New York City.  There were some smaller detachments in Rhode Island, Florida, and elsewhere, but the bulk of the troops were in those four places.

At the beginning of the year, the ministry in London seemed focused on Burgoyne’s campaign being the primary effort for the year and thought that the other three armies would support the Burgoyne.  The three other commanders were all more senior to Burgoyne and, although they would not admit it publicly, were pretty irritated that this more junior officer had gone back to London and essentially told the King and the ministry that he was the only one up to the job and that the other generals were too timid to make the daring march through the Hudson valley to cut off New England from the rest of the colonies.

Hudson  Valley

General Howe, pretty much on his own, decided to attack Philadelphia from the south.  Early in the year.  In London Secretary of State Lord Germain, seemed to think that Howe would march his army across New Jersey and threaten Philadelphia from that direction, drawing Continental troops away from Burgoyne’s army to the north.  Germain also said he thought Howe would wrap up the campaign rather quickly and be in a position by mid to late summer to move some of his forces north to assist General Burgoyne.

Instead, Howe did not even leave New York until late July, 1777, after Burgoyne had already captured Fort Ticonderoga.  When Howe did depart, he boarded ships and slowly sailed down to Maryland.  He did not really begin his march on Philadelphia until September.  That left the Americans plenty of time to focus on Burgoyne, all summer.  Howe was still fighting with Washington’s Army at Germantown in October.  He still had not cleared the Delaware River, which he needed to do to open up supply lines for his army  So even by mid-October, Howe was in no position to provide any support for Burgoyne.

Months later, after all this blew up, many would accuse General Howe of leaving Burgoyne isolated.  Howe defended himself by saying that if he had just sat in New York for the whole summer, his detractors would have accused him of doing nothing with his large army while simply waiting for Burgoyne to do all the work that year.  Instead, he went out and captured the American capital.

The fact was that Howe viewed Burgoyne as a reckless upstart.  There were reasons why armies moved slowly and cautiously to avoid ambush and counter-attack, as well as maintain secure supply lines.  Burgoyne was brushing aside all that in his effort to win glory through a roll of the dice.  If Howe had just moved out of New York City and up the Hudson Valley, Burgoyne still would have received all the glory, even if Howe had to bail him out.  Similarly, Generals Carleton and Clinton had a selfish incentive to see Burgoyne fail for the same reasons.  A Burgoyne victory would make them all look like old ladies who were too afraid to engage in the necessary offensives to defeat the rebellion.

Even if the generals really felt that way, they could not let it show through words or deeds.  Letting a fellow officer fail for petty personal reasons would have been highly dishonorable and certainly would have ended your own career.  With Burgoyne’s army in trouble in upstate New York, his fellow generals had to do what they could to assist him.

As I said, Howe was still too engaged around Philadelphia.  As I covered last week, Carleton in Canada did not have enough forces to be of much help.  And besides, with the threats against Fort Ticonderoga, those reinforcements could not reach Burgoyne anyway.  That left General Clinton in New York, if anyone could help Burgoyne.

Henry Clinton

Henry Clinton has had a recurring role in our story so far.  Here’s a quick recap.  Henry Clinton was the son of Admiral George Clinton.  Henry spent much of his youth in New York while his father was royal governor.  As a teenager, Henry Clinton purchased a commission in the army.  His money and connection allowed him to rise to captain before the Seven Years War began.  Two years into the war, he had risen to lieutenant colonel.  Clinton fought multiple actions in the German states during the war,  He suffered a serious wound at the battle of Battle of Nauheim in 1762 while serving as aide-de-camp to Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick.

Sir Henry Clinton
(from Wikimedia)

During his service as a young officer at war, he got to know other officers serving beside him, including Charles Lee and William Alexander (aka Lord Stirling).  He would later face these two men as enemy commanders in the revolution.  Also during these early years, Clinton developed a relationship with Lord Cornwallis.

When the Seven Years War ended, Clinton found himself navigating the highly political world of British elites.  His father had died near the end of the war and Clinton spent years trying to settle the estate.  He also got married during this time, though his wife died from complications in childbirth several years later.  Clinton found a valuable patron in the Duke of Gloucester, brother of King George III.  He also got elected to the House of Commons.  Political power was important to his advancement as an officer.  His primary interest though, was the military.  This member of Parliament spent less time in London and more surveying the battlefields of Europe and studying the art of war under officers who had fought under Frederick the Great.

In 1772, Clinton received promotion to major general, and in 1775, he shipped out with two other major generals, William Howe and John Burgoyne, to Boston to assist General Thomas Gage with the rebellion that had recently broken out there.  When London recalled Gage a few months later, the more senior General Howe took command and Clinton became his second.

Howe and Clinton had seemed to get along well at first, mostly because they could both bash General Gage’s decisions.  Once Howe took command, the relationship quickly soured as Howe seemed to want to keep Clinton sidelined and was not interested in his advice.

Gov. George Clinton
(Tenn Virtual Archive)
In early 1776, Howe gave Clinton an independent command to go conquer the Carolinas.  Clinton met up again with General Cornwallis as the two failed to make any progress. There efforts culminated in the failed attempt to take Fort Sullivan in Charleston Harbor, thwarted by their old ally, Charles Lee (see Episode 96).  

The loss at Fort Sullivan hit Clinton hard.  He feared that it would tarnish his reputation forever.  Instead, he obsessed over it and grew paranoid over how the loss might be used against him.  It made him even more desperate for a military victory to put the loss behind him.

Clinton supported Howe’s invasion of New York, although he continually grew frustrated  that Howe would not give him a free hand to capture the enemy army.  In a pique of frustration Clinton told Cornwallis that he would rather have an independent command of only three companies than to continue as Howe’s second in command.  Cornwallis, of course, relayed these comments to Howe and the relationship between the Howe and Clinton was permanently broken.

Howe gave the more junior Cornwallis the lead role in chasing Washington’s Army across New Jersey.  In late 1776, Howe ordered Clinton to take Newport, Rhode Island.  Howe then reduced the number of soldiers under Clinton’s command so that he could not safely engage in offensive operations.  Then Howe started sending notes to Clinton asking why he was not operating more aggressively.  Clinton saw that he was being shoved onto the back-burner and that Howe was building a paper trail to show that Clinton was not an effective military leader.  In January 1777, Clinton took a ship back to London to resign his commission.

He arrived in time to learn that King had granted an independent command to the more junior General Burgoyne to invade upstate New York.  At the same time, London refused to accept Clinton’s resignation.  Instead they awarded him a knighthood and told him he was doing a simply wonderful job.  They then ordered him to return to New York and continue as Howe’s second in command.

Sir Henry Returns To New York

Clinton arrived in New York City in July, while General Howe was still preparing to launch his fleet for his eventual campaign to Philadelphia.  The two generals argued as Clinton said that his move against Philadelphia this late in the season would leave Burgoyne’s army without any support.  Clinton also complained that Howe was taking almost the entire army with him.  Although Clinton had several thousand soldiers under his command, most of them were either Hessian or local militia.  Howe was taking all the best combat units with the fleet.  Clinton, was responsible for defending more than a thousand square miles of territory, from Long Island to Staten Island.  H feared he could not withstand a serious attack, let alone engage in any offensive operations.  Howe told Clinton that he had no orders to assist Burgoyne and that Clinton was a big boy, capable of defending New York city against a few rebel militia.

Gen. James Clinton
(NY Cincinnati)
After Howe left, he sent a note to Clinton suggesting that Clinton make some diversion in the lower Hudson Valley to distract the enemy away from Burgoyne, provided he could do it while protecting Manhattan.  Clinton, of course, believed he had nowhere near the resources for this. Once again, Howe was creating a paper trail to cover himself.

Over the late summer and early fall, the Americans did conduct several raids against Long Island and Staten Island, always testing British defenses.  Clinton could do little but play defense and watch how things played out.  He communicated with General Robert Pigot in Rhode Island to see if troops in Newport could launch an action to distract the Continentals.  Pigot had taken over after the locals had kidnapped the previous commander, General Richard Prescott.  Howe had also left Pigot with too few troops to do much of anything.  Clinton did launch one small raid into North Jersey to capture some cattle, but that failed to elicit much of any response.

On September 11, the same day Howe was attacking at Brandywine, Clinton’s growing concerns about Burgoyne’s predicament prompted him to write to the general to see if a small incursion into Hudson Valley might help to distract the enemy.  Getting messages through enemy lines was difficult.  Burgoyne received the letter ten days later, just after he had fought the Americans at Freeman’s Farm. His response did not reach Clinton until September 29, saying that such an attack would prove helpful.  With that, Clinton prepared to launch an offensive with the hope of drawing off some of the Continental forces challenging Burgoyne.

Burgoyne did not describe exactly how desperate his situation had become, but the message did make clear that he had no intention to withdraw.  He would continue to press forward in hope of linking up with Clinton in New York City.  With that, Clinton felt obliged to try at least something with his limited resources to relieve the pressure on Burgoyne.

The Hudson Valley

North of New York City, the Americans retained control of the area.  Recall that General Howe had sent a raid to Peekskill in April 1777 to test American defenses (see Episode 133).  American resistance had been enough for the British to forget about any further raids.  Washington had given command of the area to General Israel Putnam, the old Connecticut officer who was third in command of the Continental Army, behind only Washington and the recently disgraced General Schuyler.  

Gen. Israel Putnam
(from Wikimedia)
Despite his rank, Putnam was pushing sixty and was not one of Washington’s favored field commanders.  He commanded only about 600 soldiers at Peekskill on the east bank of the river, with another 600 nearby at Forts Clinton and Montgomery on the west bank.  Those forts fell under the command of the Clinton Brothers (no close relation to Sir Henry). General George Clinton was Governor of New York and a militia general in charge of Fort Montgomery.  His brother James Clinton was a Continental brigadier and in command of Fort Clinton.  Both forts were next to each other, separated only by a small creek.  Washington had ordered all of these commanders to send all available soldiers either to support Washington’s army in the Philadelphia Campaign, or to General Gates who was facing down General Burgoyne.  As a result, the forts had minimal garrisons to defend the area.

The Offensive

In New York City, General Sir Henry Clinton packed nearly half of his available soldiers, about 3000 men, into ships on October 3rd.  To distract and confuse the enemy, Clinton first sailed his fleet toward Long Island Sound, as if they were moving toward Connecticut.  Then he doubled back and moved up the Hudson River toward Peekskill.  On the morning of October 5, the British  landed a force on the east bank of the river a few miles below Peekskill, capturing a small Continental artillery battery there.

The landing convinced General Putnam that the British would march north to Peekskill and take the town again, just as they had in the April raid.  He moved his 600 soldiers into the hills, and sent word to Forts Clinton and Montgomery to send whatever reinforcements they could spare.  That was exactly what the British general wanted.  With Forts Clinton and Montgomery even further weakened, the British re-boarded their ships, sailed up river and disembarked on the west bank of the Hudson at Stony Point, just below the forts.


Hudson Valley Campaign 1777 (from Wikipedia)
Clinton divided his army into two columns. The soldiers marched inland without any cannons or heavy baggage.  Although the British had no cannons, the American garrisons had been reduced to only skeleton crews before their arrival.  

The first column commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Mungo Campbell, with about 900 soldiers, including 400 loyalist militia, launched an attack against Fort Montgomery.  Fort Montgomery deployed about 100 defenders under the command of Captain John Lamb with a field cannon a little over a mile from the fort.  Lamb’s division halted the British column for a time, but had to retreat before the superior numbers.  The Americans had to abandon and spike their cannon before they left.  They then set up a second defensive line closer to the fort, leading to a second skirmish.  Again the defenders retreated.  However their actions delayed the British from reaching the fort until shortly before dusk.

The defenders managed to inflict a fair number of casualties as the British stormed the fort walls.  Once inside, according to American accusations, the attackers massacred part of the surrendering garrison.  The fort commander, James Clinton, with a portion of the garrison managed to escape into the woods north of the fort.

Fort Clinton similarly mounted a defense against the British column, under the direct command of Sir Henry Clinton.  The attackers far outnumbered the garrison and stormed the fort.  Like his brother, Governor Clinton managed to avoid capture.  He slipped down to the river and crossed on a gunboat as the fort fell.

Of the 600 defenders at both forts, the Americans suffered about 75 killed or wounded, with another 263 captured.  The attackers reported 41 killed and 142 wounded.

Aftermath

With the American defenders captured or disbursed, Sir Henry Clinton remained at the forts for several days, hoping to receive word from Burgoyne that he had pushed through and would be linking up with them soon.  

Clinton also sent another detachment upriver to force the surrender of Fort Constitution, just across the river from West Point.  The small garrison there abandoned the fort and fled inland.  Over the next week, the British cleared the river of obstructions, including the chain that the patriots had installed across the river to block the British Navy. 


Ruins of Fort Montgomery Magazine
(from Wikimedia)
Most of the Americans who had escaped the forts, made their way to link up with Israel Putnam’s small force.  Even so, the combined force was far smaller than the British contingent opposing them.  General Putnam and the Clinton brothers deployed further upriver in hopes of preventing further British advances

Sir Henry received a final message from General Burgoyne, which had been sent on September 28, informing him that Burgoyne’s army of 5000 was facing an American army twice their size, but that they still hoped to reach Albany, and could Clinton meet them there with supplies? Burgoyne also said that since he was nearly in New York, he awaited Clinton’s orders. Burgoyne’s message made clear that he could only hold out for a couple of weeks without support.  After that, he would be forced to withdraw.  

Clinton saw the note as a thinly veiled attempt for Burgoyne looking for political cover for his imminent loss.  He wanted to toss the command to Clinton before his army surrendered.  On October 7, having taken the forts, Clinton wrote a response to Burgoyne saying that he had made his move into the lower Hudson as a diversion, but there was no way he could make it to Albany.  He also made clear that he could not provide any orders since he had no idea what Burgoyne’s situation was on the ground.  Clinton sent the response via three messengers, but none of them ever made it back to Burgoyne.  

A few days later, Clinton returned to New York City, leaving General John Vaughan in charge of the force still occupying the lower Hudson Valley.  Clinton’s return was not simply that he had gotten tired of the fight or time in the field.  Two of his top officers had fallen ill and the next in command was a Hessian officer with a reputation for drunkenness.  Clinton’s primary responsibility was the defense of New York City.  His fear that Washington, having lost Philadelphia, might turn on the depleted defenders of New York led Clinton to return to shore up the city’s defenses.

By October 13, Clinton was back up in the Hudson Valley, hoping to make contact with Burgoyne.  However, he still had no intention of risking his force all the way to Albany.  Clinton was not going to make the same mistake that Burgoyne had made, by stretching his supply lines too far, and also risking his base in New York.

Clinton had hoped that once Howe secured Philadelphia, he would send reinforcements back to New York so that Clinton could then send a large force into the Hudson Valley.  It was clear, however, by that time that Howe was not going to be able to provide any reinforcements anytime soon.  In fact, Howe wanted the opposite.  On October 17, Clinton received a note from Howe ordering him to send 3000 of his soldiers to Philadelphia.  Howe likely sent this message shortly after the American attack at Germantown.

With the loss of nearly half of his command, Clinton could not hope to hold the forts in the Hudson Valley.  He burned Forts Clinton and Montgomery and withdrew his forces back to New York City.  With Howe’s demands for reinforcements, Clinton was left with only a few regiments of mostly Hessian soldiers under his command, along with about 3000 loyalist militia of dubious value.

Next week, with no rescue coming from Clinton, General Burgoyne prepares for battle at Bemis Heights.

- - -

Next  Episode 165 Bemis Heights (2nd Saratoga)

Previous Episode 163 Battle of Germantown


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Further Reading

Websites

Forts Clinton and Montgomery Taken: http://www.historycarper.com/1778/05/11/forts-clinton-and-montgomery-taken

The Battle of Fort's Montgomery and Clinton: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1777/battle-forts-montgomery-clinton

Fort Montgomery: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/fort-montgomery

Levine, David A 75-Ton Chain Once Stretched Across the Hudson River to Stop the British and Protect the Hudson Valley: https://hvmag.com/life-style/history/a-75-ton-chain-once-stretched-across-the-hudson-river-to-stop-the-british-and-protect-the-hudson-valley

Video: The Battle of Fort Montgomery: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0t9iXAVBrl0

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Anbury, Thomas Travel through Various Parts of North America, Vol. 1, William Lane, 1789.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website).

Eelking, Max von, (translated by Stone, William L.) Memoirs of Major General Riedesel, Vol. 1, J. Munsell, 1868.

Hadden, James Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1884.

Hill, George Canning Gen. Israel Putnam, Boston, E. O. Libby and company, 1858

Hudleston, Francis J. Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne : misadventures of an English general in the Revolution, Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1927.

Nickerson, Hoffman The Turning Point of the Revolution; or, Burgoyne in America, (Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1928 (Hathitrust.org). 


Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.


Logusz, Michael O. With Musket & Tomahawk: The West Point-Hudson Valley Campaign in the Wilderness War of 1777, Carrell Books, 2016 (book recommendation of the week).

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan, 1952.

Willcox, William Bradford Portrait of a general; Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence, New York: Knopf, 1907.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, August 16, 2020

ARP162 Raid on Fort Ticonderoga

Last week I talked about the battle of Freeman’s Farm, where the Americans fought General Burgoyne’s army to a draw in upstate New York.  The British were struggling to advance, but their real problem was a lack of good supply lines.

General Horatio Gates had taken command of the northern army, replacing General Philip Schuyler in late August.  He had lobbied for the command in Philadelphia for months before the loss of Ticonderoga convinced Congress that it was time for a new leader.  Once in command, Gates traveled to Albany and contacted General Lincoln and General Stark who were still in what is today Vermont and asked them uh, so what do you guys think we should do?

Fort Ticonderoga (from Wikimedia)

Lincoln and Stark developed a plan to harass Burgoyne’s rear and disrupt his supply lines from Canada.  As I mentioned in an earlier episode, Lincoln originally wanted Stark’s militia army to join up with the Continentals further south.  Stark’s refusal meant that his men were in place to contest the battle of Bennington.  Rather than continue to fight with Stark, Lincoln got on board with the idea of keeping these local militia separate and tried to find another use for them.

In September, before the battle of Freeman’s Farm, Lincoln came up with a plan to create more havoc behind British lines.  General Burgoyne’s forces had captured Fort Ticonderoga in July.  After that, they had then sailed down Lake Champlain to Skenesboro, marched through the forest to force the Americans out of Fort Ann and Fort Edward, and by mid September had crossed the Hudson river and were marching south toward Albany.

General Burgoyne had asked General Carlton in Canada to deploy some of his forces to garrison Fort Ticonderoga.  Carleton pointed out that Ticonderoga was in New York, not Canada, and that it was Burgoyne’s problem, not his.  In fact, Lord Germain had given precise orders on what regiments were to go to New York under Burgoyne and which would remain in Canada under Carlton.  The general would not deviate from those instructions.  So Burgoyne left one regiment of British regulars and one regiment of German Brunswickers to garrison the fort and hold Mount Independence, or what the British still called Rattlesnake Hill. 

Rather than continue to try to maintain a supply line from Skenesborough through the forest to the Hudson River, the British reverted to their original plan to move supplies down Lake George to Fort George.  From there, an existing road allowed easier transport to the army that was now moving down the Hudson River.

The American General Lincoln planned to disrupt the British supply lines by deploying militia against the British outposts that were relatively small and isolated.  Lincoln had accumulated about 2500 soldiers ready for duty.  From this force, he developed a plan to deploy 500 soldiers each under three different commanders.  One division would take and hold Skenesborough.  Another would assault Mount Independence.  It was hoped that these two divisions would distract the British as a third group assaulted Fort Ticonderoga.

John Brown

To lead the assault on the Fort, General Lincoln turned to Colonel John Brown.  Colonel Brown is an interesting character who deserves a little background.  We have already crossed paths with Colonel Brown several times in our story already.

Brown was born in Massachusetts in 1744, no relationship to the famous abolitionist of the same name, He attended Yale College and studied law in Rhode Island under his brother in law, Oliver Arnold, uncle of Benedict Arnold.  He then moved to upstate New York where he took a position as the king’s attorney, essentially what we would call today a government prosecutor.  Shortly before the war began, he moved to Pittsfield in western Massachusetts and won election to the colonial legislature.

Benedict Arnold
(from Wikimedia)
Brown was active in committees of correspondence before the war and even when on a mission to Quebec to see if there was any interest in getting them involved in the revolution.  Brown found the Quebecois unreceptive, but did note that Fort Ticonderoga in early 1775 was a valuable prize that the British had left relatively unguarded.

When fighting broke out at Lexington and Concord, Brown worked with Samuel Parsons to assemble a raiding party to capture Fort Ticonderoga.  As a member of the Pittsfield militia, Brown met with the local militia commander James Easton to combine their forces with the Green Mountain Boys under Ethan Allen to take the fort.  As they were preparing to do so, Colonel Benedict Arnold showed up and tried to take command.  Brown, along with Easton, Allen, and just about everyone else, seemed to take an immediate dislike to Arnold and were among his first haters.  

After they captured the Fort, Brown was given the honor of delivering the news to Congress. His refusal to acknowledge Arnold’s role in his message to Congress put him on Arnold’s personal enemies list.  Brown took a commission as major in the Continental Army and spent the rest of 1775 under the command of General Richard Montgomery, first scouting enemy positions in Canada and also engaging in several skirmishes with the enemy. 

In late 1775, Colonel Arnold made his famous wilderness march to Quebec that I discussed back in Episode 76.  Arnold and Brown, once again, had to work with each other.  During the New Year’s Eve attack on Quebec, Brown was given command of the attack on the main gates, which was designed to divert attention as Mongomery and Arnold launched the real attack on the other side of the city. 

During the retreat, Arnold accused Brown of stealing property from captured British officers.  Brown demanded a court martial to clear his name, but never got one.  Brown, in turn, brought thirteen charges against Arnold, which likewise were never brought to a hearing.  After Arnold’s success and Valcour Bay in late 1776, Arnold’s reputation nationally had made him a hero once again.  A frustrated Brown published his pamphlet where he famously wrote of Arnold "Money is this man's God, and to get enough of it he would sacrifice his country."  

There is a story that shortly after that, Arnold threatened to attack Brown if he ever saw him.  Brown got word of this and went to a dinner party that Arnold was attending and confronted him.  At the party, Brown got right in Arnold’s face and called him a scoundrel, the same sort of language that had led to the MacIntosh-Burnett duel in Georgia.  Arnold, however, did not take the bait, and simply ignored Brown.

Congress promoted Arnold to brigadier general in early 1777, and swept away Brown’s charges without a hearing.   Brown, by this time a Lieutenant Colonel, resigned his commission and returned to Pittsfield.  It is not certain why Brown resigned.  It seems likely that his resignation was related to Congress’ decision to promote Arnold and dismiss Brown’s charges against the new general. Whatever the reason, by spring 1777, Brown was back to practicing law in Pittsfield, Massachusetts.

Whatever ill-will Brown harbored, over the military politics, when Burgoyne invaded New York in the summer of 1777, Brown as a Massachusetts militia colonel, made his services available to General Lincoln.

The Mission

General Lincoln tasked Colonel Brown with the attack on Fort Ticonderoga.  On September 13, 1777 Brown departed Pawlet, Vermont with 500 hand-picked men.  Among his men were portions of the Seth Warner’s regiment, the former Green Mountain Boys who had taken Fort Ticonderoga with Brown over two years prior.

Benjamin Lincoln
(from Wikimedia)
Colonel Johnson led another 500 militia for the assault on Mount Independence.  One source for the account identifies him as Colonel Thomas Johnson of the Vermont militia.  Another source identifies him as Colonel Samuel Johnson of the Massachusetts militia.  Since General Lincoln’s account only calls him Colonel Johnson, I’m not sure I have a definitive answer as to who this guy was.  But a guy named Colonel Johnson led the attack on Mount Independence.  

Colonel Benjamin Ruggles Woodbridge of the Massachusetts militia led another 500 men to secure Skenesborough.  After the three colonels departed with their troops, General Lincoln personally took another 600 soldiers on September 17, leaving only about 400 in Pawlet.  Lincoln set out to join up with Colonel Woodbridge near Skenesborough.

The mission required speed.  The men left behind tents and any other heavy baggage.  They carried what food and ammunition they could use, with only a little extra carried in the saddlebags of some of the cavalry that went with them.

Once all the men were in the field, General Lincoln received orders from General Gates to recall all of the soldiers and move south to meet up with the main army, which was about to fight the battle of Freeman’s Farm that I discussed last week.  Lincoln turned around and began to head back to Pawlet.  He also dispatched messengers to the three divisions to do the same.  However, they did not get these messages in time.

Raid on Ticonderoga

Brown marched his men south, crossing Lake Champlain at a narrow area, then marching north to Ticonderoga.  According to Brown’s report.  The men marched all night, launching a dawn attack on the morning of September 18th.  Other reports indicate they were in the area for at least two days observing the British garrison.  It is likely that Brown, a former scout himself, did at least send an advance team to get intelligence on the British defenses before his attack.

Brown deployed Captain Ebenezer Allen and a group of twenty rangers to retake Mount Defiance.  That is where the British had famously deployed cannons to force the American abandonment of Fort Ticonderoga.  The Rangers used knives and tomahawks to kill or capture the enemy company, most of whom were asleep on the mountaintop.  His men retook the mountain without a shot fired and without raising any alarm.

There were nearly 1000 British and German defenders at the fort.  Brown was attacking with only 500 men.  So even ignoring the fort walls and artillery, the British had a numerical advantage.  Brown, however, had surprise on his side.  Nearly half of the garrison was outside the fort walls, not expecting any sort of attack.  When the Americans approached, the pickets mistook them for returning Canadian militia.  The Americans captured the guards without a shot fired.  

The Americans rounded up over 300 prisoners as the stunned garrison could not react to the attack before the Americans had them.  Most of the prisoners were taken at the Lake George landing where the British maintained a fleet of batteaux and small ships for transporting men and supplies.  

The British did manage to close the doors of the fort and keep the attackers at bay from behind the fort walls.  Colonel Brown sent an officer to demand the fort’s surrender.  The commander Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell refused to surrender.  I think his response was something like this.  Actually, Powell responded much more professionally, and not nearly as funny saying: "The Garrison invested to my charge, I shall defend to the last."

The Americans fired on the fort with some of the field cannons they had captured, but did not have nearly enough firepower to knock down any walls.  Even if they did, they did not have the overwhelming numbers to storm the defensive artillery and take the fort from the garrison.  With enemy forces still occupying artillery on top of Mount Independence, even taking the fort could lead to the attackers putting themselves in a vulnerable position. Brown had orders from Lincoln only to harass and not to attempt to recapture the fort unless an easy opportunity presented itself.  

Instead, Brown’s attackers satisfied themselves by destroying or carrying away everything around the fort, all the outbuildings, ships, food, supplies, and prisoners.  The men ran off all the horses and cattle, denying transport and provisions to the enemy.  British General Powell could only watch with frustration from behind the fort walls.

In addition to taking over 300 enemy prisoners, the Americans also recaptured more than 100 American prisoners held by the British, most of whom were being held after their capture at the Battle of Hubbardton.  Brown reported he had two or three men killed during the attack and less than five wounded.  The British also suffered two or three dead and a few wounded.

Across the river, Colonel Johnson’s attack on Mount Independence did not catch the defenders by surprise.  The German defenders were ready for him and Johnson opted to call off the attack.  Brown’s force remained in the area for four days before they withdrew.  Brown turned over most of his prisoners to Colonel Johnson, who marched the unlucky British and German soldiers back to Pawlet.

Diamond Island

After he had completed his work at the fort, Brown boarded a fleet of captured ships and sailed south down Lake George.  He hoped to seize a British supply depot on Diamond Island.  Brown’s men left late in the day on September 22.  Although the island was only 25 miles away, poor weather and adverse winds prevented them from reaching the island the next day.  

Brown had with him several suspected loyalists who his men had collected during the raid.  Several of these men were held aboard ship.  However, one officer allowed a loyalist parole to sail his own ship behind the fleet.  This man made his escape on the night of September 23, and sailed to shore.  He walked down to the bank across from Diamond Island.  There, he shouted until he got the attention of guards on the island and was transported across.  He warned the garrison commander, Captain Thomas Aubrey, of the imminent attack.  

When Brown’s fleet arrived the next morning, the 24th, the two or three companies of German and British soldiers were ready to contest the attack.  They had canons and were in position behind entrenchments.

Thomas Aubrey
(from 47th Regiment)
Brown fired on the defenders from his small ships, which had mounted cannons of their own. He attempted to find a place to land his troops where they would not be under enemy fire, but found the defenders had covered the whole island.  After a brief firefight, it became clear that he could not mount a successful attack against the defenders.  Brown reported two men mortally wounded and a few more with lesser wounds.

Brown also reported that there were about 300 defenders at Diamond Island, although 100-150 seems to be a more probable number.  He reported another 40 men still at a garrison at Fort George further to the south.

Brown then sailed away, found a landing point, burned his ships and all the supplies that the men could not carry, and marched to overland to Skenesborough.  The original plan had been to meet up with Colonel Woodbridge and five hundred reinforcements there. However, General Lincoln had already recalled Woodbridge back to Pawlet.  The Americans had expected to encounter more enemy soldiers in the area.  Instead, General Burgoyne had ordered almost all units to join his main army, leaving almost no one in his rear.  Brown was able to return to Pawlet and rejoin Lincoln's main army.

Aftermath

John Brown’s raids on Ticonderoga and Diamond Island did not get much attention at the time since the much larger armies under General Gates and General Burgoyne were already engaged further to the south.

However, the raids ensured that Burgoyne’s army was cut off from any supplies, not only from Canada, but even from the stores he had left at Fort Ticonderoga.  Many regiments had left much of their baggage at Diamond Island so that they would not have to carry it on their march.  Even though the American raids did not capture the island, the British were afraid to transport anything from there, fearing additional raids on transports.

Such fears were well-founded. After Colonel Brown rejoined General Lincoln at Pawlet, Lincoln redeployed him with several hundred men to patrol the area between Fort Edward and Fort George and to attack any enemy parties on the move that he could find.  Meanwhile, General Lincoln took the bulk of his army south to join up with General Gates and the main Continental army near Saratoga.  On September 29th Lincoln took command of the right wing of Gates’ army and prepared for Burgoyne’s attack.  

General Stark also moved south, although he still refused to put himself and his militia under Gates’ command.  He continued to operate as an independent entity.  He and Gates did communicate regularly.  Stark’s militia continued to be an obstruction to any attempt Burgoyne might make to retreat north, or make a move east toward New England in order to get away from Gates’ Continentals.

Brown sent a report to General Gates indicating that he believed that Burgoyne’s army only had enough food for the next four weeks, and was cut off from any more supplies.  This may have encouraged Gates in his belief that all he had to do was keep the British contained until the army ran out of food.  Burgoyne would either have to surrender or make a desperate attack against the American entrenchments.

In Canada, General Carlton was alerted to the new danger against Fort Ticonderoga.  He finally relented and sent several regiments of regulars to reinforce the fort’s garrison.  Also by this time, Barry St. Leger’s army, which had retreated from Fort Stanwix and had returned to Canada, was making its way south toward Ticonderoga in an effort to join up with General Burgoyne’s army. His forces finally arrived at the fort on September 27, a few days after Brown had completed his raid.  

St. Leger, however, was reluctant to continue his journey to link up with Burgoyne.  He was concerned that Fort Ticonderoga would fall under attack again.  There was also the danger that his army would suffer an ambush in an area that a week or two earlier the British had considered perfectly secure.  As a result, Burgoyne would find himself without St. Leger’s reinforcements as he prepared to make his final stand.

Brown’s raid proved a great success in helping to isolate General Burgoyne’s army and keep critical supplies from reaching his men at this critical time.

Next week, while Burgoyne and Gates take a pause before their final showdown, we head south again as General Washington threatens General Howe’s control of Philadelphia with his attack at Germantown.

- - -

Next Episode 163 Battle of Germantown 

Previous Episode 161 Battle of Freeman's Farm 


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Further Reading

Websites


Mounted Soldiers in John Brown’s Raid: 

Hoyte, Edward A. “The Pawlet Expedition, September 1777” Vermont History, Vol. 75, No. 2 (Summer/Fall 2007): 69–100. https://vermonthistory.org/journal/75/10_Hoyt.pdf

Nelson, Peter. “The Battle of Diamond Island” The Quarterly Journal of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 3, no. 1, 1922, pp. 36–53. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43564559

Ventner, Bruce, “The Forgotten Battle of Diamond Island on Lake George” Adirondack Almanack, June 17, 2015:

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Anbury, Thomas Travel through Various Parts of North America, Vol. 1, William Lane, 1789.


Oxford Univ. Press, 1963.

Brandow, John H. The story of old Saratoga; the Burgoyne campaign, to which is added New York's share in the revolution, Brandow Printing, 1919.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website):.

DeCosta, B. F. The fight at Diamond Island, Lake George, New York, J. Sabin & Sons, 1872.

Eelking, Max von, (translated by Stone, William L.) Memoirs of Major General Riedesel, Vol. 1, J. Munsell, 1868.

Hadden, James Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1884.

Howe, Archibald Murray, Colonel John Brown of Pittsfield Massachusetts, Boston: W. B. Clarke company, 1908.


Nickerson, Hoffman The Turning Point of the Revolution; or, Burgoyne in America, (Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1928 (Hathitrust.org). 

Peck, John Mason Lives of Daniel Boone and Benjamin Lincoln, Boston: C.C. Little and J. Brown, 1847.


Roof, Garret L. Colonel John Brown: his services in the Revolutionary War, Battle of Stone Arabia, Utica, NY: Ellis H. Roberts & Co. 1884.

Smith, Joseph E.A. The History of Pittsfield, (Berkshire County,) Massachusetts, Boston: Lea and Shepard, 1869.


Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.


* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, February 18, 2018

Episode 032: The Battle of Golden Hill




Boston seemed to be the hotbed for colonial resistance in the years leading up to war.  In and around Boston is where most of the major conflicts occurred and where the shooting war eventually began.  But radical sentiment spread beyond New England.

I continue to call the movement opposing British Tax laws “radicals” because at the time, they probably were a relatively small radical faction within the colonial population.  The term the people used at the time to describe themselves was usually “whig.” Later, the term “patriot” comes into fashion to describe these people.  But that term does not seem to be used to describe those opposing British tax policies until around 1773.

New York Politics

Some colonies had more radicals than others, but there were Sons of Liberty chapters in all the colonies.  New York colony had a pretty conservative government, but also had a large radical faction, primarily in New York City.

New York also had to deal with a British troop presence.  Although troops had been in New York much longer, clashes between the local Sons of Liberty and the soldiers grew increasingly violent.  North American Military Commander Thomas Gage had moved several regiments of regulars to New York from Canada a few years earlier, greatly increasing the number of soldiers in the colony.  New Yorkers did not want them around, and certainly did not want to pay for their upkeep.  You may recall back in Episode 25, I discussed New York’s refusal in 1766 to authorize tax funds for the soldiers, leading to Parliament’s attempt to suspend legislative authority for New York’s assembly until it raised the money.  New York had come up with the money since them, but it was always contentious.  In late 1769, the fight over British regulars quartered in New York increased in intensity.

In December 1769, the assembly authorized a new tax to pay for the soldiers which upset both sides.  The British military thought the funds insufficient to support the troops.  Most New Yorkers were upset about having to pay more money to support a presence they did not want in the first place.

Since I haven’t discussed New York politics much so far, I thought now might be a good time to introduce some of the key players.

Cadwallader Colden

Cadwallader Colden was an old man by the time period I’ll be talking about today.  Born in 1688, he was in his eighties during his stint as acting Governor of New York from 1769-1770.  He had been born in Ireland to Scottish parents and went to Edinborough to study to become a minister.  By the time he finished, his interest had turned to science and medicine which he studied in London.  He then moved to Philadelphia to start a medical practice, but after a few years, moved to New York where he would spend the rest of his life.

Cadwalader Colden
(from Wikimedia)
Colden must have had good political connections in New York since he received an appointment as Surveyor General and joined the Provincial Council the first year he was there.  He spent a life active with many interests, including a correspondence with Benjamin Franklin on scientific issues, and writing a book on the Iroquois Confederacy after serving as the colony’s representative to the Five Nations.

In 1760 on the death of James DeLancey, father of the man I’m going to discuss next, Colden received an appointment at Lieutenant Governor.  He would serve as acting governor on at least three different occasions.  As a representative of the Crown, Colden was not always popular.  Stamp Act protesters had carried an effigy of him during a protest march on November 1, 1765, the day the Stamp Act was supposed to take effect.  Protesters also stole his coach and burned it.  Colden had most recently incurred the wrath of the Sons of Liberty by demanding the colonial assembly pay for funds required under the Quartering Act to support regulars stationed in the colony.

James DeLancey

James DeLancey (sometimes spelled De Lancey) came from one of New York’s most prominent families.  His father, of the same name, had been Lieutenant Governor, and for several years, acting Governor of New York.  James was born in New York City but spent many of his formative years in England going to boarding school.  He studied law at Cambridge before returning to New York as an adult.

James De Lancey
(from americanrevolution.org)
Just about the same time he returned to the colonies, the French and Indian War broke out.  DeLancey served as a militia captain, seeing combat on several occasions.  He resigned his commission and returned home in 1760, after the death of his father.  DeLancey then became one of the wealthiest men in the colony, running his family’s merchant trading company and also engaged in land speculation.

His father’s political influence left DeLancey with control of a powerful political party that controlled the colony.  His main rival was the Livingston family.  DeLancey was a conservative, but as with just about everyone else in the colonies, he strongly opposed the Stamp Act, leading New York’s opposition.  Like most wealthy merchants, he objected to the rioting and destruction of property, but his support of protests and non-importation agreements maintained his popularity with most New Yorkers.

Despite his opposition to British taxes, though, he was a moderate and a wealthy member of the establishment.  When the British made clear that New York would have to pay costs under the Quartering Act, and Gov. Coldon called on the New York Assembly to act, DeLancey led the fight in the Assembly to implement a tax that would cover the costs of quartering British regulars.  This drew the wrath of some of the more radical elements of New York politics.  Even so, most people saw DeLancey as a supporter of colonial rights before the outbreak of war.  That would change over time as DeLancy would eventually have to flee New York for his loyalist sentiments.

Isaac Sears

Isaac Sears was born in Massachusetts and raised in Connecticut.  At the age of 16, he took a job on a ship and within a few years was serving as captain of merchant vessel.  He commanded a privateer vessel during the French and Indian War but lost his ship in 1761.  After the war, he settled in New York City, running a fairly successful merchant trading company.  He lived in a mansion on Broadway and settled into a comfortable life.  Over time, he became involved in political issues, particularly those involving trade.

In some ways, Sears became the Samuel Adams of New York.  After the Stamp Act, he helped found the local chapter of the Sons of Liberty, joined in Committees of Correspondence, and helped organize the New York protests against British taxes.  As a respected and prosperous merchant, he could socialize with other elite merchants and city leaders, but was also comfortable in working class circles, allowing him influence over much of the city’s working population.  Politically, at least at this time, he had aligned himself with DeLancey.  That said, the two men had disagreed and fought over the Quartering Act funding in 1769.

Alexander Mcdougall

Another important Son of Liberty was Alexander McDougall (sometimes spelled MacDougall).  He came to New York as a child when his family moved from Scotland.  His family came as part of a large group that had planned to settle in upstate New York.  The guy who organized the immigration, however, tried to force all of the members of the group to become tenant farmers on his land.  These immigrants did not sell everything to escape being tenant farmers in Scotland to become tenant farmers in America.  They wanted to be land owners. The whole land scheme is an interesting topic in itself, but not one I can cover here.  Several aristocrats attempted to recreate the tenant farming system that greatly profited the aristocracy in Europe.  But land in America was simply too available and cheap to force commoners into such an exploitative position.  The whole scheme fell apart.  McDougall’s father ended up abandoning that plan and began work delivering milk for a dairy farmer on Manhattan.

Alexander McDougall
(from findagrave)
At age 14, McDougall signed onto a merchant vessel and began a life a sea.  He captained two small privateer vessels during the French and Indian War.  He amassed a small fortune through these efforts.  When his wife died in 1763, he gave up his life at sea to raise his three children.  He began working as a merchant in New  York, and began to get involved in politics.  Having some property gave McDougall entry into politics, but he was uneducated and had the manners of a commoner, which would keep him out of any elite circles.

He joined the Sons of liberty and was active in New York protests.  In December 1769, McDougall wrote a broadside entitled To the Betrayed Inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York, which attacked the colonial assembly and De Lancey specifically for caving on providing Quartering Act funds to house British soldiers in the colony.  Eventually, MaDougall would go to jail for this publication, convicted of seditious libel.  This would only greatly increase his reputation among the radicals in the colonies.  Some called him the Wilkes of America.  His controversial writing was circulating among New Yorkers, and MacDougall was still free and walking the streets as the incidents below unfolded in January 1770.

The Liberty Pole

During this era, many towns in the colonies had erected liberty poles to celebrate victories in the protection of their rights.  Many say the practice of a liberty pole dates back to Roman times when the assassins of Caesar erected a small pole with the cap of a freed slave on it to symbolize how they had freed Rome from the tyranny of slavery.  The poles also bear a similarity to victory columns that many European cities and towns installed after winning great military victories, or some other memorable event.

New Yorkers had erected the first Liberty Pole on June 4, 1766 in honor of the King’s birthday and also to celebrate the repeal of the Stamp Act.  It was not meant to be a symbol of rebellion.  Rather, it was a celebration of the fact that the government in London had acted to protect colonial liberties.  The pole bore the inscription: “King, Pitt, and Liberty.”  But the pole became a focal point for radical whigs to hold rallies.  When New York refused to come up with money to house British soldiers under the Quartering Act that year, soldiers in the city cut down the pole in August.

New Yorkers erected a second pole within days, and again soldiers almost immediately cut it down. The acts of destruction, on top of raw feelings over the Quartering Act dispute, raised tensions.  But the Governor permitted New Yorkers to erect a third pole in September, and gave strict instructions to the soldiers not to mess with it.  That one lasted about six months.

NYC Liberty Pole, 1770 (from Wikipedia)
In March 1767, colonists gathered at the pole to celebrate the anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act.  Following the celebration, the soldiers once again cut down the pole overnight.  The Sons of Liberty erected a fourth pole the following day.  This one had iron bands around the lower part of the pole to prevent anyone from cutting through the wood.  Soldiers attempted to destroy this pole as well, but the iron bands along with the vigilance of the Sons of Liberty to protect it, prevented any more successful vandalism.  The pole remained in place for nearly three years.

In December 1769, New York allocated a mere £1800 for the quartering of troops, far too little for adequate housing.  Once again angry soldiers decided to take out their frustrations on the pole.

On January 13, 1770, a group of soldiers attempted to tear down the Liberty Pole in New York.  This was actually the fourth Liberty Pole in New York.  Because the iron bands prevented them from cutting the pole, the soldiers drilled a hole, filled it with gunpowder and attempted to blow it up.  A passerby saw the soldiers messing with the pole and alerted others in nearby Montayne’s Tavern, which served as the unofficial NY headquarters of the Sons of Liberty.  Men from the tavern ran to the pole and confronted the soldiers.

One soldier held them at bayonet point as the others attempted to finish their attempt to destroy the pole.  The explosion did not work.  The fuse did not ignite the powder they had put inside the pole. The frustrated soldiers then invaded the Tavern. They held everyone at bayonet point as they destroyed the tavern and beat up a waiter.

Defense of Liberty Pole, 1770 (artist's conception 1879)
(from Richland Source)
On the night of January 16-17, a group succeeded destroying the pole.  They managed to ignite the powder in the pole, explode it, and knock it down.  Then they chopped up the pole, leaving the pieces in front of Montayne’s Tavern.  In response, the New York Sons of Liberty issued two resolves.  The first said that no soldier would be hired for any work in the city.  The second said that any armed soldiers found armed after dark and not on duty would be treated as criminals.

Soldiers, who were poorly paid, often did odd jobs around town to earn extra cash.  Essentially the sons were calling for a boycott on hiring any soldiers in order to make them feel more unwelcome.  The treatment of armed soldiers as criminals would almost certainly lead to violence.  Remember, the NYPD did not exist in 1770.  Civilians helped to make arrests when the Sheriff needed help.  A civilian could forcibly take a criminal to authorities for arrest.  Civilians attempting to subdue armed soldiers at night seems like a recipe for violence.

The Battle

A few days later, on January 19, the soldiers began posting handbills denying responsibility for the destruction of the pole, but also mocking the Sons of Liberty. Isaac Sears, and a group of men grabbed two of the soldiers while they were posting the bills.  The mob dragged the soldiers the Mayor’s House to lodge a complaint.  Other soldiers with them rushed to get reinforcements.

Twenty armed soldiers soon arrived on the scene, but were still far outnumbered by the growing mob.  Sears had already gotten the two soldiers taken into custody into the Mayor’s house. Their comrades threatened to storm the home and remove them force.  They had swords drawn and bayonets fixed, clearly ready for a fight. A militia Captain named Richardson ordered them to stop and to return to their barracks.  He told them the matter would be resolved peacefully by the Mayor.

Battle of Golden Hill (artist conception 1920)
(from Journal of the American Revolution)
After a short confrontation, the soldiers began marching back to their barracks.  Much of the mob followed them.  At some point another group of soldiers joined with those retreating, thus increasing their numbers.  Yet another group of soldiers moved behind the mob, effectively surrounding them.

As the soldiers reached the top of Golden Hill, they decided they had sufficient numbers and had taken enough abuse.  With swords drawn and bayonets fixed, they attempted to force their way back through the mob, wounding dozens of people.  Many in the mob fought back, wounding several of the soldiers.  Accounts of the fighting differ greatly depending on who was doing the writing.  The Sons of Liberty portrayed the fight as out of control officers slashing at civilians, even those just standing around and not part of the mob.  The Loyalist press painted a picture of soldiers defending themselves against a riotous mob.  Later, people referred to the fight as the battle of Golden Hill.

Golden Hill was a location in what is today lower Manhattan, around the corner of John and William Streets.  If you happen to be familiar with the area, you might note there is no hill there.  It is pretty flat.  That is because in the 19th Century, New York flattened out most of the area, leveling hills and filling in gullies, to make the city flatter and easier to travel.  So while there is no hill there now, it was there in 1770.

The fight resulted in quite a few injuries but no one was killed.  One newspaper reported a death a few days later, but this appears to be an error.  If anyone had died, the Sons of Liberty would have held him up as a martyr to the cause.  Several people though, did suffer serious bayonet and sword wounds.

Battle of Golden Hill, 1770
drawn 1884 (from Wikimedia)
British officers arrived, forcing the soldiers to stand down, while civilian leaders were able to contain the civilian mob. Over the next few days, fighting broke out several more times between soldiers and civilians, resulting in a few more injuries.

There do not seem to have been any trials or other legal consequences resulting from the battle, which probably involved around 100 soldiers and a mob of about 3000 civilians.  Newspapers hyped the story over the next few weeks, and word of the incident spread across the continent.

The Sons of LIberty attempted to erect a fifth Liberty Pole on the same site.  They Mayor, however, denied them a permit.  Instead they erected the new pole on private property nearby, which Sears owned.  The new one was even bigger, 80 feet tall, with metal bands covering the lower two-thirds of the pole.  The new pole would remain in place until British troops invaded the city in 1776.  Unlike the first pole, which celebrated the King, this one simply said “Liberty and Property.”

Next Week, another deadlier clash between civilians and soldiers takes place in what becomes known as the Boston Massacre.

Next Episode 33: The Boston Massacre

Previous Episode 31: Wilkes and Liberty & Tar and Feathers

Visit the American Revolution Podcast (https://amrev.podbean.com) for free downloads of all podcast episodes.

Further Reading:

Web Sites

Cadwallader Colden: http://www.nndb.com/people/322/000163830

Isaac Sears: https://www.geni.com/people/Capt-Isaac-Sears/6000000025122525762

Alexander MacDougall: http://www.ileach.co.uk/glasgow-islay/connections/liberty.html

Minty, Christopher F. The Importance of Partisanship in New York City, ca. 1769–1775: https://earlyamericanists.com/2015/06/05/partisanship_nyc_minty

Collins, Charles Fredrick “The Artisans' Battle Against Political Subordination in Colonial New York City” UCLA Historical Journal, 1981 (PDF): https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1sc776n5

The Liberty Pole Struggle and Riot 1766-1776: http://thehistorybox.com/ny_city/riots/riots_article6a.htm

Ruppert, Bob “The Battle of Golden Hill - Six Weeks Before The Boston Massacre” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/10/the-battle-of-golden-hill-six-weeks-before-the-boston-massacre

The Lost Plaque of the Battle of Golden Hill: https://untappedcities.com/2013/07/04/daily-what-lost-plaque-first-battle-american-revolution

Bell, J.L. “The Non-Fatal Battle of Golden Hill” Boston 1775 Blog, 2013: http://boston1775.blogspot.com/2013/01/the-non-fatal-battle-of-golden-hill.html

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Keys, Alice Mapelsden Cadwallader Colden; a representative eighteenth century official, New York: Columbia Press, 1906.

Dawson, Henry B. The Sons of Liberty in New York, Poughkeepsie: Platt & Schram, 1859

Stevens, John Austin Colonial New York; sketches biographical and historical, 1768-1784, New York: John F. Trow & Co., 1867

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Carp, Benjamin L. Rebels Rising: Cities and the American Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Champagne, Roger J. Alexander McDougall and the American Revolution in New York, Union College Press, 1975.

Ketchum, Richard M. Divided Loyalties: How the American Revolution Came to New York, New York: Henry Holt & Co., 2002

Knollenberg, Bernhard Growth of the American Revolution 1766-1775, Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1975.

Macdougall, William American Revolutionary: A Biography of General Alexander McDougall, Westport: Praeger, 1977.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. I, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. 1976.

* (Book links to Amazon.com are for convenience.  They are not an endorsement of Amazon, nor does this site receive any compensation for any links).