Sunday, October 27, 2024

ARP332 Society of the Cincinnati


Last week we covered the final breakup of the Continental Army in 1783.  During that final year, the officers and men not only suffered terrible deprivation, but also came to understand that promises made during the war involving pay, pensions, land grants, and other benefits, might not be kept.  The men were also looking for a way to maintain the bonds they had created during the war.

Formation

In the spring of 1783, many of the officers formed the Society of the Cincinnati.  The Society is named after the Roman leader: Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus.  According to his legend Cincinnatus was a farmer who left his farm to accept an appointment as a leader of Rome during a war.  After victory in battle and restoring peace, Cincinnatus restored power to the Senate and returned to his farm.  This personified the ideal of the civilians who had taken up service during the war, but were expected to return to civilian life and make sure all political power remained with the civilian government when the war ended.

Cincinnati Badge
Inspiration for the society is largely credited to General Henry Knox.  While the army was killing time in West Point, waiting for the war to come to an end, Knox proposed the establishment of a society that would allow the officers to continue to associate with one another after the war.  Knox had apparently been thinking about such an organization for some time, as had other officers.  News of the peace treaty, which reached the army in April, probably made the plan a priority if they were going to put anything into place before the army disbanded.

The first organizational meeting took place on May 10 at the Temple of Virtue, the same building that the Continental Army had built as a meeting hall only a few months earlier, and where General Washington gave his famous Newburgh Address only a few weeks prior.  General Friedrich von Steuben presided as the senior officer at the meeting for the formation of the Society. 

At the meeting, the officers present voted for Steuben, General Knox, Knox’s aide-de-camp Major Samuel Shaw, and General Jedediah Huntington to form a committee to put together a formal resolution about the society to circulate to the rest of the army.

Three days later, the officers met at Steuben’s headquarters.  The committee formally adopted the resolution thus creating the Society on May 13.

The society established itself with three basic goals in mind: 1) to protect the rights that they had  secured during the war, 2) to promote the continuation of a union between the states, and 3) to assist members in need, as well as their widows and orphans.

Membership would be limited to officers who were still serving at the war’s end, or who had served at least three years during the war in the Continental Army or Navy.  It was not open to enlisted men. It was not open to officers who had served only in state armies or militia.  The Society did permit certain high ranking officers in the French Army and Navy to join the society as well.

Officers who had died during the war were granted membership.  Their membership would be inherited by their oldest son.  Going forward, only the oldest son of any member of the Society could inherit membership.  A society would be set up in each state, with states given the authority to subdivide into districts within their state. Each state society would meet annually and set its own rules.  They would have the power to expel any member who acted dishonorably or against the interests of the community.  There would also be a national or general meeting every three years that all the states would attend.  The General Society would elect officers and also establish a fund for operations.

There was also a provision for honorary memberships to men who had proved eminent in their abilities and patriotism in some way other than service as a Continental officer.  Honorary memberships, however, could not be inherited, and were limited to one quarter of the total membership.

Each officer agreed to donate one month’s pay to their state society, so that the society could establish a fund and use the interest to cover any operating costs.  Anyone was also free to make donations to the state society or the national one.  Since none of the officers had actually been paid, they could pay the signup fee by directing the paymaster general to direct one month’s worth of pay to the Society once the army was ready to make those payments.

They also established a badge to identify members, a gold medal on a blue ribbon with white edging.  The medal would depict Cincinnatus receiving his powers on one side, and returning to his farm on the other side.  This was later amended so that there would be an eagle hanging on the ribbon, with the images of Cincinnatus appearing on the chest and back of the eagle.

The officers made an effort to get as many of their fellow officers to join as quickly as possible, spreading word of the Society to all of the regiments to establish a society in each state.  They had to work quickly.  The Society only really began recruitment after its organizational meeting on May 13.  On June 1, Washington announced that most of the army would be going home on furlough.

As the army was breaking up, the popular idea of the Society spread through the officers.  A committee consisting of Generals Heath, Von Steuben, and Knox met with General Washington to request that he lead the Society.  Washington agreed.  As second in command of the army, General Heath reached out to armies still in place in other parts of the country to inform them of the new Society.  General Alexander McDougall was elected Treasurer General, and Henry Knox as Secretary General.

The establishment of the Society nationwide grew quickly.  By November, there were state committees set up in all 13 states.

The group prepared to hold its first general meeting or all state leaders in May, 1784.  Almost all top officers who were eligible for membership in the society joined.  Among the founding members were George Washington, the Marquis de Lafayette, John Paul Jones, Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr, Generals Anthony Wayne, Arthur St. Clair, Nathanael Greene, Henry Knox, Benjamin Lincoln, Daniel Morgan, Lachlan McIntosh, Baron von Steuben, and Horatio Gates.  By the 1784 national meeting about half of the 5500 former Continental officers who were eligible for membership had joined and paid their membership fees.  

Opposition

Almost from the beginning, the Society had its critics.  General Heath, who had participated in the establishment of the Society, expressed some concerns about it.  Many of the comparisons to knightly orders in Europe made it seem unamerican and perhaps contrary to republican values.  Colonel Timothy Pickering, who was the army’s quartermaster general, also expressed concerns about the elitist nature of the society.  Despite their reluctance, both men joined the Society.

There had never been a veterans organization before, certainly not one at the national level.  The only historical reference people had were European orders where leading warriors formed orders of knighthood after serving together in battle.  These orders were seen as the basis of nobility and aristocracy.  After all, aristocrats were descended primarily from military leaders of the past who had performed some valuable service to the king.  

Many of the features of the Society of the Cincinnati shared features with the knightly orders of Europe.   The creation of such a group in America seemed, to many, to threaten the ideals of an equal citizenry without separate classes defined by accident of birth.  Aristocratic orders controlled Europe and were seen as a tool to keep commoners down.  That was antithetical to the goals of the Revolution.  For many Americans who had not served, the Society looked like it would become the tool of a counter-revolution that would undermine and eventually end the universal freedoms for which they had fought and sacrificed.

By the fall of 1783, the larger civilian population was learning about the Society and expressing its concerns.  A town meeting in Connecticut feared that the organization would be used to lobby on behalf of veterans benefits, which would mean they would have to pay higher taxes to support them.  General Arthur St. Clair wrote that he delayed forming a Pennsylvania chapter for fear that just creating it would have a negative impact on state considerations of passing veterans benefits.

In October, South Carolina Judge Aedanus Burke published a Pamphlet: Considerations on the Society or Order of the Cincinnati.  Burke expressed concerns that a hereditary organization of military leaders was the establishment of a class of nobles that threatened the idea of a democratic republic.  This permanent organization of military leaders and their descendants would threaten the idea of a government established by and for all the people.  It would establish an aristocratic class.

Burke’s pamphlet, which was originally targeted simply for South Carolina politics, was soon republished across the continent.  Elbridge Gerry, a delegate to the Continental Congress from Massachusetts wrote numerous letters to other leaders, saying he believed that the Society would become an instrument of tyranny.  Others, including John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, were all highly critical of what Franklin called the “hereditary knights” of America.

Public editorials and articles attacked the society.  One accused it of establishing a parallel power structure that was independent of elected government and one that would soon dominate the political system.  In February, the Massachusetts legislature began an inquiry to consider measures against any plans to “promote undue distinction among the citizens of this free state and tending to establish an hereditary nobility.”  A month later, the committee report condemned the Society. South Carolina Governor Benjamin Guerard expressed similar concerns, telling a joint session of the legislature that if left unchecked, the Society would endanger the success of the revolution.

Washington Concerned

The wave of criticism over the Society of the Cincinnati seemed to take some officers by surprise.  George Washington, who certainly kept up with the editorials and pamphlets on this topic, worried about his own reputation.  He had agreed to lead the Society, thinking it was an appropriate way for the officers to maintain the fraternal bonds they had established during their time in the army through a private organization.  He certainly did not want to be seen as leading an organization that threatened the results of the Revolution.

Washington wrote privately to many men whose opinions he valued, including Thomas Jefferson.  In response, Jefferson told him that the popular opinion believed that the Society was unconstitutional and subversive of the ideals of equality and liberty in the young republic.  He thought it should be abolished and recommended that Washington separate himself from it.

Personally, Washington was torn.  He was concerned about his reputation as a stalwart in favor of republicanism.  He did not want to be seen as a threat to that, even though he was not convinced the Society actually represented any such threat.  Beyond that, Washington did not want to resign, which might be seen as a betrayal to his fellow officers.

Washington remained as leader of the Society.  He traveled to Philadelphia to attend the first general meeting in May 1784.  At the meeting, Washington proposed a series of radical changes.

He called for the removal of anything political in its writings.  The Society should be seen as a fraternal organization.  Its involvement in politics, or even potential involvement, was a big source of criticism.

It should also discontinue the idea of hereditary memberships.  The hereditary nature of the society led to the comparisons to hereditary aristocracies in Europe.  There was no need for that. The society should also stop admitting honorary members.  Allowing powerful political figures to join the organization only heightened fears that it was becoming some sort of shadow government outside of elected leaders.

The Society should also reject donations from non-citizens.  Fears that outside interests might try to gain influence in America through such donations had been another expressed concern.  Any funds raised to assist veterans in need should be put in the hands of the state legislature for dissemination.  The creation of some sort of private pension system could be seen as a way to maintain influence through the use of the money.

Washington also called for an end to the general meeting.  In the original plans, the various state organizations would meet at an national event every three years, this being the first.  The national meetings made the organization appear to be more powerful and would probably only end up sowing dissension between the various state organizations.

The General Meeting began on May 4 at City Tavern in Philadelphia.  On the second day, Washington presented his recommendations on reform to the entire group of those meeting.  The leaders were reluctant to make the changes, but Washington suggested that he might resign if the changes were not made.  The group met in committee for about a week before presenting their response.  The members adopted some of the reforms but seemed to want to water them down.  Again, Washington pressed the issue, not wanting to be part of a group that would be seen as controversial and a threat to the principles of the Revolution.

By the end of the two week meeting, the assembly adopted Washington’s reforms and sent them to the state committees.  Since the men at this meeting were the leaders of the state committees one would have thought that would have been the end of it.

As Washington had hoped, his reforms did seem to reduce national criticism of the Society.  However, most of the state committees ended up not adopting the reforms.  The leaders did not want to make the changes and only agreed to carry them back to their state committees out of deference to Washington.  In the end, the society ended up continuing much as it had originally been established.

Some states agreed not to accept foreign donations.  Originally, the members expected to wear their medals at all times.  This changed so that they were only worn on special occasions.  Overall though, the controversial features such as hereditary memberships, national meetings, and private funds largely continued with all the state societies.

Criticism Continues

Failure to enact these reforms only invited more attacks on the Society.  Some states considered adding a prohibition that members of the Society would be ineligible to run for public office.  In 1785, John Adams announced that he was considering retiring from public life because he believed the Society threatened to transform the republic into an aristocracy, thus destroying everything he had worked for.

That same year, The French Count de Mirabeau published a revised version of Burke’s critical pamphlet, including new criticisms by Franklin and others.  It reaffirmed the idea that the Cincinnati were attempting to transform America into a hereditary aristocracy.  Thomas Jefferson publicly joined the argument a year later, writing that the Society posed a threat to the political stability of the United States.

Some critics believed that the Society was part of a French plot to spread its influence in America.  The Society had a chapter of French officers who met in France.  The King of France permitted officers to wear the order of the Society of the Cincinnati on their uniforms.  Although France had been a close ally of America during the war, many American leaders were still wary of French influence on America and the dangers of a monarchical government’s influence on the new republic.  The Cincinnati were accused of being a tool of that influence.

Burke, whose pamphlet had been the first very public criticism, continued to rail against the Cincinnati.  He argued that the attempt to establish itself as a fraternal and charitable organization was simply a front.  Its secret hidden purpose was the establishment of a noble order that would rule over America.  As a hereditary peerage, it would slowly and secretly destroy the democratic reforms of the revolution and establish a class of nobles who would become quite separate from the commoners who made up the bulk of the population.

The Confederation Congress, which contained members opposed to the society, as well as society members, refused to recognize the Society in any way.  In a 1785 land ordinance for making land available in the Ohio territory, an initial draft prohibited bearers of hereditary titles from residing in Ohio.  The prohibition was dropped before the final version passed, but it did show that even Congress had grave concerns about a potential threat 

The controversy remained strong enough in 1787 that when it came time to hold the second triennial meeting in Philadelphia, Washington sent his regrets.  Always trying to avoid controversy or insulting either side, Washington used vague excuses of his health and personal finances for not attending.  He remained an officer in the state society and as titular president of the general meeting, but at the same time seemed to want to distance his association with it.

As consideration of government reforms came out, particularly consideration of a new Constitution in 1787, many critics accused the Society of the Cincinnati of being a conspiratorial force that planned to use such reforms to take over the new country.  It was only after the actual establishment of the new Constitution, that many of the fears of the Cincinnati creating a new aristocracy in America finally began to fade.  

Next week, we take a look at the state of slavery in America at the end of the war.

- - -

Next Episode 333 Revolution and Slavery

Previous Episode 331 Washington Goes Home

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Further Reading

Websites

Society of the Cincinnati: https://www.societyofthecincinnati.org

Society of the Cincinnati: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/society-of-the-cincinnati

George Washington and the Society of the Cincinnati: https://washingtonpapers.org/resources/articles/george-washington-and-the-society-of-the-cincinnati

Considerations on the Society or Order of the Cincinnati (1783), by Aedanus Burke: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=evans;cc=evans;rgn=main;view=text;idno=N14115.0001.001

Benjamin Franklin and the Society of Cincinnati https://www.societyofthecincinnati.org/benjamin-franklin-and-the-society-of-the-cincinnati

Once in Every Three Years: The Triennial Meetings of the Society of the Cincinnati https://www.societyofthecincinnati.org/once-in-every-three-years-the-triennial-meetings-of-the-society-of-the-cincinnati

“From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 8 April 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0204

“To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 16 April 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0215

“I. Observations on the Institution of the Society, c.4 May 1784,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0236-0002

“Appendix V: To the State Societies of the Cincinnati, 15 May,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0236-0008

“II. Winthrop Sargent’s Journal, 4–18 May,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0236-0003

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

[Archive.org has been offline due to hacking problems, therefore, I've been unable to find new resources there for this episode].

The Institution and Proceedings of the Society of the Cincinnati, Boston: Thomas B. Wait and Co. 1812 (Google Books). 

Fostern, Francis Apthorp The Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati, Boston: Caustic-Flaflin Co. 1923. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Hünemörder, Markus The Society of the Cincinnati: Conspiracy and Distrust in Early America, Berghahn Books, 2006.

Moore, Alexander The Fabric of Liberty: The Society of the Cincinnati of the State of South Carolina, Home House Press, 2012.

Myers, Minor Liberty without Anarchy: a History of the Society of the Cincinnati, Univ. of Vriginia Press, 1983. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, October 20, 2024

ARP331 Washington Goes Home


Last week we covered the British evacuation of New York.  At the same time that the British were leaving, the Continental Army continued its process of disbanding.  As we discussed in Episode 327, the Continental Congress furloughed most of the army in June, 1783.  The furloughs allowed the soldiers to return home, but avoided the issue of settling their back pay and other things owed to them.  It also permitted Congress to recall the army if some unforeseen events happened requiring the army to react.

Washington’s Farewell

In October, Congress made the furloughs permanent and discharged everyone on furlough.  It also discharged all Continental soldiers except for a small contingent at Fort Pitt, and the few hundred officers and men still in New York.

General Washington Resigns his Commission
By Jonathan Trumbull
Washington, who was in Princeton with Congress at the time, had been lobbying for a standing army to remain during the peace.  Part of Washington’s concerns were over western forts, such as Detroit that were supposed to be turned over to the Americans, but were still held by the British.  Washington had sent an officer to discuss the turnover pursuant to the terms of a peace treaty.  The commander in Canada Friedrich Haldimand refused to discuss any turnover until he received orders from London, which he had not.  Without an army to force the issue, the British garrisons remained on US territory.

Despite such matters, the cost of such an army, combined with the general notion that standing armies in peacetime were not necessary, prevented Congress from accepting Washington’s arguments.  Congress ordered the final discharge of the army.  It also accepted the resignation of Secretary of War, Benjamin Lincoln, who wished to return to Massachusetts.

Washington himself was eager to get home.  He wrote to a former officer in France, 

“I, who am only waiting for the ceremonials, or till the British forces shall have taken leave of New York, am placed in an awkward and disagreeable situation, it being my anxious desire to quit the walks of public life, and under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree to seek those enjoyments and that relaxation, which a mind, that has been constantly upon the stretch for more than eight years, stands so much in need of. I have fixed this epoch to the arrival of the definitive treaty, or to the evacuation of my country by our newly acquired friends.”

On November 2, Washington issued his farewell orders of the army.  He announced Congress’ decision to discharge virtually all of the army.  He took a moment to reflect on the amazing accomplishment of defeating the British Army.  He called it “little short of a standing Miracle.”

Entry into New York
He admitted that he could not begin to describe in this address, all of the hardships they had faced over the course of the war.  He hoped they all would acknowledge the “prospect of happiness opened by the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty.”

He called on the officers and men to be as virtuous and as useful as citizens as they had been persevering and victorious as soldiers.  The general acknowledged the frustrations over the debts owed to them, but called up them to remain honorably supportive of the government, and even called on them to support a stronger federal government that would be capable of paying off all of the war debts.

Washington concluded by offering his thanks to all, professing his attachment and friendship, and called on heaven’s blessings as he concluded his own military service.

Dutch Ambassador

During this same time period, an embarrassing diplomatic incident occurred.  In October. The new Dutch Ambassador to the US arrived in Philadelphia.  Peter John Van Berckel had been the mayor of Rotterdam.  His brother had played a role in the draft treaty that caused Britain to go to war with the Netherlands.  The ambassador arrived, not only to establish formal diplomatic relations, but also with much needed cash from a loan that had been arranged in Europe.

Pieter Van Berkel
Ambassador Van Berckel was shocked to find that there was no official in Philadelphia to greet him.  Congress had left for Princeton months earlier, an event about which he was unaware.  The Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Robert Livingston, had resigned and gone home to New York by this time.

The Ambassador managed to rent a room at City Tavern, figured out that Congress had moved to Princeton.  He  sent a letter announcing his arrival.

It took several days from Congress to receive the letter.  President Elias Boudinot immediately dispatched his secretary to Philadelphia with apologies.  When Van Berckel made his way to Princeton, a cavalry escort and various officials finally turned out to greet him.  It was an inauspicious beginning to diplomatic relations, and a sign that Congress still had a long way to go in establishing a functioning government.

Washington in New York

As I discussed last week, Washington traveled from Princeton to West Point in mid November to await the final British evacuation. When he left Princeton, he forwarded the bulk of his baggage to Virginia, anticipating that he would be on his way home after his ceremonial entry into New York.  When the British Army finally pulled out on November 25, Washington and the Continentals rode into town that same day.

New York City was a wreck.  It had suffered two major fires during the British occupation.  No one bothered to rebuild anything.  The British simply used burned out lots and areas for camping. The occupying army also had burned most of the fences and other combustible materials, particularly in their final months.  Many of the civilians, both those who had remained and those returning, appeared emaciated and with frayed clothing, owing to years of deprivation and hard living.  Many witnesses contrasted the neat polished uniforms of the departing British with the bedraggled look of the Continentals and militia who took back the city.

Despite the appearances of the town or the people, the event was a joyful one.  Washington had been focused on retaking New York for most of the war, and was pleased that the matter was finally complete.

That evening Governor Clinton hosted a party at Fraunces Tavern, which Washington and his officers attended.  The guests drank 13 toasts, the first being “To the United States of America.”  Fireworks and bonfires continued the celebrations into the night.

Washington made his quarters in the house across the street from the tavern.  For the next few days, he received visitors there, many of whom were returning NY patriots who had fled the city years earlier.  Washington also gave several public addresses, and attended various banquets and parties in the evenings. 

On his second day in the city Washington and Alexander Hamilton paid a morning visit to Hercules Mulligan, an Irish tailor.  They shared a breakfast with the local.  Mulligan and Hamilton had been college roommates before the war.  Mulligan had been involved in some of the early activities by the Sons of Liberty before the war.  But when the British captured the town, Mulligan remained a civilian in the city, under British rule.  

Farewell at Fraunces Tavern
The reason that Washington visited him was to thank him publicly for his services during the war.  Unbeknownst to almost anyone, Mulligan had been a member of the Culper Spy ring, and had provided invaluable intelligence to Washington during the war. The commander-in-chief wanted to make a public call to make sure everyone knew that Mulligan was not the British collaborator that he appeared to be during the occupation.

After a week and a half in the city, on December 4, the British fleet finally sailed out into open sea.  Washington held a final party for his officers at Fraunces Tavern that began at noon that day.  The only account of the event comes form Colonel Benjamin Tallmadge, who wrote about it in his memoirs decades later: 

We had been assembled but a few moments when his excellency entered the room. After partaking of a slight refreshment in an almost breathless silence the General filled his glass with wine and turning to the officers said, “With a heart full of love and gratitude I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.

After the officers had taken a glass of wine General Washington said, “I cannot come to each of you but shall feel obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand.” General Knox, the closest officer to Washington, walked up to the General and the two hugged and kissed with tears running down their faces. In the same affectionate manner every officer in the room marched up and parted with the general in chief. Such a scene of sorrow and weeping I had never before witnessed and fondly hope I may never be called to witness again.

When the lunch ended, the officers escorted their commander to the wharf, where a ferry carried him to New Jersey.  The officers then took their leave of each other and returned home to their new lives as civilians.

Move to Maryland

Before he could return home, Washington would have to submit his formal resignation to Congress.  He could no longer go to Princeton to do that, because Congress was gone.  

We discussed several weeks ago how Congress had to flee from Philadelphia after the city failed to protect Congress from mutinous Continental soldiers.  Congress had remained in Princeton for months, but the delegates found it unsuited to their needs. The small college town had few taverns and no real social life. Living quarters were also rather cramped. During most of the time Congress was there, it only had delegations from six states, meaning it did not even have a quorum to conduct business.

Washington Leaves NY
In October, after finally getting enough delegates for a quorum, Congress decided that it was going to need its own capital.   It resolved to build a federal town somewhere on the banks of the Delaware River, where buildings suitable for Congress could be built.  The southern states felt neglected by this resolution.  So a few days later, Congress passed another resolution calling for an alternate federal town also be established on the bank of the Potomac River.  At the time, Congress anticipated moving back and forth between these two capitals.  As it would take years to build these new capitals, Congress resolved to meet in Annapolis, Maryland and Trenton, New Jersey, in alternating years.  Congress then adjourned on November 12, agreeing to meet again in Annapolis a couple of weeks later.

The move to Annapolis did not do much for attendance. It took several weeks for delegates from seven states to show up, giving Congress a quorum.  This was a concern because there was one issue on which the clock was ticking. 

Just before Congress departed Princeton at the end of November, it received the final Peace Treaty from Paris.  The final article of the treaty required that both countries ratify and exchange copies of the treaty within six months of the initial signing in early September.  Nearly three months had passed until the treaty arrived before Congress.  It could take another three months for a return voyage to complete the exchange. So it was critical that the treaty be ratified as soon as possible.  If not, Britain could reopen the negotiations.  With France and Spain now having agreed to peace, and since Britain had given the Americans so many concessions solely so that the war with France and Spain would end, Britain could simply take back many of the provisions and demand more concessions from the United States before it agreed to a new treaty.

Congress thought it should avoid that possibility, even if it was a remote one, by complying with the six month deadline.  Unfortunately, when they received the treaty, there were only six state delegations in attendance, meaning Congress could do nothing.

When Congress reconvened in Maryland in mid-December, only seven state delegations were present.  This was enough for a quorum, but the Articles of Confederation required that nine states approve all important matters, and the treaty ending the war was an important matter.  Congress anxiously awaited the arrival of two more state delegations.  It took about a month, before the delegates from Connecticut arrived.  A few days later, Richard Beresford of South Carolina allowed the South Carolina delegation to vote, giving Congress nine votes to ratify the treaty. On January 17, 1784.

It was unclear if a ship could get to London by the March 3 deadline.  Congress sent three copies on different ships, hoping one would arrive in time.  One copy went to New York where a French Packet ship was about to leave.  The ship left with the treaty a few days later, but ran aground and had to return to harbor.  The other two copies could not find a ship headed for Europe for more than a month.  So Congress missed its deadline.

Fortunately, Britain was in no mood to reopen negotiations.  When the treaty arrived in London two months past the deadline, the diplomats exchanged ratifications, thus formally ending the war with some finality on May 12, 1784.

Washington Resigns

Washington was going to have to go to Annapolis to complete his military service.  After leaving New York, he stopped in Trenton, where he met with the Governor and other state officials, spending two days there.  He then traveled to Philadelphia, where he met with State President John Dickinson, Robert Morris, and two of his old generals: Arthur St. Clair and Edward Hand.  Once again he was celebrated with parties and public celebrations.  He also addressed the state assembly, groups of merchants, and the public.  He also attended a ball at City Tavern.  When he left Philadelphia more than a week later, French Ambassador Luzerne, President John Dickinson, and Robert Morris, all escorted him out of the city.

The following day, he paused again in Wilmington, Delaware to accept the honors of officials there.  Two days later he sat for a public dinner in Baltimore.  Every wanted a moment with the conquering hero, appreciating what he had done, and basking in this moment of victory.

Washington leaves Annapolis after resigning
Finally, on Friday the 19th Washington rode into Annapolis.  As he had come to expect, he was met by an honor guard several miles before he entered the city.  Among them were Generals Horatio Gates and William Smallwood.  The following day, Washington sent a letter to Congress, announcing his intention to resign and asked whether Congress would prefer it in writing or in person.  Congress resolved to see him, but only three days later on Tuesday, December 23. Washington spent the rest of the weekend and Monday visiting with others in Annapolis.  On Monday night, Congress gave him a public dinner with about 200 people in attendance.

Finally, on Tuesday, Washington was admitted to Congress, which met in the Senate Chamber in the Maryland State House. The new President of Congress, Thomas Mifflin, received him along with the seven state delegations who were in attendance.  Mifflin was the only delegate present who was in Congress when they first granted Washington his commission in 1775.  If Washington still held a grudge against Mifflin over the Conway Cabal, he did not give any indication of it at this time.  Washington had the Congressional Secretary Charles Thompson read his farewell address

Like most of Washington’s speeches, it was a short one, perhaps two or three minutes long.  He formally resigned his commission.  Interestingly, he referred to the United state in the singular form: 

“Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States, of becoming a respectable Nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence.”

He included a brief plea that Congress make good on the promises of pay and pensions to the army.

It's also interesting from the notes for his speech, he also made a few last minute changes to his address, changed “a final farewell” to “an affectionate farewell” and changed “take my ultimate leave of all the employments of public life” by removing the word “ultimate.”  Perhaps he was already thinking this would not be the final act in his public life.

When the speech concluded, Washington bowed and left the room for his formal exit. He then came back in to chat with some delegates and with other prominent members of Maryland society who were present.  One witness reported: 

the General seemed so much affected himself that everybody felt for him, he addressed Congress in a short Speech but very affecting many tears were shed...I think the World never produced a greater man & very few so good.

That evening, Congress hosted one more dinner in Washington’s honor with 13 toasts and 13 canons.  After that, Maryland Governor William Paca hosted a grand ball in the statehouse.  Months later, when the tavern keeper who hosted the dinner submitted a rather large bill, noting “the entertainment was given to a numerous assemblage of guests, was exceedingly plentiful, and the provisions and liquors good in their kind.”  Congress later struck out the explanation for the bill, not wanting their constituents to see the extravagant cost of food and liquor at the party.

With his service complete, Washington, still with a retinue in tow, rode for Mount Vernon.  They arrived on Christmas Eve.  Two of their grandchildren, Nelly and Wash were there to greet them, as were the staff and a host of other visitors and well-wishers.  A young girl who was present wrote “The General and Madame came home on Christmas Eve and such a racket the servants made, for they were glad of their coming.  Three handsome young officers came with them.  All Christmas afternoon people came to pay their Respects and Duty…. The General seemed very happy.”

The general was, in fact home and ready to enjoy the peaceful comforts of domestic life for the first time in nearly nine years.  George Washington was content to be home with a job well done.

Next Week, The establishment of The Society of the Cincinnati creates a new controversy for a country that finally ended the war.

- - -

Next Episode 332 Society of the Cincinnati

Previous Episode 330 Evacuation of New York

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

“Washington’s Farewell Address to the Army, 2 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12012

Washington’s Resignation Speech December 23, 1783 https://msa.maryland.gov/msa/mdstatehouse/pdf/webversion.pdf

Proclaiming Peace, Jan. 14, 1784 https://msa.maryland.gov/msa/mdstatehouse/html/ratification.html

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Riker, James Evacuation Day, 1783, New York: 1883. 

[Archive.org has been offline due to hacking problems, therefore, I've been unable to find new resources there for this episode].

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, William H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Head, David A Crisis of Peace: George Washington, the Newburgh Conspiracy, and the Fate of the American Revolution, Pegasus Books, 2019. 

Weintraub, Stanley General Washington's Christmas Farewell: A Mount Vernon Homecoming, 1783, Free Press, 2003. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, October 13, 2024

ARP330 Evacuation of New York

Last week we covered the signing of the peace treaty ending the war.  The British still had an army occupying New York in the fall of 1783.   Both sides needed to figure out how to disentangle the two armies and implement the peace treaty.

Carleton’s Changing Mission

General Guy Carleton had become the commander of forces in North America in early 1782, after London received word of the British surrender at Yorktown and wanted to replace General Henry Clinton.  Carleton received his assignment just weeks before the fall of the North Government in London.  The new government under Lord Shelburne took power before he left and continued to support his taking command of North America.  Carleton and Admiral Robert Digby were named joint peace commissioners.  Their assignment was to end the war in America, but trying to find some way to “reconcile and reunite” Great Britain with its colonies.

Evacuation Day, Washington's Entry
Shortly after his arrival in New York, Carleton received word that the new government under Prime Minister Shelburne was prepared to recognize complete American independence and that Carleton’s job was simply to find a way to evacuate the army and loyalist civilians.  Carleton asked to resign his command, not simply wanting to oversee an evacuation, but they convinced him to stay and complete the task of evacuation.

The task of removing the army was not an easy one.  He had roughly 30,000 British and Hessian soldiers, including thousands of prisoners still held by the Americans.  Carleton also had nearly an equal number of loyalist civilians who wanted to leave with the army.  Carleton had to remove everyone, while avoiding the risk of an enemy attack before the withdrawal was complete.

Through much of 1783, Carleton managed the process of removing soldiers and loyalists from New York.  He made little progress since the numbers of loyalists seeking refuge in the city, and the return of British and Hessian prisoners, often more than made up for those he was able to ship out of the city.  Many of these people were forced to live in tents on Long Island, awaiting an opportunity to leave.  An important factor in how fast people could leave the city was the availability of ships.

Carleton set up an Office of Superintendent of Exports and Imports to manage the process.  He could not get a good answer as to how many refugees many locations could handle.  For example, Carleton had to send agents to Nova Scotia to assess things like timber reserves, arable land, and availability of water to get a better idea of how many refugees he could send there, that could be settled with the existing resources.

In another instance, the general appointed three loyalist colonels, Edward Winslow, Isaac Brown, and Stephen Delancey to serve as agents for more than five thousand loyalist soldiers who were to be settled in New Brunswick.  These refugees would create entire new communities out of almost nothing.

Refugees, of course, were free to go wherever they could get transport.  Many moved to places like Bermuda, Nassau, the Bahamas, as well as England itself.

As part of this process, Carleton also had to deal with a problem of corruption.  Administrators, both civilian and military, expected kickbacks for just about anything.  British guards still holding American prisoners regularly took meager food requisitions and sold them to others, allowing prisoners to starve.  The prices of nearly everything the army purchases were double market value, thanks to all the kickbacks that were expected.

Rather than investigate and prosecute all of this, Carleton simply fired or reassigned virtually everyone involved with procurements and expenditures, replacing them with new men.  This, of course, led to complications as new administrators had to figure out how to get things done.  Carleton also created a board to inspect the financial records, similar to a commission that Carleton had overseen in London a few years before.  

This Board of Public Accounts was headed by Colonel Duncan Drummond, who I discussed back in Episode 308.  At that time, Drummond had opened up an inquiry into corruption that General Clinton had quashed because it was right after Yorktown and Clinton did not want to send more bad news to London.  Drummond got his investigation moving forward under General Carleton.  Also on the board was Henry White, a civilian merchant who had provided supplies for the British Army under General Howe, much earlier in the war, as well as another merchant, Hugh Wallace.  Rather than sweep this problem under the table like his predecessor, Carleton personally chaired many of these weekly meetings, to get to the bottom of army corruption.  

Tappan Conference

In April of 1783, before Washington dismantled his army, he wrote to Carleton about the exchange of prisoners.  Washington was willing to return the 6000 soldiers captured at Yorktown if Carleton could provide the ships to transport them.  Carleton replied that all his ships were tied up moving men and equipment out of New York, and that the prisoners would have to march from Virginia to New York.

Washington also suggested that they meet to discuss cooperation in the orderly withdrawal of the British Army from New York.  Several of Carleton’s advisors thought that such a meeting would be problematic.  In earlier meetings, American negotiators had tried to get Britain to pay for the care of the British prisoners in American custody.  Carleton's advisors were afraid that this might become an issue at the meeting and that it would hold up the release of the British prisoners.

Carleton overruled his advisors and agreed to the meeting.  He took with him a civilian loyalist, Judge William Smith and two military aides.  They agreed to meet with Washington at Tappan, where the Americans had hanged Major John Andre less than three years prior.  The location was a convenient ride from Washington’s headquarters, and easily accessible up the Hudson River by a British ship.  Washington brought with him his secretary, Jonathan Trumbull, as well as New York Governor George Clinton, along with New York’s secretary of state and attorney general to discuss any civilian state issues that were relevant.

The meeting was cordial, but got right down to business.  Washington put three issues on the table.  He wanted to be assured that the British would return slaves that were under their control, as per the peace treaty.  Next, he wanted to come to an agreement on the exact date when British troops would leave New York City.  Finally, he requested that the British turn over control of Westchester County and Long Island within the next few days.

Carleton could not really agree to any of these terms.  The date of the final evacuation would still be some time away.  Clinton was dealing with the issues related to moving thousands of men and equipment.  Any schedule was largely dependent on available ships and weather. He assured the Americans that he wanted to leave as quickly as possible and was working to that end.  But he could not give them a date certain.

As far as giving up land, Carleton was willing to turn over control of Westchester County.  He still needed Long Island where he had thousands of refugees awaiting departure.  He could not cram all these people into the city.

The question of slaves was the most contentious.  Carleton refused to turn over those who had accepted British offers of freedom in exchange for supporting the crown.  Many of these men had served under arms.  Many others served in a civilian capacity.  He would not return them to slavery.  Instead, Carleton noted that he would keep track of those that he evacuated and that the owners could be compensated for their value.  This position seemed to be a direct violation of the peace treaty.  Carleton agreed to allow American inspectors at the docks to assure that the list of negro evacuees was as accurate as possible, but that was as far as he was willing to go.

After an afternoon of arguing the two sides sat down to dinner with one another, prepared by Samuel Fraunces of Fraunces Tavern.  Then the American joined the British aboard ship for drinks and more informal discussions.

Washington did send inspectors to monitor the black people being evacuated.  As he expected, many of the former slaves gave false names and lied about their owners or status before the war.  In the end, Carleton did not return any refugees to slavery and no owner ever received any compensation for their losses.

Release of Prisoners

The issue of exchanging prisoners turned out to be a complicated one.  The Huddy-Asgill Affair only ended in late 1782, when Captain Asgill was finally permitted his release.  Tensions only seemed to ease once both sides accepted that the peace treaty really was bringing the war to an end.

Even after that, at one point the Americans considered not returning their British prisoners in protest of Carleton not returning their slaves.  Cooler heads prevailed, however, and the Americans agreed to the return.

Even so, collecting the thousands of prisoners that had been spread out among inland towns proved difficult.  Many British officers who had received parole had to be called back.  Many Hessian prisoners had opted to remain in America.  Some of them had opted to join the Continental Army or repay a debt while working at a civilian job in order to obtain American citizenship.  These all had to be figured out.  Then there was the process of finding food and supplies to march the prisoner armies from Virginia to New York.  

The Americans had been prepared to turn over their prisoners by April of 1783, but because they had to march the prisoners to New York, the final exchange did not take place until late May. 

For the British, release of prisoners also came with some difficulty.  Carleton began releasing some of his sickliest prisoners in early 1782, and released all of his army prisoners by the end of the year.  After his corruption hearings turned up the fact that agents were selling the food that was meant for the American prisoners, Carleton also began investigating the conditions of the naval prisoners held on prison ships.  These fell under the jurisdiction of the Navy.  Despite this, Carleton received permission from Admiral Digby to inspect the ships.  When he found the deplorable conditions, he prevailed on the Admiral to allow the prisoners to be removed from ships during the hottest days of the summer and put on Blackwell Island in the East River, what we today call Roosevelt Island.  Over the winter, Carleton authorized the purchase of clothing to keep these prisoners warm. 

Britain also had hundreds of American sailors in British prisons.  Benjamin Franklin helped coordinate their release and repatriation to America.  By July, 1783, Washington wrote to Secretary of War Benjamin Lincoln that the last American held prisoners, a group of Hessians, were on their way back to New York.  All prisoners on both sides, who had survived the war were either home or on their way.

Loyalists

Loyalists continue to stream into New York seeking transportation to anywhere more friendly.  When the British evacuated Westchester County about a week after the Tappan Conference in May, violence against the loyalist civilians who remained behind spiked.  Washington had to send in Continental soldiers to restore order.

Many loyalists still held out hope for some sort of compromise that would allow them to remain in America.  Even as late as the summer of 1783, Judge Smith, who had attended the Tappan Conference with General Carleton, wondered if Washington might still be part of a secret plan to bring about a reunion between Britain and her colonies.  Rumors of Congress’ move from Philadelphia to Princeton gave some loyalists hope of a compromise since Congress was finally separated from the French Minister Luzerne, who remained in Philadelphia.  Many loyalists thought that the patriots were held in thrall by the French and that separating them might lead to a compromise. These notions seemed to be based more on some desperate hope than on any reality.

Loyalist refugees streaming into New York during 1783, should have been a much better indicator of what awaited New York loyalists who did not leave with the British Army.  Pamphlets also entered the city threatening horrors and vengeance on any loyalists who remained behind.

Not everyone, of course, thought this way.  Colonel Alexander Hamilton visited New York City in August, looking forward to setting up a law practice there.  While there, he met with General Carleton, expressing concern that almost all New York’s merchants were fleeing the city.  This would make rebuilding New York’s economy much more difficult.  Carleton, unwilling to provide Hamilton with much information, did not respond, but simply shrugged his shoulders.

In the fall of 1782, British intelligence captured Thomas Poole in New York.  He had in his possession incriminating documents and confessed to being a spy.  His mission had been to collect information on Americans who were collaborating with the British in order to take action against them after the British left.

This put Carleton in a difficult situation.  Hanging an American spy just as they were getting the Huddy-Asgill affair behind them could have caused all sorts of problems.  At the same time, Carleton did not want Poole being able to report back to New York officials on collaborators who might end up remaining behind.

Instead, Carleton shipped him off to Bermuda. He sent along a letter to the governor letting him know that Poole was a spy.  He claimed he was not executed for reasons of “humanity” but that he had knowledge that would endanger other loyalists.  Poole could not be held in prison since he had become “very decrepit” from his imprisonment in New York.  He asked that Poole be held on Bermuda or some other island, where he could not return to America.

Six months later, in May 1783, Poole arrived back in New York.  Bermuda’s governor said he had recovered his health and that Poole should be exchanged along with other prisoners.  Once again, Carleton returned Poole to Bermuda.  He sent another note saying essentially, look, we need to keep this guy out of America as he is a direct threat to many loyalists.  He’s not a prisoner of war and not subject to any exchanges.  We need to keep him there until things cool off. 

This set up a series of back and forth letters.  The governor of Bermuda essentially saying that if he’s a prisoner, he should be exchanged.  If he’s not a prisoner, we have no right to hold him.  In the end, Poole went to South Carolina. It’s not clear if he came back to New York later, but he apparently was not a problem for Carleton again after that.

Throughout the summer and fall of 1783, both Washington and the Continental Congress repeatedly pushed Carleton for a final evacuation date.  Carleton, however, would not leave until he had found refuge for all the loyalists, many of whom were still entering New York.  Although Carleton wanted to go home as much as anyone, he could not bear the idea of loyalists suffering the wrath of the patriots if they were left behind.

In the fall, Carleton sent a messenger to London with his thoughts about keeping an army of more than 10,000 regulars and Hessians in New York over the next winter.  Before that message could arrive in London, Carleton received a message saying that he needed to evacuate New York right away. He needed to evacuate right away.  He could not keep delaying the final evacuation.

Evacuation Day

On November 12, 1783, Carleton wrote to Washington saying that he expected to be able to make the final withdrawal before the end of the month.  He would abandon King’s Bridge on November 21, giving the patriots access to Northern Manhattan.  He would also relinquish Long Island that same day, holding only the main city, Brooklyn, Paulus Hook and Staten Island.  Carleton wrote again a week later, to make sure Washington was coordinating the changeover, and wanted to be assured that the Americans would not allow violence and lawlessness to follow the British withdrawal, as it had in Westchester.  Washington wrote back to assure Carleton that he and state officials were prepared to move into the city as soon as the British left.

On November 21, Washington led the Continental Army onto Manhattan for the first time since his retreat in 1776. Since most of the army had already gone home, his Continental Army consisted of about 800 men, accompanied by some New York militia.  He took up temporary lodging at a tavern in Harlem, awaiting the final British evacuation.

Four days later, on November 25th, the last British soldiers boarded ships at the pier and pulled away into the harbor.  A signal blast of 13 cannons signaled to Washington that his army should advance.  Washington marched his army into the city.  Riding with Washington was Governor Clinton, with the staff prepared to resume civilian control of the city.  Other top civilian leaders marched with the army as well.  General Henry Knox was given the honor of leading the march into the city.

Replacing the Flag at NY Battery
The transition took place without any incidents.  The only problem for the Americans was that the British had nailed a British flag to the poll at the battery at the southern tip of the island.  They had removed the halyard and greased the flagpole in order to prevent the Americans from raising their flag.  It took several hours to get someone who could scale the pole and raise the American flag.  Soon American flags began to appear all over town.

The British fleet remained in the harbor for nearly a week, awaiting favorable winds.  On December 1, Carleton sent a final letter announcing the fleet’s departure the following day.  Washington wrote back saying that “[I] sincerely wish that your Excellency, with the Troops under your Orders may have a safe and pleasant passage.”

I wish that I could end on that polite and gentlemanly note.  But as the fleet sailed out over the next few days, boisterous New Yorkers on Staten Island fired their guns into the air and made some not so polite hand gestures at the departing fleet.  In response a British warship fired a cannonball at the shore, causing the spectators to disperse.  With that final parting shot, the British sailed from New York, ending their seven year occupation.  

The war was really over.

Next week, with its mission accomplished, the last of the Continental Army disbands once and for all.

- - -

Next Episode 331 Washington Goes Home

Previous Episode 329 Signing the Peace Treaty

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

 Join American Revolution Podcast on Quora 
 
Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

American Revolution Podcast Merch!

T-shirts, hoodies, mugs, pillows, totes, notebooks, wall art, and more.  Get your favorite American Revolution logo today.  Help support this podcast.  http://tee.pub/lic/AmRevPodcast


American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option making monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.

An alternative to Patreon is SubscribeStar.  For anyone who has problems with Patreon, you can get the same benefits by subscribing at SubscribeStar.

Help Support this podcast on "BuyMeACoffee.com"


Visit the American Revolution Podcast Bookshop.  Support local bookstores and this podcast!





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Further Reading

Websites

A 1783 Thanksgiving: Evacuation Day https://americansystemnow.com/a-1783-thanksgiving-evacuation-day

Evacuation Day & Washington's Farewell https://www.frauncestavernmuseum.org/evacuation-day-washingtons-farewell

ERNST, ROBERT. “A Tory-Eye View of the Evacuation of New York.” New York History, vol. 64, no. 4, 1983, pp. 376–94. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23174025

Bowler, R. A. “THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND BRITISH ARMY ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM.” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, vol. 58, no. 234, 1980, pp. 66–77. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44223295

“Account of a Conference between Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, 6 May 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-11217

“To George Washington from Guy Carleton, 12 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12054

 “To George Washington from Guy Carleton, 19 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12084

“From George Washington to Guy Carleton, 22 November 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-12091

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Riker, James Evacuation Day, 1783, New York: 1883. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, Willam H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Head, David A Crisis of Peace: George Washington, the Newburgh Conspiracy, and the Fate of the American Revolution, Pegasus Books, 2019. 

Reynolds, Paul R. Guy Carleton: A Biography, William Morrow & Co. 1980.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.