Showing posts with label Rhode Island. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Rhode Island. Show all posts

Sunday, May 18, 2025

ARP353 Ratification in New England

Last week we covered the first four state ratifications of the Constitution.  Delaware, New Jersey, and Georgia, all relatively small states, ratified quickly and unanimously.  Pennsylvania also ratified, but only after anti-federalists objected to how quickly the federalists pushed it through.  Stronger headwinds began to blow as the opposition got more organized and the more skeptical states began to consider this document.

By the end of 1787, just over three months after its release, more than 200 printers had reproduced copies of the Constitution across the continent.  Essays and editorials, both for and against ratification, pushed their way into the public debate as well.

Federal Pillars adding Massachusetts
There were a host of reasons that opponents raised, about both the process and the principles.  The lack of a bill of rights became a major sticking point for many.  But the more general philosophical objection was that this new Constitution was an attempt by powerful and wealthy interests to consolidate power.  It was an attempt to deny the states the freedoms they had won in the Revolutionary War. Some argued that this new powerful federal government would be more arbitrary and despotic than even British rule had been.

At the same time the federalists, that is supporters of ratification, saw this as a fight between good government and anarchy.  The union under the articles was falling apart.  States were violating the rights of their own people and were moving closer to war with one another.  If left unchecked, it would result in secession, civil war, and, perhaps, many states returning to British rule to avoid the threats of their neighbor states.

Even if this proposed constitution was imperfect, it represented the last best hope to save the union.  They saw the opposition as men driven by selfish interests, wanting to hold onto their power at the state level and at the expense of risking the end of the union.  They compared the antifederalists to the loyalists for their desire to destroy the United States, or as Shaysites for supporting civil unrest and mob rule over good government.  With this ideological conflict raging the ratification efforts continued.

Connecticut Ratification

The next state to consider ratification was Connecticut.  This was the first New England state to consider the new constitution.  

Connecticut had been caught up in the political battles in recent years between the merchant class and the farmers that raged through all of New England.  These were the same things that resulted in Shay Rebellion the year before, and the takeover of the Rhode Island government which was destroying the financial system in the state to assist indebted farmers.  Since Connecticut had many of these same divisions, one would expect that there would be divisions over a more powerful federal government that could have more control over taxes, trade, commerce and financial systems.

The leadership in Connecticut seemed all in favor of the new Constitution.  This was a document that would bring stability to a region threatened with anarchy.  While there was still a minority in the legislature that expressed some opposition, they were a minority.  

Connecticut newspapers all lent their strong support to the Constitution.  There were six state newspapers at the time.  All of them ran numerous essays in favor of the constitution, including several written by delegates Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth. Although the papers ran a few anti-federalist articles that were reprinted from out of state papers, they pretty much ignored any local opposition.

Local supporter David Humphreys, in a letter to George Washington just after the end of the convention, noted that the professional classes, clergy, lawyers, physicians, and merchants, seemed uniformly in favor of the new government, as were former Continental officers.

The Connecticut legislature voted in October, about a month after the convention in Philadelphia had ended, to hold elections for a ratifying convention.  That election took place on November 12, and the convention met beginning on January 3, 1788.

Many local towns debated the constitution at town meetings. Some of those who elected delegates to the convention sent them with instructions to vote no.

There was certainly disagreement at the ratifying convention, but the majority did not simply push through their vote.  Delegates agreed to go through the constitution section by section.  Roger Sherman, who had been a voice of moderation at the Philadelphia Convention, spoke up as one of the leading advocates at the ratifying convention.

The advocacy did have an impact.  There were a number of delegates who spoke against the Constitution during the debates but who ended up voting in favor of ratification.  At least one of these violated his instructions to vote no.

The final vote for ratification took place on January 9.  The vote of 128 to 40 was not unanimous as it has been in three of the four previous conventions, but it was a much larger margin than the vote in the other large state, Pennsylvania, that had already ratified.

Massachusetts Ratification

On the same date, January 9, that the final ratification vote in Connecticut took place, the Massachusetts ratification convention began.  Generally speaking, a majority in Massachusetts seemed to be in favor of a stronger federal government.  Shays’ Rebellion reinforced this view among government leaders in favor of greater federal power.  Even so, many state leaders seemed skeptical of the Constitution as proposed.

A month had passed between the end of the Convention in Philadelphia on September 17, 1787, and the assembly of the Massachusetts legislature on October 17.  Several days after the session began, Governor John Hancock presented it to the legislature.  When he did this, Hancock refused to endorse or object to the constitution but simply said that it was “not being within the duties of my office to decide upon this momentous affair.”

Privately, Hancock expressed concerns that the document was “subversive” of certain inalienable rights, although he did not get into specifics.  He also commended that it was “not sufficiently democratic” and too restrictive of state and local powers. My view is that Hancock was behaving like a politician, mostly waiting to see how public opinion turned on the matter before committing himself.  But he certainly wasn't leading in either direction on this issue.

Samuel Adams, at this time, was President of the State Senate.  He came out against the Constitution initially, seeing a powerful national government as a threat to Massachusetts sovereignty.  He thought the US was too large to be governed by a single government and that it could only work as a federal union of sovereign states.  This proposal went too far in giving too much power to the central government.

Even so, Adams was also cautious politically.  Although he did voice his concerns, he did not declare himself a full throated opponent of ratification.  He also seemed willing to reconsider his views on the topic, if public opinion swayed one way or another. 

Perhaps the loudest voice in opposition to ratification, was Elbridge Gerry.  He was one of the most active delegates at the Convention, and one of only three who were there on the last day to refuse to sign the document.

Gerry had gone to the Philadelphia Convention in favor of a more powerful central government.  But as the Constitution developed in Philadelphia, Gerry’s opposition grew.  By August, he had become an opponent.  The proposed Constitution was too powerful, and endangered the "liberties of the people and the independence of the states."  He feared this new government would eventually morph into an aristocracy or a monarchy.

Nathan Dane, who had spoken against the Constitution at the Confederation Congress in New York, also became an outspoken opponent of ratification in Massachusetts. Speaker of the House James Warren also opposed ratification, writing several pamphlets in opposition. His wife, Mercy Otis Warren, also wrote a pamphlet against ratification.  So the top leadership elected in the state, stood somewhere between tepidly opposed to the Constitution and very opposed to the Constitution.  The leadership was not strongly in favor, as we've seen in previous states, where ratification had already been considered.

Support for ratification fell to two of the convention delegates, Rufus King and Nathaniel Gorham. Both of them led the campaign in favor.  King regularly corresponded with James Madison to keep him informed of progress.  Gorham did not participate much in the debates because he had been Chairman of the Committee of the Whole during the Philadelphia Convention.  But he strongly supported ratification in Massachusetts.

Another person you might think might have an interest in this was John Adams.  But he was still serving in London and could not really participate in the debate.  Elbridge Gerry sent Adams a copy of the proposed document.  Adams expressed some concerns, but ultimately favored ratification.  Even so, his absence from the country meant that he could not have a meaningful voice in the debate.

Because there was not unified support among the state leaders, there was much greater doubt about the outcome in Massachusetts. There was no unified group of opinion leaders to push popular sentiment in favor of ratification.

In previous episodes, we've discussed the political divide that existed in Massachusetts at this time, between the farmers, primarily in the western part of the state and the merchants in the eastern part.  When it came to ratification, the farmers opposed it.  The merchants supported it.

Gerry kicked off the opposition debate by sending a letter to the legislature explaining the objections that caused him to refuse to sign the Constitution.  A short time later, this was printed in local newspapers.

Massachusetts had twelve newspapers at the time, all of which printed the proposed constitution.  Several began printing articles from the Pennsylvania Ratification Debate.  Opinions by James Wilson and Benjamin Franklin were republished.  Articles from other out of state debates also found their way into the papers.  The majority favored the Constitution, but some were in opposition. There were actually very few articles written in Massachusetts in the early weeks of the debate.

After formally receiving the proposed Constitution on October 18, the Massachusetts legislature did what all legislatures like to do.  It formed a committee to study the matter. The committee reported back a day later with recommendations to call a convention, that voters should choose the delegates to the convention, and that the number of delegates would be the same for each town district that they had for representatives in the state legislature.  In other words, representation would be based on population, rather than a fixed number from each county, as earlier states had done.  Initially, the convention was set to begin on December 12.   There was also some argument over whether the towns would have to pay the expenses of their delegates.  One suggestion was to just hold votes in town meetings and not have a state-wide convention.  This was shot down, and the legislature eventually agreed to cover the costs of the delegates.  

There were also those in the legislature who argued against a convention entirely. They gave the same arguments that we heard in other states, that the Philadelphia Convention had exceeded its authority by creating a new government, and that these changes violated the requirement that all amendments to the articles be unanimous.

The majority in the legislature, however, thought that all of this was a matter for the convention. They set the election of delegates beginning on November 19, the convention to begin on January 9.  

More than 300 Massachusetts towns held elections for delegates.  Some did not get around to selection until January 7, just two days before the ratifying convention began.  There were probably close to 400 delegates who attended.

The ratifying convention first met in the State House, but the size of the convention, along with large numbers of people who wished to observe the convention, resulted in officials moving to a larger church on Brattle Street, and then an even larger one on Long Lane (today, Federal Street).

As had happened in Pennsylvania, the pro-ratification delegates hoped for a quick vote of approval without amendments. However, it became apparent that a majority of delegates were inclined to vote no.  A great many of them had been sent with instructions by their towns to vote no.  

 The Massachusetts tradition of citizen debate and involvement in such issues resulted in an extended debate.  Delegates agreed to go through the document, looking at each paragraph and letting everyone express their views.  Rather than wrapping up the convention in a week, which had been the case in earlier states, the Massachusetts convention debated for a month.

Over the course of debates, several delegates who had initially been hesitant to support ratification, did in fact change their minds.  Samuel Adams muted his initial objections, especially after a group of tradesmen in Boston voted in favor of ratification, and warned that anyone who opposed it was working against their interests. These men were convinced that the Constitution would improve trade and would therefore improve Boston’s economy and create more jobs.  Adams, who relied on these men as the part of the core of his political power, saw could reason not to oppose them.  Similarly, former governor James Bowdoin held a dinner shortly before the convention, where all the other Boston delegates expressed support.  The merchant community also favored ratification.  The result was that Adams moved from being opposed to “listening” at the convention, and eventually supported ratification.

Although John Hancock had been chosen as president of the ratifying convention, he did not show up for the first three weeks, claiming that his gout was acting up. Many at the time saw this more as a matter of not wanting to commit to either side.  Rufus King suggested that his health would improve “as soon as a majority shows itself on either side of the convention”

Federalists met with the governor in his sick bed, trying to get him to back ratification.  They offered him support for his reelection.  They also tried to appeal to his ego, suggesting he might become the first president of the United States if Virginia failed to ratify. Hancock finally went to the convention on January 30, and offered his first comments the following day.  

Up until that time, the convention seemed pretty evenly split.  Opponents objected to all sorts of things, including the absence of a bill of rights, the lengthy terms of Senators and Representatives, the system for electing the president, too powerful a judiciary, the power to impose direct taxes, etc.   There were also objections to continuing the slave trade and giving southerners voting power based on their slaves. Some objected to the lack of a religious oath for office holders.

The strongest opposition came from the farmers of western Massachusetts, still reeling from Shays’ rebellion and the policies that led to it.  They feared that federal restrictions on paper money and debtor relief were going to destroy them.  Given the divisions in the state, I’d guess that most western farmers would have objected for no other reason that the eastern merchants supported it.  They were so divided, and saw their interests as so divergent, that it was difficult to agree on anything.

Hancock recommended that the convention ratify the Constitution.  To placate the opponents, he recommended a specific list of amendments.  While they needed to ratify the Constitution unconditionally to keep the process moving, these amendments would be addressed by the new government.  Samuel Adams seconded Hancock’s proposal.  The amendments went to a committee, which made some minor alterations.

In the end, the convention settled on nine suggestions.  The first was that all powers not explicitly granted to the federal government be retained by the states.  In other words, this was going to be a limited government, not one with all the implied powers of a sovereign.  Second, that there be one representative for every 30,000 people.  Massachusetts believed that representation had to be kept to a very small number of people in order to remain democratic.  Third, that Congress not set a date for elections unless a state refuses to hold free elections on its own.  Massachusetts wanted to set its own dates for its elections. Fourth, that Congress not levy direct taxes on the people, but rather only on the states.  Fifth, that Congress not give any merchants exclusive advantages of commerce (i.e. monopolies). Sixth, that grand juries be guaranteed for indictments. Seventh, that federal courts not hear cases between citizens of different states unless the matter exceeds $1500.  Eighth, that civil trials be tried by jury, and ninth, that no person holding a federal office accept a title or office from a foreign king or state.

With agreement on these changes, a week later, on February 6, the Convention held a vote on ratification, which would be transmitted back to the Confederation Congress with their suggested changes.  The final vote was 187 in favor of ratification to 168 opposed.

Massachusetts’ ratification was critical to the process, given the importance of that state.  But the close vote and the need to suggest amendments would provide ammunition for anti-federalists in future ratifying conventions.  These amendments circulated widely throughout the country and became a basis for more debate.

Rhode Island Referendum

A month after the Massachusetts ratification, the process suffered its first setback.  Rhode Island,seemed to be a hotbed of opposition.

At first glance, one would think Rhode Island would support the constitutions for reasons that other small states like Delaware, Georgia, and New Jersey had.  Rhode Island, however, was still dominated by a government pushing cheap paper money that benefitted the indebted farmers of the state.  The Constitution would put a stop to that.

The Rhode Island legislature did not meet until February 25, 1788.  When some delegates called for a ratifying convention, the legislature voted it down 43-15.  Instead, legislators argued that such an important change be sent directly to the voters as a referendum, to be decided at town meetings.  On March 24, voters rejected the constitution by a vote of 2714 to 238.  More than 90% of those voting opposed it. Part of the lopsided vote was due to the fact that two larger towns, Providence and Newport, refused to participate.  They wanted a convention.  Another vote by the legislature for a convention failed.

The state held its annual elections in April, where the merchant party hoped to regain power and support the Constitution.  Instead, the country party, which opposed ratification won in another landslide.  Even later that year, after it was clear that the Constitution was going into effect, the legislature decisively voted down another attempt to hold a convention.

The people of Rhode Island decided that, even if the United States was forming under a new constitution, they were not going to be a part of it.

Next week, the ratification fight continues over the summer of 1788.

- - -

Next Episode 354 Ratification Spring 

Previous Episode 352 First States to Ratify

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Further Reading

Websites

James Wilson’s Speech, Philadelphia, October 6, 1787 https://archive.csac.history.wisc.edu/17_James_Wilson_Speech_in_the_State_House_Yard.pdf

Letter by Elbridge Gerry to the Massachusetts State Legislature, Oct. 18, 1787: https://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=3&psid=4519

Day-by-Day Summary of the Massachusetts Ratifying Convention https://teachingamericanhistory.org/resource/massachusettstimeline

Massachusetts Ratification (with recommended changes) https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/ratma.asp

BROWN, RICHARD D. “Shays’s Rebellion and the Ratification of the Federal Constitution in Massachusetts.” Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and American National Identity, edited by RICHARD BEEMAN et al., University of North Carolina Press, 1987, pp. 113–27. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5149/9780807839324_beeman.8

Morrow, Terence S. “Representation and Political Deliberation in the Massachusetts Constitutional Ratification Debate.” Rhetoric and Public Affairs, vol. 3, no. 4, 2000, pp. 529–53. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41939630


Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

This Constitution: From Ratification to the Bill of Rights, Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, Inc. 1988 (borrow only). 

Brant, Irving James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1950 (borrow only). 

Donovan, Frank R. Mr. Madison’s Constitution: The Story Behind the Constitutional Convention, New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. 1965 (borrow only) 

Ford, Paul L. Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States, Brooklyn, NY: 1888. 

Harding, Samuel B. The contest over the ratification of the Federal Constitution in the state of Massachusetts, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1896. 

Jensen, Merrill (ed) Ratification of the Constitution by the States: Massachusetts, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1997 (Univ. Wisconsin website). 

Jensen, Merrill (ed) Ratification of the Constitution by the States: Delaware, New Jersey, Georgia, Connecticut, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1978 (Univ. Wisconsin website). 

Mason, Alpheus T. The States Rights Debate: Antifederalism and the Constitution, Oxford Univ. Press, 1972. 

McCormick, Richard P. Experiment in independence: New Jersey in the Critical Period, 1781-1789, Rutgers Univ. Press, 1950 (borrow only) 


Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bailyn, Bernard (ed) The Debate on the Constitution : Federalist and Antifederalist Speeches, Articles, and Letters During the Struggle Over Ratification, Part One, Library of America, 1984 (borrow on archive.org). 

Bradford, M.E. Original Intentions: on the Making and Ratification of the United States Constitution, Univ. of GA Press, 1993 (borrow on archive.org). 

Conley, Patrick T & John P. Kaminski The Constitution and the States: The Role of the Original Thirteen in the Framing and Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Madison House, 1988 (borrow on archive.org).

Faber, Michael J. An Anti-Federalist Constitution: The Development of Dissent in the Ratification Debates, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2019. 

Morris, Richard B. Witnesses at the Creation: Hamilton, Madison, Jay and the Constitution, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1985. 

O’Connor, Thomas H. This Momentous Affair: Massachusetts and the Ratification of the Constitution of the United States, Trustees of the Public Library of the City of Boston, 1987 (borrow on archive.org). 

Smith, Craig R To Form a More Perfect Union: The Ratification of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, 1787-1791, University Press of America, 1993 (borrow on archive.org

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, January 24, 2021

ARP185 Mount Hope Bay Raids


For the past few weeks, I’ve been focusing on Philadelphia where the British occupation has been winding down.  As the British prepared for the 1778 spring fighting season, they conducted a number of raids around Philadelphia.  This week, I want to explore a few other small raids in New England, which took place around the same time.  

This will also give me an opportunity to cover the British occupation of Newport, RI.  The British Army held Newport for nearly three years.

You may recall from back in Episode 119, that the British landed an army at Newport, Rhode Island for the purpose of setting up a saltwater port for the fleet.  General Henry Clinton captured Aquidneck Island, where Newport is located, and did little else before leaving for London.  His second in command, Lord Percy, also only stuck around a short time after that before he also left for London.

That left Major General Richard Prescott in command.  You may recall from Episode 147 that the local patriots kidnapped General Prescott from his home on the island and later traded him for Continental Major General Charles Lee.  By the spring of 1778, Prescott had been exchanged and had returned to Newport.  However, the more senior Major General Robert Pigot who had been sent to take command after Prescott’s kidnapping, remained in command of the British army at Newport.

Robert Pigot

General Robert Pigot has been a big part of the war since the beginning.  However, I don’t think I’ve mentioned much about his background.  Pigot’s family history is a bit unusual for a top British officer.  His family was French. Robert’s grandfather migrated to England, likely to escape the increasing persecution of the Protestant Huguenots in Catholic France.

France had tolerated Protestant for several decades when King Henry IV issued the Edict of Nantes in the late 1500s.  Henry IV had been a Protestant himself, but converted to Catholicism for the purely political reason of securing the crown of France.  He famously said “Paris is worth a mass.

After Henry’s death, France, under Henry’s son Louis XIII, grew increasingly hostile towards its Protestant population.  Internal Huguenot rebellions led to inevitable crackdowns and many fleeing the country. Henry’s grandson, Louis XIV, eventually revoked the edict entirely in 1685, forcing French Protestants pretty much to either convert to Catholicism or leave the country. Most chose the latter. For them, Paris was not worth a mass.

Sir Robert Pigot
So at some point in the 1600’s Pigot’s grandfather moved the family to England, settling in Shropshire on the Welsh border.  Pigot’s father, Richard Pigot, moved to London and settled in Westminster.

Although he was without title, Richard Pigot was rather wealthy and well-connected.  His wife became a lady’s maid to Queen Caroline, wife of George II.  The couple had three sons and a daughter.  Robert was the second son, meaning he was not in line to inherit the family wealth.  So, as was common practice at the time. Dad bought Robert a commission in the army.  

Robert Pigot served in the War of Austrian Succession.  It is not clear what he did during the Seven Years War.  However, he was a captain when it started.  By the time that war was over, he had risen to lieutenant colonel.  During this same time, Pigot won election to Parliament.  Men from good families often went to Parliament to help with their advancement in the army.  Pigot was not known for taking any controversial positions or even speaking much on the Commons floor.  He seemed to use his position to ingratiate himself with the crown and the ministry.

Robert’s older brother George Pigot had gone to work for the East India Company as a young man and by the 1750s had served as the Governor and Commander in Chief of Madras.  George returned to England where he purchased a large estate for £100,000, which was a considerable fortune at the time.  Consider that the King ran the entire government at the time for £800,000 annually.  George also obtained a Baronetcy, which greatly improved the family’s standing in British society.  After Robert served for a few years in Parliament, he received a commission as Warden of the Mint.  This was one of those honorary jobs that did not require much work, but paid well.  It was a reward from the king given to politically loyal officials

When things started to heat up in America, Robert received a promotion to brigadier general and shipped out to Boston in 1774.  He remained in Boston during Lexington and Concord, but commanded a division at Bunker Hill.  He was one of the few officers to survive that battle unscathed, despite being recognized for conspicuous bravery during the assaults on the American position. 

Pigot moved with the army, first to Halifax, then to the invasion of New York.  He commanded General Howe’s second brigade at the Battle of Long Island in 1776.  After that, he remained in New York until after the Americans kidnapped Major General Prescott.  

The year 1777 was a notable one for Pigot.  His older brother George died.  Although George had several children, they were illegitimate.  As a result, Robert and his brother Hugh, who was a naval officer, and their sister, inherited the family fortune.  As Robert was the next oldest, he also inherited George’s baronetcy.  That same year, he took command of the Rhode Island occupation at Newport after General Prescott’s kidnapping, and also received promotion to major general.

A question for me was how Pigot retained command at Rhode Island after the return of Major General Prescott.  Remember, Prescott had been kidnapped to be exchanged for Major General Charles Lee.  If Pigot just got promoted to major general, how did he outrank Prescot?  Well, it turns out that Prescott was not a real major general at the time of his kidnapping.  He was a “major general in America.”  He got his full promotion to major general right after Pigot, so Pigot was the more senior.

The size of the British Army in Newport is not well recorded.  Sir Henry Clinton had initially captured Newport with an army of six or seven thousand British and Hessian soldiers.  But almost immediately afterward, General Howe began transferring much of the army back to his command in New York.  That was one of the reasons that Clinton and Lord Percy abandoned the command in early 1777.  My best guess is that by early 1778, the occupation army had dwindled to between two and three thousand soldiers.

For this reason, the British did not attempt to occupy more of Rhode Island beyond Aquidneck Island, where Newport is located.  The water created a natural defensive barrier for the British and was an impediment to taking and holding more territory on the mainland.

American Commanders

Other than the kidnapping in the summer of 1777, the British occupation at Newport had remained  relatively quiet.  The British held Aquidneck Island.  The British Navy had spent the prior two winters there, keeping the bulk of the Continental Navy bottled up and using Newport as a base for ship repairs and for other naval missions.  The naval presence also discouraged any large-scale patriot assaults on the island.  For the most part, the British remained on Aquidneck Island and the waters around it, while the patriots kept a watch on them from the mainland.

Gen. Joseph Spencer
Command of the Continental forces around Aquidneck came under the command of Major General Joseph Spencer.  I haven’t said much about General Spencer.  He had been a colonial militia officer for many years, with combat experience during the French and Indian War, as well as earlier conflicts.  He was also an outspoken patriot in the years leading up to the Revolution and an active member of the colonial government.  Remember, Connecticut as a colony had an elected governor, so from early on, Connecticut officials were all on board with the patriot cause.  

By the time war broke out, the sixty year old Spencer was a general in the Connecticut militia.  He led a group of militia to the Siege of Boston, days after Lexington and Concord.  When the Continental Congress took control of the army in July 1775, they made Israel Putnam the major general from Connecticut and granted Spencer a commission as brigadier.  Spencer had been Putnam’s superior in the Connecticut army, so Spencer was understandably miffed at this reversal.  He ended up returning to Connecticut without even speaking to the new commander, George Washington. 

Eventually, his friends convinced him to return and accept his position as a brigadier in the new Continental Army. He rode back to Boston, and served for the remainder of the siege, then moving with the rest of the army to New York in the summer of 1776.  In August of that year, Congress promoted him, along with three others, to major general.  Despite this promotion, Washington never seemed to rely on General Spencer for anything important.  He did not trust him with an independent command or even a critical leadership role, during the New York campaign.

At the end of the year, Spencer did finally get an independent command in Providence.  After the British captured Newport, Spencer had the responsibility of contesting their control of Rhode Island.  General Spencer did almost nothing for nearly a year.  He did not have many Continentals under his command, but could have made use of the New England militia to do something.  

After nearly a year of occupation, in September of 1777, Spencer planned an amphibious assault on Aquidneck Island.  The soldiers had boarded their boats and prepared to cross over to the island, when at the last minute, Spencer called off the assault.  Spencer believed that the British had found out about the surprise attack and were prepared to challenge the amphibious assault on the beaches.  Spencer decided this made the attack an unacceptable risk.  He called off the attack and stood down the army.  

The Continental Congress found this last minute cancelation to be unacceptable and censured the general.  Spencer called for a court of inquiry and was eventually exonerated.  But the general, now in his sixties, had had enough of all this, and resigned his commission over the incident.

Gen. John Sullivan
Over the winter of 1777-78 Washington was at Valley Forge and fighting for his own position during the Conway Cabal.  Spencer’s fight with Congress took place during this same time. Washington, with the consent of Congress, sent General John Sullivan to command the Continental troops in Rhode Island while Spencer tried to clear his name in York.  His loss of command may have been why Spencer submitted his resignation that spring.. 

Sullivan, the new commander, had his own issues.  Congress was still unhappy with Sullivan’s performance at the battle of Brandywine.  Sullivan had just survived his own court martial over that and other issues.  Washington, however, still had confidence in Sullivan and recommended this independent command in a less critical theater to see what Sullivan could do.

The new commander had the same lack of manpower that the old one had.  Sullivan took command in the spring of 1778 and was still getting a feel for the situation.  One positive note for the patriots was that the bulk  of the British Navy around Aquidneck Island left in March, headed for Philadelphia.  That left the British camp around Newport more vulnerable to attack.

At the beginning of May, Sullivan reported to Washington that the British had about 3600 soldiers on Aquidneck Island.  This is almost certainly an over estimate, perhaps almost double the actual amount.  But based on Sullivan’s estimate, he did not think he had the manpower necessary to take any offensive actions against Aquidneck Island.  

Sullivan nevertheless began amassing supplies nearby so that he would be prepared for an opportunity to attack Newport if one arose.  The Continentals stored a fleet of small boats, as well as ammunition and other supplies in and around Warren, Rhode Island, about ten miles north of Aquidneck Island.

Raid on Warren & Bristol

The British commander, General Pigot, received intelligence about the American stockpiles from local loyalist spies.  He ordered a raid to destroy whatever the Americans were planning.

On the night of May 24, 1778, a detachment of five hundred British and Hessian soldiers under the command of Lieutenant Colonel James Campbell climbed into a fleet of whaleboats.  The soldiers rowed several miles north, through the water, to the mainland, during the night.  By the next morning, the force was ashore and ready to march.  

Church in Warren, burned.

Campbell divided the soldiers into groups.  One group marched along the bank of the Kickemuit River on a search and destroy mission.  The soldiers found a small fleet of 70 boats stored by the Continentals, burning or otherwise destroying most of them.  They also found a larger sloop, which they tried to destroy but which was later repaired and recovered.  The soldiers located and destroyed other stored military supplies, as well as a corn mill.  

The other detachment moved overland, directly to the town of Warren, expecting to find local resistance from the militia.  The Rhode Island militia under the command of Colonel Archibald Clary had about 300 soldiers assembled to challenge the raiding party.  Since the British had divided their force, the Americans may have slightly outnumbered the British. Colonel Clary, however, listened to rumors that the force was much larger.  His soldiers retreated from town before the British even arrived.

Unopposed, the British set fire to the town’s powder magazine.  The powder explosion destroyed six nearby houses, as well as the town’s meeting house.  The British also found and destroyed five field cannons abandoned by the local militia.  Having completed their work, the force turned around and marched back to the south toward Bristol, joining up with the other half of the raiding party.  Around this same time, a British naval vessel also managed to surprise an American row galley, the Spitfire.  The British captured the vessel, along with the crew of about 16 men, and took it back to Aquidneck Island.  

Further to the north, in Providence, Continental Colonel William Barton got word of the British raid.  This was the same Colonel Barton who led the raid a year earlier to kidnap British General Richard Prescott.  Following that successful raid, the Continental Congress had commissioned Barton as a colonel in the Continental Army, but gave him no specific command.  Barton assembled about two hundred local militia.  As they marched from Providence toward Warren, they encountered the other 300 retreating Connecticut militia under Colonel Clary, turned them around and marched the combined force of about 500 militia toward the British raiding party.  General Sullivan took more time to organize a larger force, but never reached the battle before the British departed.

William Barton 
(from Wikimedia)

The American advance under Colonels Barton and Clary caught up with the British, leading to light skirmishing.  The militia did not seem to be terribly aggressive in engaging with the British and the British were focused on pulling back to their ships before a larger group of Americans arrived.  Most of the fighting was from a distance, resulting in almost no casualties on either side.  Colonel Barton struggled to encourage the men forward, putting himself out in front of the advancing Americans.  The British shot and wounded Barton in the leg, which seemed to end any serious attempt to engage with the British any further.  Barton continued to try to rally the soldiers, even while wounded, but could not convince them to assault the British in any aggressive way.

When the British returned to Bristol, they went on a rampage, burning a church and 22 houses, and looting others. They also took 69 civilian prisoners.  They were able to board their whaleboats without interference.  General Pigot had deployed two larger ships with cannons to provide cover.  This kept the militia at a distance.  The raiding party reboarded their whaleboats and was back at Aquidneck island by the evening.

Raid on Freetown

Nearly a week later, the British deployed another raiding party.  On the night of May 30, Major Edmund Eyre, who had also been a part of the May 25 raid on Warren, took 100 soldiers across the bay again aboard two ships. This time, the raiders moved up the Taunton River just across the border into Massachusetts.  The group landed near Freetown, once again looking to destroy patriot resources.

In this case, the main target appeared to be a sawmill that was producing lumber for the patriots.  The raiding party destroyed the sawmill and about 15,000 feet of lumber.  They also burned a gristmill, at least one house, and nine boats that they happened to come across.

Joseph Durfee
Once again, the local militia was caught off guard. They managed to assemble about twenty-five men under the command of Captain Joseph Durfee, who had served in the Continental Army.  The militia confronted the British raiding party, but did not have the numbers to hold them.  The British chased the militia for a short ways.  The militia crossed a bridge and took a defensive position on the far side of the bridge, behind a stone wall.  The British attackers attempted to storm the bridge, but were unable to dislodge the militia from behind the stone wall.  The two sides, instead, fired at each other from across the river for about ninety minutes.  

With concern that more militia reinforcements might arrive, Major Eyer pulled back and began marching his British party back to their boats.  Along the way, they burned at least one more house and took a civilian hostage.  The American militia pursued them with harassing fire, but always keeping a distance.

The British jumped aboard their boats and rowed back out to the main ships, all the while taking fire from the shore.  During the initial British landing, one of the two British ships ran aground on a sandbar.  Sailors were still working to free it as the raiding party returned.  As the British struggled to free the ship, named the Pigot after their commander, the Americans managed to bring an artillery battery to the shore.  They opened fire on the Pigot and the ships assisting her.

The British, who had taken a few casualties ashore while skirmishing with the militia, took a few more killed and wounded from the shore battery.  Eventually, they managed to free the Pigot and sailed it back to Aquidneck, but not before it suffered serious damage.  The Americans did not report any casualties beyond the one elderly man taken hostage by the British. Several days later, the British freed him and he returned home.

Conclusion

Collectively the raids became known as the Mount Hope Bay Raids.  Colonel Barton’s battle injury proved severe enough to prevent him from returning to active duty with the Continental Army.  Even so, he used the raids as a rallying call to convince more militia to protect the coasts from further raids.  It does not appear that the militia heeded the call to turn out in great numbers.  They did, however, respond to payments to rebuild all of the boats that were destroyed and to cut more lumber to build them.  Warren also established a night coastal watch and built stronger coastal defenses. Over the next few months, the Americans rebuilt a fleet of small boats to prepare for another attempt to take back Aquidneck Island.

What really got the locals motivated was when the French fleet arrived a little over two months later.  That allowed General Sullivan to collect a militia army of over 10,000 men, ready to storm Aquidneck Island with the cooperation of the French.  That future action will have to be the topic of a future episode.

Next week: We return to Philadelphia, where the British Carlisle Peace Commission attempts to settle this rebellion one and for all.

- - -

Next Episode 186 Carlisle Peace Commission 



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Further Reading

Websites

“To George Washington from Major General John Sullivan, 1 May 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-15-02-0013.

Fort Barton - Tiveron, RI: https://rhodetour.org/items/show/52

Revolutionary War Raids & Skirmishes in 1778: https://www.myrevolutionarywar.com/battles/1778-skirmish

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Defense Technical Information Center Hearts and Minds: The Political and Military Effectiveness of the Rhode Island Militia in the American Revolution, 1992. 

History of the town of Freetown, Massachusetts, Fall River, Mass: Press of J.H. Franklin & Co., 1902.  

Almon, John The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events, Vol.7, London: by author, 1779 (pp. 23-26 contain letters from Gen. Pigot to Gen. Clinton describing the May raids). 

Baker, Virginia The History of Warren, Rhode Island, in the War of the Revolution, 1776-1783, Warren: [Self-Published] 1901 

Durfee, Joseph Reminiscences of Col. Joseph Durfee: Relating to the Early History of Fall River and of Revolutionary Scenes, 1834 (from Harvard Univ. Library). 

Field, Edward Revolutionary defences in Rhode Island; an historical account of the fortifications and beacons erected during the American revolution, with muster rolls of the companies stationed along the shores of Narragansett bay, Providence, R.I., Preston and Rounds, 1896.  

Munro, Wilfred H. The History of Bristol, R.I: The Story of the Mount Hope Lands, Providence: J. A. & R. A. Reid, 1880. 

Murray, Thomas H. Gen. John Sullivan and the Battle of Rhode Island: a Sketch of the Former and a Description of the Latter, Providence : The American-Irish Historical Society, 1902.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Crane, Elain F. A Dependent People: Newport, Rhode Island, in the Revolutionary Era, Fordham Univ. Press, 1985.

Dearden, Paul F The Rhode Island Campaign of 1778: Inauspicious Dawn of Alliance, Rhode Island Bicentennial Federation, 1980. 

McBurney, Christian M. Kidnapping the Enemy, The Special Operations to Capture General Charles Lee and Richard Prescott,  Westholme Publishing, 2014..

McBurney, Christian M.  The Rhode Island Campaign: The First French and American Operation in the Revolutionary War, Westholme Publishing, 

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan, 1952.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.