Sunday, December 22, 2024

ARP337 Mount Vernon Conference

This week we are going to take a look at the post war years, primarily from George Washington’s perspective.

Return to Mount Vernon

Washington had resigned his commission at the end of 1783 and returned to Mount Vernon just in time for Christmas.  His letters from this time indicate he was happy for his time in public service to be over.  At the ripe old age of 52, he was considering his own mortality.  Four of his six brothers and two of three sisters had already died.  He had also lost both of his stepchildren.

Mount Vernon
That said, the Washingtons had young children in the house again.  Two of Jackie’s children: Nelly (age 4) and Washy (age 2) lived at Mount Vernon.  After Martha’s son Jackie died just after the battle of Yorktown, the Washingtons took his two youngest children to live at Mount Vernon.  Their mother, Eleanor Calvert Custis kept her two older daughters and went back to her parents’ home in Abington, Maryland.

It’s not entirely clear why the Washington’s took custody of two of their four grandchildren.  Nelly and Washy, however, lived at Mount Vernon for the last two yeast of the war, while both George and Martha were away with the army. The Washingtons had informally adopted the two to be raised as their own children.

Their mother, Jackie’s widow, remarried in late 1783, just before the Washingtons returned home.  She lived nearby in Arlington with her two oldest daughters, while her two youngest remained at Mount Vernon.

Washington focused on his plantation.  During the war, he had written to his caretaker regularly about administration and improvements.  He had dreamed of the day he could put the war behind him and return to managing his own land.  That time had finally arrived.

Things were not easy though.  The plantation had failed to produce at pre-war levels.  Washington found himself deeply in debt, even after Congress reimbursed his war expenses, something that he received rather promptly, unlike almost everyone else in the army.

Washington rode over twenty miles on most days, personally visiting most of the lands he owned in the area.  His estates in northern Virginia included five separate working farms totaling about 8000 acres of land.  More than 200 slaves, along with dozens of hired laborers grew various crops, including wheat, corn, and oats, raising livestock.  His commercial fishing boats sailed up and down the Potomac River.  A grist mill and other projects were in full operation as well.  Washington wanted to see for himself how things were progressing almost every day.  He conversed with his workers and gave detailed instructions on what he wanted done.

When visitors came to Mount Vernon, he wanted to discuss agriculture, and actively avoided discussing politics.  He received visitors of all sorts, almost constantly.  Some were old friends from the war or earlier in his life.  Many artists and sculptures came by, hoping to create an image of him.  Others were people who just wanted to meet the great man..  

Visit from Lafayette

One of his visitors in 1784 was the Marquis de Lafayette.  The French General had returned to France at the end of 1781, shortly after Yorktown.  He was received in Paris as a hero.  While he had left France back in 1776 as a French captain, he received promotion to brigadier general upon his return.  Lafayette remained actively involved in the war against Britain over the next two years, and also played a role in the final peace treaty.  He also served as a key player in helping France and the United States develop trade agreements.

Lafayette’s role in the peacetime world remained a question for many.  There is a story about a discussion near the end of the war, when there was a possibility that Britain might lose Jamaica. A minister suggested to the king of Spain that Lafayette might be made governor of Jamaica as a reward for his services.  The king responded “Never! He would create a republic there.”

The income from Lafayette’s lands in France assured that he would live a very comfortable life without ever having to work.  Even so, the young man was restless.  Just nine months after his return from America, his wife bore another daughter, Virginie.  

He also took a lover on the side, Diane de Simiane.  She was the wife of the Marquis de Miremont, an officer who had served as an aide-de-camp to General Rochambeau in America.  As it turned out, Miremont was a  homosexual.  His frustrated wife, Diane, began taking lovers at court, when she and Lafayette got together.  This was not Lafayette’s first affair.  During his first return to France in 1777, he began an affair with the wife of Count Philippe-Antoine of Hunolstein.  That was a relatively short lived relationship.  Lafayette’s relationship with Diane would last for over 30 years.  

Lafayette helped to establish several free ports in France, allowing for free trade between France and the United States.  He also lobbied for the reduction of import tariffs, which would increase trade between the two countries. Lafayette also spent some time at court trying to help some French Protestant communities regain some rights they had lost.  He also founded a school for the children of his home region and supported the building of a new wool weaving factory.

In 1784, once Washington had reestablished himself at Mount  Vernon, he invited Lafayette for a visit.  Washington’s letter to Lafayette establishes Washington’s state of mind at this time and his contentment to settle into private life:

At length my Dear Marquis I am become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac, & under the shadow of my own Vine & my own Fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp & the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the Soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame—the Statesman whose watchful days & sleepless Nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own—perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this Globe was insufficient for us all—& the Courtier who is always watching the countenance of his Prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. I am not only retired from all public employments, but I am retireing within myself; & shall be able to view the solitary walk, & tread the paths of private life with heartfelt satisfaction—Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all. & this my dear friend, being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my Fathers.

Lafayette jumped at the chance to return to America and visit with his old friend and confidant.  Of course, Lafayette’s return to America was more than just a personal visit.  The French hero of the American Revolution left France in late June, 1774, arriving in New York City on August 4. The city celebrated his return and he attended a reception by the State Assembly.  

After two days in New York, he set out of Philadelphia, arriving on August 9th. The City Troop of Light Horse escorted him into the city, where cheering crowds greeted him.  The new French Ambassador, François Barbé-Marbois, and former General Anthony Wayne hosted a banquet for the returning hero.  While in Philadelphia, Lafayette gave a lecture at the American Philosophical Society on animal magnetism, a popular theory then circulating around Europe.

On August 14, Lafayette reached Baltimore, Maryland, where he enjoyed two more days of public celebrations.  Following that, he rode on to Mount Vernon, arriving on August 17.  The two old friends spent days riding around Washington’s plantations and discussing a wide variety of topics, from reminiscing about the war, to agriculture, to philosophy and politics.  Lafayette was one of the few men in the world with whom Washington spoke freely.  The only record we have of their conversations is from what Lafayette mentioned in letters home to Adrienne.  

After Lafayette returned to France, Washington did remark to someone else that they discussed slavery, but the details were not recorded.  We do know that through other correspondence, Lafayette encouraged Washington to free his slaves and put them to work as tenant farmers, to show the rest of the south that it was a viable economic model.  Of course, this never came to pass.

Following this short visit, Lafayette continued on with a tour of New England and New York, accompanied by Virginian James Madison.  It was during this time that Lafayette visited the negotiations with the Iroquois at Fort Stanwix, and apparently provided barrels of French brandy for all parties involved.

Lafayette hoped to secure better commercial relations between the US and France as part of this visit.  However, he also spoke out on touchy issues.  He gave addresses against slavery on several occasions during his visit, particularly in Virginia.  In November, while in Yorktown, Lafayette learned that James Armistead, who had carried out spy missions for him during the Yorktown campaign, was still enslaved.  Lafayette lobbied hard for his emancipation, which the Virginia Assembly granted just over a year later.

Lafayette then reunited with Washington in Richmond on November 22.  The two men returned to Mount Vernon where they spent another week together.  Washington then rode with his old friend for a day or two into Maryland, before they finally parted ways.  Lafayette returned to New York before sailing back to France.

Potomac Company

In between Lafayette’s two visits to Mount Vernon in 1784, Washington rode west to inspect some of his lands in what is today western Pennsylvania and West Virginia.  Part of his trip was to try to settle disputes with tenants living on his land who had failed to pay rent.  Part of it was also to survey possibilities of establishing better trade routes into the west.

Washington understood that western settlers would need to establish trade to the east to find markets for their goods and to buy things that they could not produce themselves.  Washington very much wanted to establish better trade routes between the Ohio River and the Potomac and James Rivers.  This would make Virginia a center of trade and commerce for the growing nation.  Such a trade route necessitated building better roads, canals, and locks to allow goods to ship easily to and from the west.  It would not be easy.  Upriver from Mount Vernon, the Potomac river had rapids and waterfalls that would need to be circumvented for shipping traffic. 

In October, 1784, Washington wrote to Virginia Governor Benjamin Harrison, calling for the establishment of the Potomac Company, which would hire workers to establish the necessary infrastructure between the Ohio and Potomac Rivers.  In his letter, Washington noted not only the economic benefits of such trade, but also the political advantages of having western trade flow through the eastern states.  Otherwise, westerners would be prone to using the Mississippi River, which would give Spain much more influence over them.  They might also use the Great Lakes, which would require closer relations with British Canada.  He also recognized that Virginia was in competition with Pennsylvania and New York, which also had plans to help westerners get their goods to market as well.

This was not a new idea for Washington.  He stared at the Potomac River from his back porch every morning for years, dreaming of the potential.  He had spent more than thirty years traveling through the back country around the Ohio River, as a surveyor, a soldier, and an investor.  In 1774, Washington had worked on a similar bill to start establishing infrastructure to the Ohio River from Virginia.  He was forced to set aside that project after accepting command of the Continental Army.  When he took up the project again in 1784, it was the continuation of his lifetime ambition.

The Potomac river had a number of geographical problems that Washington believed could be solved.  There was also a political issue.  The Potomac was the border between Virginia and Maryland.  The free flow of goods on the river would require the cooperation of both states.

Washington lobbied heavily for the bill, even riding to Richmond in November to meet with legislators.  James Madison became Washington’s key sponsor of the legislation.  After leaving Richmond, Washington traveled to Annapolis to convince the Maryland legislature to cooperate in this project.  Given the lack of government funds, Washington also focused on attracting wealthy investors.  He pitched the plan to both Lafayette and Robert Morris, among others, promising returns through fees collected on commercial traffic using the improved infrastructure.

Rather than allow Maryland and Virginia to pass differing laws, Washington wrote to Madison suggesting that an interstate commission meet to work out the details  Once that was done, both Virginia and Maryland could pass bills that were in agreement on the final plan.  While Madison worked on establishing such a commission from the Virginia side, Washington worked directly with Maryland officials to have them establish commissioners from the Maryland side.

Once Maryland passed their bill under Washington’s careful eye, he sent a copy to Madison, instructing him to get the bill through the Virginia Assembly without any amendments.  Virginia passed the bill, without amendments, ten days later.  The laws established the Potomac Company.  

Mount Vernon Conference

The next step was for the commissioners from each state to meet and work out the details.  The Virginia commissioners were George Mason, Edmund Randolph, James Madison, and Alexander Henderson. Madison, of course, was the sponsor of the bill. Edmund Randolph was Virginia’s attorney general.  He was also a former aide-de-camp to General Washington.  Mason was a longtime Virginia legislator who had also served in the Continental Congress before recently retiring.  He was also a friend and neighbor of Washington’s.  Henderson also served in the Virginia Assembly. He also owned a plantation near Mount Vernon. Both he and Washington had served as Vestrymen of Pohick Church together.  George Mason also attended church there.

Maryland also appointed four commissioners: Thomas Johnson, Thomas Stone, Samuel Chase, and Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer. Johnson never attended.  Stone served in the Maryland Senate at the time.  He was a former delegate to the Continental Congress, and owned a plantation near Washington’s across the River. Chase served in the House at the time, but had also been a delegate to the Continental Congress.  Jenifer was the Maryland Intendant of Revenue, and former President of the Maryland Senate.  He also lived on a plantation along the Potomac, not far from Mason, and Washington..

The implementation of the commission was a mess.  Maryland scheduled a meeting in March 1785 in Alexandria, Virginia.  The Virginia commissioners never received word of this meeting.  In fact, Mason and Henderson were never told that they had been appointed to this commission that they knew nothing about.

Mason found out when two of his Maryland neighbors on the commission wrote to him to suggest they visit him and all proceed together to Alexandria.  Mason probably wondered what the heck they were talking about, but rather than embarrass Virginia by revealing the lack of communication, he reached out to his neighbor Washington to find out what they were talking about, and reached out to his other neighbor Henderson to inform him that they were both expected to attend this commission meeting.

The men traveled to Alexandria, where they awaited the arrival of Madison and Randolph.  While waiting, Mason received a letter from Randolph regarding some other business and mentioning nothing about the commission meeting in Alexandria.  Based on this, Mason assumed correctly that Madison and Randolph knew nothing about the meeting. The Maryland delegates had sent the invitation via Virginia’s new Governor, Patrick Henry, who apparently did nothing to inform any of the commissioners.

Although Mason and Henderson represented Virginia at the meeting, they still did not have all the documentation over exactly what they were supposed to be negotiating.  Washington, of course, was also embarrassed at the failure of communications by Virginia.  He invited all the delegates to come to Mount Vernon to continue the discussions.  That way, commissioners would have a comfortable setting and not have to worry about room and board during the discussions.

The commissioners understood the general issues of negotiating an agreement regarding navigation and control of the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay.  Discussions, however, went well beyond that issue.  There was some question as to whether the states needed permission from the Continental Congress, especially on issues of naval protection of these waters.  There was also an issue over state currencies and the relative value of each.  They also expressed concerns about how legal issues between citizens of the states should be handled.  They also raised the issue of whether Pennsylvania ought to be included since its control of the Ohio River would be part of any final plan. Maryland also thought Delaware should also be included.

The commissioners recommended meeting again in September.  That never happened.  On May 17, 1785, the Potomac Company selected Washington to serve as its President.  The company sold 400 shares, each with a value of $400.  Individuals and communities along the Potomac purchased most of the shares.  

Washington and his board of directors began hiring workers and establishing projects along the River. These included digging canals and establishing Locks around the waterfalls.  They hired James Rumsey as Chief Engineer.  Rumsey had a reputation as a creative engineer, who recently had been working with steam powered riverboats.  The company could not hire enough men for the work, so many of those employed were indentured servants or slaves of those who rented out their labor.

Shareholders were required to make ongoing payments as the project progressed.  Over the first couple of years many shareholders defaulted, resulting in a forfeiture of their shares.  This, however, resulted in funding problems for the ongoing work.

As for the necessary regulations, following discussions via correspondence, the parties agreed that it would probably be better to meet in Annapolis, Maryland, in September of 1786 as part of a broader discussion of how interstate compacts like this one, and interstate trade issues more generally, should work and whether a new interstate compact was needed.

Next week, we take a look at post-war diplomacy as John Adams goes to London.

- - -

Next Episode 338 John Adams Goes to London 

Previous Episode 336 Planning the Northwest Territory

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Further Reading

Websites

“From George Washington to Lafayette, 1 February 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0064

Marquis De Lafayette's First Visit to The United States After the American Revolution https://www.losthistory.net/mcjoynt/laf1784.htm

“From George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, 10 October 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-02-02-0082

Abbot, W. W. “George Washington, the West, and the Union.” Indiana Magazine of History, vol. 84, no. 1, 1988, pp. 3–14. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27791135

Littlefield, Douglas R. “The Potomac Company: A Misadventure in Financing an Early American Internal Improvement Project.” The Business History Review, vol. 58, no. 4, 1984, pp. 562–85. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/3114165

Potomac Company: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/the-potomac-company

Canal History: George Washington & The Patowmack Company https://www.canaltrust.org/about-us/about-the-co-canal/history/canal-history-george-washington-the-patowmack-company

“Act Giving Canal Company Shares to General Washington, [4–5 January] 1785,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-08-02-0117

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Headley, P.C. The Life of the Marquis De Lafayette, New York: A.L. Burt Co. 1903. 

Hunt, Gaillard The Life of James Madison,  New York: Doubleday, Page & Co. 1902. 

Nelson, Thomas F. Washington's Canal Around the Great Falls of the Potomac, Washington, D.C., Records of the past exploration society, 1910. 

Pickell, John A New Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, In Connection with the Narrative History of the Potomac Company, New York: D. Appleton, 1856. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Chernow, Ron Washington, A Life, Penguin Press, 2010.

Horn, Pierre L. Marquis de Lafayette: French Statesman, Chelsea House Publishers, 1989 (borrow on archive.org).

Kapsch, Robert J. The Potomac Canal: George Washington and the Waterway West, West Virginia Univ. Press, 2007 (borrow on archive.org

Stewart, David O. George Washington: The Political Rise of America’s Founding Father, Dutton, 2021.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.




  

 

Sunday, December 15, 2024

ARP336 Planning the Northwest Territory


As we’ve covered in recent episodes, with the war over, the United States focused on its western lands.  Real estate was the number one asset of the new country, and desperately needed to pay down its war debts.  Congress had also made promises of land grants to soldiers during the war, and hoped to use these western lands to make good on its promises to those veterans.

Treaty of Fort Stanwix

The Treaty of Paris gave the United states undisputed control of all the land east of the Mississippi River - from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico.  That treaty, however, was between the US and Britain.  It did not address the claims of the Native Americans who were actually living on that land.  In order for American settlers to take possession of that land, there would have to be some sort of agreement with the existing claimants of the land.  

Although much of this land was occupied by the Delaware, Shawnee, Seneca, Mingo, and other tribes, the Iroquois claimed dominion over much of these territories.  The Iroquois were made up of six tribes who lived in what is today upstate New York.  After developing trading alliances with the Dutch and later the British, the Iroquois came to dominate lands that reached as far west as modern day Illinois and as far south as modern day Tennessee.  The Iroquois had claimed the right to negotiate with the Europeans on behalf of all the tribes that lived on those lands. So the first step was dealing with any Iroquois claim on these lands.

In 1784, Congress sent a delegation of three men to meet with representatives of the Iroquois to negotiate for control over the Ohio Valley.  Arthur Lee, Oliver Wolcott, and Richard Butler, Arthur Lee travelled to Fort Stanwix, also known as Fort Schuyler, to open discussions.

I’ve mentioned Arthur Lee before.  The Virginian had spent most of the Revolutionary War in Europe as part of the diplomatic team that tried to develop European alliances.  Lee seemed to spend most of his time there badmouthing his fellow delegates and trying to obtain more power for himself.  He returned to America near the end of the war, and took a seat in the Continental Congress.

Oliver Wolcott was from Connecticut.  He had seen action against the Indians during the French and Indian War.  His experience with the Indians led to his appointment as a Commissioner of Indian Affairs early in the Revolution, with the goal of trying to keep the Iroquois neutral.

He had served on and off in the Continental Congress during the war, and also served as a General of militia for Connecticut.  General Wolcott led militia in the Saratoga Campaign, and spent much of the war fighting loyalists and Iroquois in upstate New York.  

Richard Butler grew up on the Pennsylvania frontier, where his family made rifles.  He grew up in an atmosphere of regular Indian raids on his and neighboring settlements.  When the Revolution began Congress named Butler as a Commissioner.  At the time, Butler was living near Fort Pitt, working as an Indian trader.  Butler’s goal as a commissioner was to keep the Delaware and Shawnee neutral during the war with Britain.

Butler went on to serve as a Continental officer, rising to the rank of colonel, serving under Colonel Daniel Morgan for much of the early war, then commanding his own regiment.  Butler continued in Army service through Yorktown and went home only when the Continental Army disbanded.  Butler also had a son with a Shawnee woman named Nonhelema, the sister of Cornstalk, a Shawnee leader who had been executed by American militia in 1777.

Although they took no formal role in the negotiations, James Monroe and the Marquis de Lafayette both visited the area.  Monroe arrived ahead of the Congressional delegation, on his way to look at land investments in the west.  Lafayette stopped in during negotiations, as part of a nationwide post-war tour of America.

For the Iroquois, there were a number of leaders present, twelve of them signed the eventual treaty.  Among the leaders was Joseph Brant, whom I have discussed many times for his role during the Revolution on behalf of the British.  Brant was a Mohawk chief, and also commissioned as a captain in the British regular army.  He had led numerous raids against the Americans during the war.

Also present was the Seneca Chief Cornplanter, who had also led active fighting against the Americans during the Revolution.  Cornplanter had led his warriors in the siege of Fort Stanwix in 1777, and continued to fight alongside Brant and other loyalists until the end of the war.

With the war at an end, Cornplanter found himself once again at Fort Stanwix, meeting with the American delegation from Congress, seeking to force him and the others to cede western lands.

Fort Stanwix had been the site of an earlier treaty in 1768, when the Iroquois ceded lands south of the Ohio River to British agents.  Meeting again in 1784, American agents demanded a cession of lands north of the Ohio River.

Brant informed the Americans that, while they were there to establish peace with the United States, they were not there to cede land. The Iroquois, however, were in a poor negotiating position.  They had divided among themselves during the war, with four tribes supporting the British and two supporting the Americans.  In their negotiations over the land in upstate New York, they knew the British had ceded any interest in the land and had no inclination to provide them with any military assistance should they continue to try to occupy their ancestral lands.

Over the summer, before the Congressional delegation even arrived, New York authorities, under Governor Clinton, were trying to force a cession of these lands to be opened to settlement.   The commissioners from Congress who were supposed to arrive that summer, never showed up. Brant eventually left.  He had to return to Quebec where he was working with the departing Governor Haldimand to put down on paper the promised land claims for the Mohawk that had lost lands in New York because of their support of the British.  They were promised new lands in Quebec.  Brant also planned to sail for London before winter set in to make his case for compensation to officials in London.

The Congressional delegation finally arrived in early September.  One of their first actions was to take the Indian chiefs as hostages, to be exchanged from American prisoners still held by various tribes.  Without any real military might, the native delegation had no real bargaining power.  They were forced to sign a treaty agreeing that they would continue to be held hostage until the return of all American prisoners.  

They were also forced to cede most of their claims to their homelands.  Only the Oneida and Tuscarora, which had remained allied with the Americans, would keep their home lands.  Claims to what is today most of southern New York and Northern Pennsylvania, as well as Ohio, were given up following negotiations with the New York and Pennsylvania delegations.  In exchange the commissioners made vague promises to order and deliver goods for the use of the Six nations.  

The treaty was essentially a forced land grab.  Without any military backing, the natives were forced to concede.  None of the Indian councils who reviewed the treaty agreed to ratify it and many disavowed it.  But as far as the Americans were concerned, it gave them claims to the land.

Treaty of Fort McIntosh

Having concluded the treaty, two of the Commissioners, Arthur Lee and Richard Butler, traveled to western Pennsylvania to secure lands from the local tribes as well.  The third commissioner, Oliver Wolcott, returned home to the east. The commissioners arrived at Fort McIntosh, about 25 miles north of Fort Pitt.  There they met the third Commissioner, George Rogers Clark.

Following his war service for Virginia in securing western lands, Clark worked as a surveyor of western lands, to be used to make good on promises to war veterans.  Clark had been fighting with Indians for most of his life, and had become a leading advocate for the removal or destruction of the Indians generally.  The local militia seemed to share this sentiment, as I’ve discussed in previous episodes. Several massacres in the region, including the Gnadenhutten massacre of Indian pacifists demonstrated the level of vitriol that had grown between the two groups.

Fort McIntosh had been built during the war as part of the American effort to push westward into Ohio, with the ultimate hope of taking British occupied Detroit.  Hostile native receptions prevented this from happening.  When the war ended, the Continentals turned over Fort McIntosh to the State of Pennsylvania

Originally, the commissioners hoped to meet at Cuyahoga (which is near modern day Cleveland) but opted for Fort McIntosh.  Concerns for safety, not only from Indians but also the brutal winter weather, caused the commissioners to call for the negotiations to take place at Fort McIntosh, where hundreds of Pennsylvania soldiers secured the area.

Like the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the conference at Fort McIntosh primarily consisted of the Americans dictating terms to the Indians.  Once again, the Americans took hostages from the Indian leaders, demanding they remain until the return of American prisoners taken by various tribes during the war.

The treaty made clear that these tribes were now under the "protection" of the United States.  Any claims by Britain, France, Spain, the Iroquois, or anyone else were no longer relevant.

The document forced the various tribes present: including Delawares, Wyandots, Chippewas, and Ottawas, to cede large portions of land, leaving them with reserved lands in about one-third of what is today the state of Ohio.  The Indians protested, noting that in previous treaties, they were guaranteed all lands north of the Ohio River.  The American response was simply that the US claimed these lands by right of conquest.  The Americans offered nothing in return for this land cession other than an agreement that they would not continue war against these various tribes.

The Indian leaders present signed the treaty, which was finalized on January 21, 1785.  Like the treaty of Fort Stanwix, the agreement was largely repudiated and rejected by the tribes that lived on the land.  As far as Congress was concerned though, this treaty confirmed that the land was now legally the property of the United States.

Land Ordinance of 1785

With Congress satisfied that it held a proper claim to these western lands, it once again took up the issue of how to distribute these lands and form new states.  As we covered in Episode 334, Thomas Jefferson had helped to push through a bill that laid out a series of rectangular states that would constitute new states to join the Union once they met certain population levels.  Shortly after its passage, Jefferson left to take a diplomatic post in Paris.  This all happened back in 1784.

When Congress took up the matter again in the spring of 1785, it established a new committee headed by Virginia delegate William Grayson.

During the Revolutionary War, Grayson had served as an officer in the Continental Army, for a time as aide-de-camp to George Washington.  During the later part of the war, Grayson served on the Board of War.  In 1781, he resigned and returned home to resume his legal practice.   In 1784, he took Arthur Lee’s seat in the Virginia House of Delegates when Lee left to serve in the Continental Congress.  A year later, Grayson also joined the Virginia delegation to the Continental Congress.

In April, 1784, Grayson’s committee got down to business in deciding how to deploy these western lands.  The work was largely based on Jefferson’s outline from 1784, but went on to define exactly how all the land would be subdivided and distributed.  The committee took a few weeks to work out the details, then presented their plan to Congress, which adopted it on May 20.

The Ordinance called for surveyors to create a grid of square townships, each six miles by six miles.  Within each township a one-seventh portion would be turned over to the Secretary of War for the use of Continental Army veterans.  The board of treasury would be permitted to sell other lots.  Certain lots would be reserved for the establishment of a public school in each township.  Others would be held by Congress for future sales.

It might seem odd that one-seventh was reserved for veterans in a six by six mile township.  The reason for this was that the townships were originally set to be seven by seven miles.  Congress later changed the total size of the townships to six by six, but never changed the portion set aside for veterans.

The distribution of lots within each township was very specific.  Certain lots in the center of each township were reserved for the school or for the government.  Each lot would be one mile square (640 acres).  Each lot would be numbered, beginning with one in the southeast corner, then numbering north to lot six, then starting at the bottom on the next column with lot seven, continuing until lot 36 in the northwest corner of each township.

Surveys would not only mark the grids and place markers between each lot.  They would also note any distinguishing characteristics, such as water, mountains, etc.

Officers would receive land grants ranging from 1100 acres for a major general to 150 acres for an ensign.  Enlisted soldiers would receive 100 acres.  Land that was not given to soldiers or retained by the government would be sold publicly at $1 per acre.  Any lots that remained unsold after 18 months would be returned to the Board of Treasury.

The purpose of all this was to ensure a fairer distribution of land.  All land in a township would be surveyed before being sold and distributed.  This was different from some of the older methods were lands were handed over to agents who greatly enriched themselves before turning over much of the land to others.

Even with the careful planning, the land distribution had its share of problems.  Because land sales required a cash purchase of a 640 acre lot, most regular people could not afford to buy that much.  As a result, much of the land was sold to wealthy speculators, with a large portion just going unsold.

Many people simply moved onto the frontier lands and squatted on land not being used by anyone else.  This would lead to fights when someone actually bought the land and had to evict the squatters.

As I said, most of the Indian tribes already living on the land refused to recognize the legitimacy of the treaties that took their land.  As a result, many settlers would have to fight it out with the Indians for control of the land.  

Treaty of Fort Finney

Even while Congress was in the process of working out this Land Ordinance of 1785 as it would be called, its commissioners continued to try to settle matters with the various tribes in Ohio.  Richard Butler and George Rogers Clark made their way to the area near modern day Cincinnati to meet with the local Shawnee who had largely ignored the Treaty of Fort McIntosh.  Traveling with them was Colonel James Monroe, who was doing his own survey of western lands.  Arthur Lee, who had been the third commissioner at Fort McIntosh, returned east to New York where he took up a position on the Board of Finance.

As the men moved deeper into Indian territory, they took with them a company of infantry under the command of Captain Walter Finney.  In October of 1785, upon their arrival, the soldiers built four block houses surrounded by a wall.  They named it Fort Finney.

About a month later, Butler and Clark were joined by a new third commissioner, Samuel Holden Parsons.  The former general from Connecticut received a Congressional appointment in September of 1785 to join the other commissioners “for the extinguishment of the Indian Claims to lands northwest of the Ohio.”  Parsons made his way to Pittsburgh, where he moved down the Ohio River toward Fort Finney with a force of about forty men in several small boats.  Along the way, the boats were attacked by Indians, but managed to continue down the river without any casualties.  They also came across settlers that were moving into the area without any legal basis for doing so.

Parsons arrived at Fort Finney on November 13.  The fort was still under construction, but had not suffered any attacks.  The commissioners were still awaiting the arrival of Shawnee, Wyandot, and Delaware chiefs to conduct their business. Discussions began a few weeks later with the arrival of several tribal delegations.  While Wyandot and Delaware had arrived, the Shawnee remained absent.  After some preliminary discussions in December, the commissioners left on another excursion to explore the area.

By mid-January, large numbers of Shawnee began to arrive.  Once again, the commissioners dictated pretty one-sided terms for peace, similar to those at Fort Stanwix and Fort McIntosh.  The natives would have to leave hostages at Fort Finney to guarantee the return of all prisoners being held by the Indians.  The Shawnee must acknowledge the US as the “sole and absolute sovereign” of this territory.  That they should turn over any individuals who killed, injured, or robbed settlers in the future.  The area of Central Ohio, which had been defined at Fort McIntosh would be reserved for the Indians.  They would have to give up all other land.

While some Indian negotiators proposed other terms the commissioners were unwilling to negotiate.  They were providing the terms necessary for peace.  The Indians had no choice but to accept, or remain at war with the United States.

Given that most other tribes had already accepted the terms, the Shawnee agreed and signed the Treaty of Fort Finney on February 1, 1786.

Like the earlier treaties, many tribal leaders not present later rejected the terms, as did some who were at the treaty signing.  This would not be the end of fighting.  It was, however, the end of the work for these commissioners.  The men returned east.  

Several commissioners noted passing settlers already heading west.  These were squatters with no legal claims to the land, as none had been issued yet.  Despite the risks, settlers were already moving in to claim their piece of the frontier.  Westward expansion waited for no one.

Next week: Key leaders meet at Mount Vernon to discuss the chaos that is growing under the Articles of Confederation.

- - -

Next Episode 337 Mount Vernon Conference 

Previous Episode 335 State of Franklin

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

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Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

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Further Reading

Websites

Treaty of Fort Stanwix, 1784: https://americanindian.si.edu/static/nationtonation/pdf/Treaty-of-Fort-Stanwix-1784.pdf

Bushnell, David I. “A Journey Through the Indian Country Beyond the Ohio, 1785.” The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 2, no. 2, 1915, pp. 261–62. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1887064

Treaty of Fort McIntosh, 1785: https://beaverheritage.org/treaty-of-fort-mcintosh

Geib, George W. “The Land Ordinance of 1785: A Bicentennial Review.” Indiana Magazine of History, vol. 81, no. 1, 1985, pp. 1–13. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/27790853

 Land Ordinance of 1785: https://www.in.gov/history/about-indiana-history-and-trivia/explore-indiana-history-by-topic/indiana-documents-leading-to-statehood/land-ordinance-of-1785

Treaty with the Shawnee, 1786: https://treaties.okstate.edu/treaties/treaty-with-the-shawnee-1786-0016

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Bausman, Joseph H. History of Beaver County Pennsylvania, New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1904. 

Hall, Charles S. Life and Letters of General Samuel Holden Parsons,  Binghamton, NY: Otseningo Pub. Co. 1905. 

Lee, Richard Henry (ed) Life of Arthur Lee, LL. D., joint commissioner of the United States to the court of France, and sole commissioner to the courts of Spain and Prussia, during the Revolutionary War, Vol. 2, Boston: Wells and Lilly, 1829. 

Treat, Payson J. The National Land System, 1785-1820, New York: E.B. Treat, 1910. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Burnett, Edmund Cody, The Continental Congress, Macmillan Co. 1941 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Graymont, Barbara The Iroquois in the American Revolution, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1972 (borrow on archive.org). 

Kelsay, Isabel Thompson, Joseph Brant, 1743-1807, Man of Two Worlds, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1984 

(borrow on archive.org

Potts, Louis W. Arthur Lee, A Virtuous Revolutionary, Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1981 (borrow on archive.org).

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, December 8, 2024

ARP335 State of Franklin

 335 State of Franklin


Last week, we covered the Continental Congress’ focus on setting up some form of governance for what would be called the Northwest Territory.  There were, however, other western territories whose fate was still undecided. This week, we’re going to talk about another of those western territories that was proclaimed the state of Franklin.

Land Grab

North Carolina had some basis for a land claim that reached all the way to the Mississippi River.  Most of its population, however, lived near the coast.  Settlers had moved as far west as the Appalachian mountains, but few had crossed those mountains into what was regarded as Cherokee Territory.

Like all of the new states, North Carolina was deeply in debt from the costs of fighting the war.  The Continental Congress was encouraging states to cede western lands as a way of providing an asset to pay off war debt.  

The North Carolina state legislators had a different idea. They argued that the Cherokee had given up any legal claims to the land since they had backed the British during the war.  In April 1783, the legislature opened up millions of acres of western lands for the bargain price of 10 pounds per 100 acres.  The money could be paid using specie certificates.  These were certificates issued during the war that could be exchanged for gold or silver at some later time.  Since the state did not have that specie, it offered certificate holders this land in exchange.  

Part of the problem with this is that most people had already sold their certificates at a discount to speculators who had paid them pennies on the dollar.  These speculators, many of whom were also legislators, or their friends and relatives, had the inside track on western land purchases.  Land buyers, mostly insiders, bought up four million acres in a matter of months.  The Act that permitted this quickly became known as the Land Grab Act.

Overmountain Men 

At the time, all this was happening, there were already quite a few settlements in these western lands.  Those who had settled there were known as the Overmountain men.  These men had played a critical role, not only in keeping the Cherokee contained and not overrunning the rest of North Carolina, they had also played an important role in fighting the British, particularly at Kings Mountain.

The state owed many of these men money for their wartime service, but had not paid them, not even with those paper specie certificates that they could have used to buy western lands.  Instead, the insiders were able to buy up the land before the war debts got paid.

In the spring of 1784, groups of Overmountain men petitioned the state legislature for payment of the money owed to them from the war.  The easterners, of course, preferred not to pay and accused the Overmountain men of fabricating claims that would have to be paid off through higher taxes on the larger eastern population.

Land Cession

Instead, in May, 1784, the legislature shut down the land office that was selling western lands.  A few weeks later, it voted to cede 29 million acres west of the Alleghenies to Congress to form new western territories.  They did not do this out of the goodness of their heart. They were hoping to use thig grant to pay of debts that they owed to congress, and also to reduce the overall valuation of the state since Congress was assessing payments of debt based on the total value of the state. This gave them the additional argument that they were no longer liable for the claims made by the Overmountain men since those men were no longer part of North Carolina.  This was now land controlled by Congress, and Congress should be responsible for paying off the war debts for defending it.

The legislature also voted to renege on making promised payments to the Cherokee as compensation for any claims they still had to the land.  When these payments stopped, the Cherokee began attacking the frontier settlements again, killing settlers and looting property.

Since Congress had not yet accepted this land, the settlers living in the region had no government protection from either the state or Congress.  They were on their own.

Jonesboro Convention

In August, local community leaders from Washington, Sullivan, and Greene counties met in Jonesboro to come up with a new government for the region. They opted to form a new state, separate from North Carolina. They would name the new state "Franklin" in honor of Benjamin Franklin.

There are no good records of the convention.  The only information we have consists of documents that were written at a later time.  

The delegates elected John Sevier as the convention president.  I’ve discussed Sevier in earlier episodes.  He was a leader among the Overmountain men.  He had fought in Lord Dunmore’s War in 1774, and was a colonel of militia during the American Revolution.  One of his more notable contributions was as one of the commanding officers at King’s Mountain. Most of Sevier’s combat experience came as an Indian fighter.  In recent years, he had led several campaigns against the Chickamauga who were fighting under Dragging Canoe.   

Sevier had also served in the North Carolina legislature during the Revolutionary War.  He had grown frustrated by the Assembly’s unwillingness to protect the interests of the Overmountain men.  They would not open any courthouses in the west, and provided little support for the continued fighting with the Indians on the frontier.

At the convention, several delegates made speeches for secession and forming an independent state.  One delegate read from a copy of the Declaration of Independence and then explained that many of the same reasons that caused the colonies to seek independence from Britain also applied to their need to be independent of North Carolina.  The delegates voted unanimously in favor of independence.

Delegates then voted on rules for holding a Constitutional Convention a few months later.  They agreed to select delegates based on the size of militia companies.  They also agreed to send a delegate to the Continental Congress in New York to enter into negotiations to join the union as the fourteenth state.  There was also some debate about whether portions of southwestern Virginia should be included as part of the new state of Franklin.

Delegates also voted that sheriffs and tax collectors should hold any public monies already collected for North Carolina and not send the money east until a proper accounting and division of money could be made. The delegates would return home to let the people vote on new delegates for a constitutional convention that would meet in December.

Repeal of Cession

Even before the August meeting was over, officials in North Carolina were expressing concerns about what was happening.  The independence movement in the west was based on North Carolina’s decision to cede these western lands to Congress.  The vote to cede these lands had been a close one, with many of those on the losing side feeling very strongly that this was a mistake.

Over the summer of 1784, new delegates were elected to the North Carolina legislature.  Western independence was the big issue in many campaigns.  Quite a few delegates who had voted for the cession were replaced by opponents of cession.

When the new legislature met in October, both the assembly and the Senate voted to reconsider the cession of western lands and voted decisively to repeal the cession.  Of course, there were no delegates from the western counties present, since they had already declared their independence.

A large minority of delegates objected to these votes on the age-old rule of “no take-backs”.  As one delegate put it, “the grant by the act of cession is irrevocable on the part of the State, and therefore the repeal is disgraceful.”

There is no specific reference to the independence votes that had taken place in Jonesboro, but the delegates were likely well aware of the independence movement in the west.  To help mollify the situation, the delegate voted to create a judicial district for the western counties, something they had demanded for a long time.  They also voted to form the western militia into a new brigade, naming John Sevier as the new brigadier general in command of this militia.

Constitutional Convention  

While the eastern part of the state was trying to undo everything and go back to being one big happy state again, the westerners were moving forward with their plans for Independence.  Following elections, the western delegates met in Jonesboro again in December.  Once again, they elected John Sevier to preside over the convention.

Again, the delegates voted on independence.  Perhaps based on North Carolina’s decision to repeal the land cession and pass conciliatory measures for the western counties,, the vote was not unanimous this time.  Even so, the vote “forming ourselves into a separate and distinct State, independent of the State of North Carolina” won the vote 28 to 15.

The convention voted on a constitution for their new state, that was quite similar to that of the North Carolina Constitution.  The document began with a declaration of independence.  The declaration cited North Carolina’s decision to cede their lands left them without a government.  It noted the state’s failure to provide resources sufficient to keep the Indians on the frontier contented, thus resulting in threats to their communities.  They also noted how far removed they were from the eastern part of the state, and separated by a mountain range.

After the declaration, came a 25 part bill of rights.  It was very similar to the North Carolina Bill of Rights, calling for a government derived from the people, with separation of powers, rule of law, free elections, due process - including bail, warrants, and jury trials, the right to bear arms, fore a free press and free assembly, the right to worship God according to one’s own conscience, regular elections, a ban on emoluments and monopolies, and the right of the people through their representatives to enact laws that “encourage virtue & suppress vice and immorality.”

Following the bill of rights was the new state constitution.  Once again, they borrowed very heavily from the North Carolina Constitution, setting up a Senate and House, a governor, and an independent judiciary.  One important change they made was the elimination of a property requirement to vote for members of the House, and a greatly reduced property requirement to vote for the Senate.  It also reduced the property requirement to be eligible to serve as governor.  By and large, the constitution was the same as North Carolina’s.  The westerners were not looking for a very different government, just one of their own.

This may have been more a matter of convenience, wanting to get something in place quickly.  The delegates also provided that there would be a second convention a year later to decide whether to make this constitution permanent or to make amendments that the people wanted.

The New Government

Following elections under the new constitution, the new elected assembly met in March, 1785 in Jonesboro. One of their first actions was to select John Sevier as the state’s governor. 

I've mentioned Sevier several time at the head if several of these conventions. But he was not a leading advocate of the independence movement.  In fact, after he learned that North Carolina had repealed its land cession and offered him a commission as a brigadier general, he seemed to make efforts to have the counties rejoin North Carolina. This included trying to stop the elections.  

Despite his reluctance on the issue of independence, Sevier was the most respected leader in the new state, and was elected governor.  Believing it his duty to carry out the will of the people, Sevier took office and organized his administration.

The new assembly passed laws establishing that private property claims under the laws of North Carolina would continue to be respected by the Franklin government.  It divided the three counties to create a total of seven counties in the new state, including Sevier county, named for the new governor.  The legislature established a state militia and a public school system, appointed very government officials and allowed for the circulation of North Carolina currency.  It established property taxes and poll taxes to fund the state government and established salaries for the governor and other state officials.

Perhaps the biggest issue for the new government was dealing with its neighbor, North Carolina, which refused to accept Franklin’s independence. North Carolina Governor Alexander Martin, hoping to avoid an all-out war, sent a letter to Governor Sevier, who he addressed as General Sevier. 

He sent Major Samuel Henderson, who had lived on the frontier for many years to deliver the letter.  Martin also wanted Henderson to give him some intelligence about what was happening.  There was still some debate over whether the Franklin government had acted based on the land cession that had been repealed and might be convinced to return to North Carolina rule.  Henderson also had instructions to put together a list of names of leaders of the new government and get a sense if this was the work of a few powerful men, or a more broad based movement.

Henderson arrived in Jonesboro, finding the Franklin Assembly in session.  He presented his letter to Sevier, who then turned it over to the Assembly.  Martin’s letter essentially said North Carolina offered the ceded territory to Congress for financial reasons that Congress was not willing to accept.  Therefore, the cession was reversed and you guys are all still part of North Carolina.  

The Franklin Assembly responded to the letter with one of their own, again citing the rule of “no take-backs.”  They did not care if the reasons for the initial land cession weren’t right.  The fact was that North Carolina had declared that these lands were not part of North Carolina and that they had every right to form their own government.  The response also complained about North Carolina simply using these western counties as a place to collect tax revenue, without ever providing government services or assistance with Indian conflicts.  They ended the letter by quoting their own declaration of independence and asserting that Franklin was, and would remain, an independent state.

Fight for Statehood

Governor Martin realized that the western counties were not going to submit peacefully.  In April of 1785, he released a Manifesto to the people of western North Carolina that they were being led astray by designing men and that their revolt against the government of North Carolina would not be tolerated.  Martin appealed to them not to abandon the North Carolina that they had fought for during the Revolution.  If they had complaints about North Carolina’s rule, they could talk about reforms.  Independence, however, was off the table.  He called on the people to accept North Carolina’s rule, or he would be forced to do so by military force and civil war.

North Carolina printed and circulated Martin’s manifesto to the western counties.  In response, Franklin Governor Sevier printed his own proclamation, calling the manifesto an attempt to spread sedition and stir up insurrection against the Franklin government.

That summer, the people of Franklin reelected Governor Sevier.  The people of North Carolina replaced Governor Martin with Richard Caswell, who had also served as governor during the Revolutionary War.  The new governor took a softer tone, distancing himself from Martin’s Manifesto.  He did, however, write to Sevier after taking office in June, 1785, hoping they could address the western counties political concerns and restore political harmony under North Carolina’s government.  He was not ready to recognize Franklin’s independence either.

Franklin’s leaders continued to press their case.  That spring, they had sent William Cocke to New York to petition the Continental Congress to accept North Carolina’s cession of land and to admit Franklin as the 14th State in the Union.  Cocke was the ideological father of Franklin.  When Governor Sevier had waffled on the issue of independence, Cocke had convinced him to remain firmly in support of the state and to accept the governorship.  Cocke was a lawyer.  He owned a large plantation in Franklin, and had served in the North Carolina assembly before independence.

Knowing North Carolina’s opposition, the Continental Congress tried to table the request to accept North Carolina’s land cession, despite the repeal.  Seven states voted to consider the matter.  After some debate, supporters could not get the support of two-thirds of the states to adopt the resolution.  Instead, they passed a resolution asking North Carolina to reconsider its repeal of the land cession.

Encouraged by the apparent support of the majority of states in the Union, the people of Franklin continued their fight for Independence.  After a second annual election in the summer of 1785, a new  session of the Franklin legislature met. 

As the first Constitutional Convention had provided, a second constitutional convention met that fall.  The Reverend Samuel Houston offered up several amendments including a ban on office holders  who engaged in swearing, gambling, drunkenness, or breaking the sabbath.  He also wanted a legislature of just a single house, and a rule that all laws must be printed and circulated to the public before they could be voted into law. I should mention that this Sam Houston is not related to the Sam Houston who later became governor of Tennessee and later Texas.

The convention voted down these changes, but the dispute led to a public fight, with both sides publishing pamphlets to promote their views.  One pamphlet was even ordered burned by the court after finding it to be “treasonable, wicked, false, and seditious libel.”  Despite the controversy, the old constitution remained largely intact.

For the next few years, Franklin continued to operate as an independent state.  North Carolina never conceded independence. Like Vermont, Franklin operated as a sovereign state but was denied membership in the Union.  Governor Sevier made treaties with the Cherokee, encouraged immigration from neighboring states, and helped the new state to continue to grow.

Next week, we continue the discussion of westward expansion as the Congress finalizes the treaty of Fort McIntosh and the Land Ordinance of 1785.

- - -

Next Episode 336 Treaty of Fort McIntosh 

Previous Episode 334 Land Ordinance of 1784

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  http://tee.pub/lic/AmRevPodcast


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

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Further Reading

Websites

State of Franklin: https://www.ncpedia.org/franklin-state

The True Story of the Short-Lived State of Franklin https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smart-news/true-story-short-lived-state-franklin-180964541

Keedy, Edwin R. “The Constitutions of the State of Franklin, The Indian Stream Republic, and the State of Deseret” Penn Law Review, Vol. 101 p. 516. https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=7935&context=penn_law_review

Alden, George Henry. “The State of Franklin.” The American Historical Review, vol. 8, no. 2, 1903, pp. 271–89. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1832926

DeWitt, John H. “HISTORY OF THE LOST STATE OF FRANKLIN.” Tennessee Historical Magazine, vol. 8, no. 3, 1924, pp. 167–70. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42637492 

Fink, Paul M. “Some Phases of the History of the State of Franklin.” Tennessee Historical Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 3, 1957, pp. 195–213. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43746574

Kastor, Peter J. “‘Equitable Rights and Privileges’: The Divided Loyalties in Washington County, Virginia, during the Franklin Separatist Crisis.” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 105, no. 2, 1997, pp. 193–226. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249637

Keedy, Edwin R. “The Constitutions of the State of Franklin, the Indian Stream Republic and the State of Deseret.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review, vol. 101, no. 4, 1953, pp. 516–28. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/3309935

Lacy, Eric Russell. “The Persistent State of Franklin.” Tennessee Historical Quarterly, vol. 23, no. 4, 1964, pp. 321–32. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/42622778

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Constitution of the State of Franklin (1784)” American Historical Magazine, Oct. 1904. 

A declaration of rights: also, the Constitution or form of government agreed to, and resolved upon, by the representatives of the freemen of the State of Frankland, elected and chosen for that particular purpose, in convention assembled, at Greenville, the 14th of November, 1785. 

Arthur, John Preston Western North Carolina: A History (from 1730 to 1913), Raleigh, NC: Edward Buncombe Chapter of the DAR, 1914.  

Gilmore, James R. John Sevier as a commonwealth-builder, New York: D. Appleton and Co. 1898. 

Turner, Francis Marion Life of General John Sevier, New York: The Neale Publishing Co. 1910. 

Williams, Samuel Cole History of the Lost State of Franklin, Johnson City, TN: Watauga Press, 1924. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Barksdale, Kevin T. The Lost State of Franklin: America's First Secession, Univ. Press of Kentucky, 2009 (borrow on archive.org).

Gerson, Noel B. Franklin, America's "Lost State", New York: Crowell-Collier Press, 1968 (borrow on archive.org).

Rigdon, John C. First Families of the Lost State of Franklin, CreateSpace, 2014.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.