American Revolution Podcast: NYC History

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Sunday, September 8, 2019

Episode 113: Fall of Fort Washington

In last week’s episode, we saw General Washington pull the Continental Army out of White Plains New York and cross the Hudson River into New Jersey. British General William Howe pursued a policy of slow but deliberate overwhelming force. He never gave Washington an opportunity to strike at any extended vulnerability, but his glacial pace also met he never could capture the Continental Army or force any sort of determinative battle.

The Continental Army still had one outpost on Manhattan. That was Fort Washington. The Americans had built Fort Washington in order to prevent the Royal Navy from sailing up the Hudson. It sat along the river on the New York side, with Fort Lee (formerly Fort Constitution) on the New Jersey side. Any British ship passing up the river would be subject to an artillery assault from both sides.

The experience over the summer showed that the forts never accomplished their purpose. With a good tailwind, the British Navy could sail right past both forts, suffering only minor damage. Admiral Richard Howe regularly sent ships upriver for little purpose other than proving he could.

The Defenders

By November 1776, with all of the rest of the Continental forces out of Manhattan, Fort Washington sat as the last local bastion of defence on the island against the British Army. General Howe was ready to move into winter quarters, but not before he dealt with this last holdout. The Americans had spent a year and a half building up the defenses at Fort Washington. They had increased the size of the garrison to about 3000 defenders. The fort had plenty of cannon, soldiers, and food to withstand a siege of several months. In fact, the fort was far too small for all the men. Most were deployed outside the fort.

Battle of Fort Washington (from Wikimedia)

Washington had to worry about the main army that he was taking into New Jersey. He wanted to stay between the British and Philadelphia, figuring they might move on the seat of Congress if given the opportunity. He divided his force, giving a portion to General Charles Lee to take north, further upriver into the Hudson Valley. Lee’s forces would prevent any British attempt to move toward Albany and perhaps making a coordinated attack on Fort Ticonderoga in cooperation with General Carleton’s forces in Canada. Washington left General Nathanael Greene with a separate command of Forts Washington and Lee.

On November 8, Washington wrote a letter to Greene, saying that the fort was useless at keeping British ships from moving up and down the river, that it seemed in imminent danger of attack, and that it was probably not worth risking the men and supplies there. They should evacuate across the river to New Jersey. Washington, though, left the final decision up to Greene, who was on the scene and had a better idea what was going on.

Up until this time, General Greene had no actual battlefield experience. He had arrived in Cambridge for the Siege of Boston a few weeks after Lexington and Concord. He was back in Rhode Island during the battle of Bunker Hill. Washington ordered him to be ready for an invasion from the north of Boston during the Battle of Dorchester Heights, an invasion that never happened. When Greene move with the army to New York, he had been in command of the forces on Long Island, but became deathly sick a few weeks before the battle and had to sit that one out too. His rise to general seemed to be based primarily on the fact that Congress wanted someone from Rhode Island and that he had kept a fairly well disciplined camp at the Siege of Boston. He would prove his value as a general later. But at Fort Washington, Greene was not only his name, it also described his battlefield experience.

Greene ignored Washington’s advice to abandon the fort. Even though a British siege would probably prevail, Greene hoped to make the British pay for the real estate with their lives, perhaps another Bunker Hill. He expected that when things got too hot, his men could escape across the Hudson River to New Jersey.

Greene did not command Fort Washington personally. Greene set up his command across the river at Fort Lee in New Jersey. Instead, he left that honor to Colonel Robert Magaw of Pennsylvania. Magaw was an Irish immigrant who had worked as a lawyer in western Pennsylvania before the war began. He was an ardent patriot who supported the cause in Pennsylvania politics, part of the radical patriots of western Pennsylvania who were challenging the more conservative leaders in Philadelphia. He also became an Associator after Lexington and Concord.

Other than a few years of participation in a local militia, Magaw had no real military experience before marching up to Cambridge in 1775. He was part of Thompson’s Regiment of riflemen, among the first Pennsylvanians to join the New England Army at Cambridge, serving as a major. When he remained with the Continental Army at the end of 1775 as most of the army was going home, he received a promotion to colonel. After the army moved to New York Colonel Magraw commanded the 5th Pennsylvania Battalion and took direct command at Fort Washington, under the direction of General Greene.

Despite Washington’s misgivings, his officers at the scene thought the fort could withstand a lengthy siege. If it seemed their defenses would fail, they expected to be able to retreat across the Hudson to New Jersey. Green did not even think there would be a siege. He expected the British to go into winter quarters, tackling the fort the following spring.

British Surround the Fort

General Howe, however, had no plans to end the campaign just yet. It was already November. As expected, he did not want to maintain a siege over the winter. He was looking to wrap up the fighting season. Before ending the season though, he thought he could clear the last American rebels off of Manhattan. The bulk of the Continental army had already fled the area. Howe had almost all of the forces under his command available to take the fort.

Howe ordered the newly arrived Hessian General Wilhelm Knyphausen to take up a position just north of the fort with two columns comprising over 4000 Hessian soldiers. Wilhelm, baron von Knyphausen was the second in command of the Hessian force. He was an experienced officer who has served Frederick the Great in his Prussian Army.

British General Lord Percy, who had saved the British expedition to Concord, and who had most recently distinguished himself in the invasions on Long Island, had already taken a position to the south of the Fort with between four and five thousand British and Hessian soldiers. From there Percy, monitored the Americans during the weeks when the main British Army was gently nudging the Americans out of Harlem Heights and White Plains.

Battle Map, Fort Washington (from Wikimedia)

Admiral Richard Howe brought several ships of the line up river to fire on the fort from the west. The Admiral even came ashore to work with General Percy in the assault from the south.

General Howe took up a position with his main army directly to the east of the fort. He and General Lord Cornwallis and General Edward Mathew led over 4000 regulars, including 800 Highlanders of the Black Watch, in a direct assault from the east. In total, General Howe had about 13,000 British and Hessian soldiers ready to take the 3000 defenders. Not all of these soldiers would be engaged in battle. About 5000 ended up being held in reserve.

Howe had a pretty good idea of the fort’s defenses. A few weeks earlier, Magaw’s adjutant, William Demont deserted his post and entered the British lines. He brought with him sketches of the fort’s defenses, and intelligence about a garrison that was deeply divided. He noted that the fort had no internal water source, but had to carry water up from the river. There were also no barracks or protected ammunition bunkers in the fort. The outer defenses leading up to the fort were rather weak. There were miles of defenses around the fort that had far less soldiers than needed to defend them. Many weak spots in the line would allow the British to push back the defenders to the fort itself. From there, the British could bring up cannon to nearly point blank range. They could knock down the walls and also lob shells into the fort.

On November 10, Washington arrived on the scene from the New Jersey side. From there, he hoped to evaluate personally whether to abandon Fort Washington prior to any attack. Washington discussed the matter with his officers, but hesitated to make any final decision on the matter. By November 12, Howe had his force in place. His men then sat for several days, giving the Americans an opportunity to retreat at night across the river.

On November 15, British Lieutenant Colonel James Patterson approached the fort under a flag of truce. His message ordered the immediate surrender of the fort, and said that if such surrender did not happen in the next two hours, everyone in the fort would be put to the sword, no surrender. It was a bit of bluster that the Americans did not believe. They knew General Howe would never permit such a massacre. Magaw rejected the demand and sent Patterson back to his lines. He also sent word of the surrender demand back to General Greene.

Washington had left Fort Lee to find more comfortable quarters for himself at Hackensack. He still did not expect the British to launch an attack. At Fort Lee, Green received news of the surrender demand and forwarded the news to General Washington in Hackensack. He told Washington he left standing orders with Magaw to defend the fort until receiving further orders. Green then went across the river to Fort Washington, along with General Israel Putnam to discuss the situation with Magaw. As I said, like Greene, Magaw was not an experienced officer. He was confident that he could hold out against the British for at least a month and was in no mood to surrender or retreat.

That evening, after dark, Greene and Putnam returned back across the river. As they made their way, they encountered General Washington in a boat headed toward them in mid-river. Washington had received Greene’s message and rushed to get to Fort Washington himself. The generals conferred on their boats, mid-river. They told Washington that Magaw remained confident and prepared to defend the fort. Greene and Putnam had approved his defensive plan and convinced Washington that he should wait until morning before doing anything further. The three generals returned to New Jersey.

General Howe had given the Americans days to retreat. Delivering terms on the morning of the 15th turned out to be his final warning. He gave the Americans an opportunity to pull off another night escape that night. This time though, the Americans were going to stand and fight.

The Battle of Fort Washington

Near dawn on the morning of November 16, Hessian forces from the North began storming the outer trenches. At the same time, Percy’s forces, a mix of Hessian and British forces from the south began storming the outer trenches on the south side. Howe’s artillery bombarded the fort from the east. The speed of the attack seemed to surprise the Americans, who began retreating back into the fort.

Wm Von Knyphausen
(from Wikimedia)

Then, almost as suddenly as the attack began, it stopped. General Howe sent orders to both Knyphausen and Percy to halt their attacks and pull back. Howe’s main infantry under Generals Mathew and Cornwallis did not get across the Harlem River in time and was not ready.

Both Knyphausen and Percy’s attacking forces later grumbled that they had been succeeding before being ordered to stop and suffered far more casualties when they resumed the attack later that morning, after the Americans were ready for them.

When the attacks started that morning, General Washington, along with Generals Greene, Putnam, and Mercer crossed over the river and took a position of observation at a house on a hill a few miles from the fort. The British kept getting closer to their position until the generals urged Washington to leave or be captured. Greene even offered to stay behind and monitor things but insisted that Washington leave. Finally Washington agreed they all should leave. The group left only 15 minutes before the enemy took the hill. Had Washington been a bit slower or the British a bit faster, one squad might have captured almost all of the top leadership of the Continental army.

At around 11 AM the main British force under Cornwallis and Mathews finally got into position and the advance resumed on all fronts. Knyphausen’s Hessians to the north had a particularly difficult time trudging through swamps, then having to climb up a rocky cliff area where several soldiers fell to their deaths. All the while, they came under fire from American cannons and riflemen. One of the artillerists that day was John Corbin, who was killed in the British assault. The only reason I mention his name as one of hundreds of otherwise anonymous casualties of this battle is that his wife Margaret was with him on the field dressed as a man and assisting him with the cannon. When he died, Margaret Corbin took his position on the cannon and continued loading and firing. Soon, she also took a hit and had to leave the field, another rare example of women fighting in combat during this war.

Margaret Corbin in battle (from Rev War Journal)

After a couple of hours, the American riflemen had to retreat. Sustained fire had fouled their barrels. They could not continue to fire until they cleaned their weapons. So, they retreated back to the fort. Many other defenders acquitted themselves well. But the overwhelming number of attackers eventually forced the defenders to withdraw.

Inside the fort itself, Colonel Magaw’s overcrowded garrison was pinned down by a steady and massive artillery bombardment. He received a message from Washington urging him to hold out until dark. A short time later, Magaw learned that the Hessians had reached the fort walls and were demanding that he surrender or they would kill everyone in the fort. Magaw tried to delay, requesting four hours to respond but was given only 30 minutes. This time, Magaw saw that his defenses would not hold and agreed to surrender.

Few men were able to escape. A handful swam across the Hudson River, but most had to lay down their arms and surrender. By 4PM the battle was over and prisoners were being marched out of fort under guard. The victors re-branded Fort Washington as Fort Knyphausen. They would hold the fort for the next seven years.

Aftermath

The British recorded losses of 128 killed wounded or missing, while the Hessians lost 326. There is some evidence that Hessians killed some prisoners, particularly riflemen, after surrender, out of anger and frustration from their losses. The terms of surrender promised that the garrison would be permitted to keep their personal baggage. Yet, as the British and Hessians marched their prisoners out of the fort, they stripped them of all valuables, including even some clothing. Hessians literally cut the backpacks off of prisoners and they marched, and did not hesitate to kick and beat the prisoners. The victors shouted that they were traitors and should all be killed where they stood. Among the prisoners, the British found a few deserters who had joined the Continental Army. These former regulars were sentenced to death.

Some desperately searched to find George Washington among the prisoners, disappointed to learn that he and the other generals were safely across the river in New Jersey. Washington watched the surrender through a telescope, something that he later described as giving him great mortification.

The Americans suffered only 59 killed and 96 wounded. But the real loss was the capture of the fort and its garrison. The British took 230 officers and 2600 soldiers as prisoners. Most of these men would have been better off being killed in battle. Many wounded would die in the next days or weeks as they went untreated, were denied food and water, and kept in terrible conditions.

Even those who had survived the battle without injury faced horrific conditions. They would spend the next several years in warehouses or aboard prison ships in New York Harbor in the care of Joshua Loring. As you may recall, Loring was the husband of General Howe’s mistress. As a reward for his compliance and discretion, Howe gave him charge of prisoners of war. Loring made a small fortune embezzling money for the food and care of the prisoners, allowing most of them to starve to death or die from disease brought on by hunger or other horrific conditions. By one estimate more than two-thirds of the prisoners captured that day would die within the next 18 months.

Officers tended to do a little better. While some were treated roughly in the weeks after the capture, most were eventually allowed to live on parole either on Long Island or in New York City. They could arrange for their own quarters, on the promise that they would not try to escape or take up arms until exchanged. Colonel Magaw ended up living at the home of Rugert Van Brunt in Gravesend, Long Island. He would be held as a prisoner on parole for nearly four years. However, it ended up being not so bad for him. While a prisoner, he married Van Brunt’s daughter Marrieta. In late 1780, he was finally exchanged. The couple returned to Magraw’s home in Carlisle, PA. His neighbors hailed him as a returning hero and elected him to the Pennsylvania legislature.

The Fort itself, along with all of its cannon, ammunition, equipment, and food fell into British hands, leaving the Continental Army without those desperately needed goods. On the other hand, the Continental Army also had 3000 less mouths to feed. The fall of Fort Washington would be the greatest loss of soldiers for the Continental Army until near the end of the war.

The staggering loss caused Congress and many Americans, not to mention other officers, to question not only General Greene’s judgment, but also General Washington’s. His decision to divide his forces in the face of the enemy, and leave the garrison at Fort Washington to be a sitting duck led many to doubt his judgment. Washington was too indecisive. Perhaps it was time to consider a replacement.

Next week: The British cross the Hudson and take Fort Lee in New Jersey.

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Next Episode 114: Escape from Fort Lee

Previous Episode 112: Battle of White Plains

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Sunday, September 1, 2019

Episode 112: Battle of White Plains

When we last left General Washington, he was holding firm at Harlem Heights on Manhattan Island. Having created a series of defensive lines, he waited patiently for British General Howe’s frontal attack. Washington expected that in such an attack he would inflict large numbers of casualties on the British, even if he had to give up the field.

The problem for Washington was that, since Bunker Hill, General Howe was not stupid enough to attempt a frontal assault against an entrenched enemy. Washington had given Howe several opportunities for such an attack, but Howe refused to take the bait.

Hessian Soldiers (from Land of the Brave)

In holding this ground, Washington did not consider the danger to his army. Holding an entrenched area on Manhattan Island, meant that the British could easily sail north of Washington’s position, land a force and effectively surround the Continental Army. Fortunately for the Continentals, Howe ignored General Clinton’s advice to do just that: land a force to the north, capture King’s Bridge and cut off Washington’s army from any line of retreat.

Instead, after meeting resistance at Harlem Heights, on September 16, 1776, Howe did what he usually did: set up camp, entrench his troops in defensive lines and sit around for weeks doing nothing.

It appears that Howe was waiting to hear from Canada. He knew Generals Carleton and Burgoyne planned to invade Lake Champlain and make his way down toward Albany. From there, that 10,000 man northern army would be in Washington’s rear while Howe still sat in front of Washington’s lines. The Continentals would have no choice but to see the hopelessness of their cause. They would surrender and allow the Howe brothers to work out generous peace terms with the King, all without having a major battle that could kill thousands.

As we learned last week, however, the Canadian commander, General Carleton, could be just as conservative as Howe. After the battle of Valcour Island and destroying Arnold’s fleet on Lake Champlain, Carleton decided that late October was too late in the year to begin his invasion of New York. He pulled his forces back to Canada and waited for spring.

Landing at Throg’s Neck

With nothing happening to the north, Howe finally concluded that he needed to do something about Washington’s Army. He still rejected Clinton’s plans to land a large army behind the enemy and trap them. Instead, he permitted Clinton to perform another water landing a few miles up the East River at Throg’s Neck, often mistakenly called Frog’s Neck in many of the contemporary reports.

Throg’s Neck was a peninsula on the East River a few miles north of Kip’s Bay and just on the northern side of the Harlem River. It was not far north enough for the British to get around Washington’s rear and cut off his army from retreat. It was about due east of Washington’s headquarters at Harlem Heights. By marching west, the British would threaten Washington’s position, but still give him time to retreat further north.

British Transports on East River (from Wikimedia)

In the early morning hours of October 12, Clinton’s army of 4000 returned to Kip’s Bay and boarded a fleet of navy warships and transport vessels. The fleet got underway shortly after dawn moving up the East River toward Throg’s Neck. A heavy fog set in over the river, making the journey extremely dangerous. The fleet of 80 ships had to pass through an already dangerous part of the river known as Hell Gate, full of rocks and whirlpools that could damage a ship even in good weather. Admiral Richard Howe personally commanded the expedition and somehow guided the fleet to its destination. Only one small ship, carrying three cannon and a few men wrecked and sank. That the bulk of the fleet made it through the treacherous waters in such bad weather is a testament both to the skill of Admiral Howe’s navy and probably also to some good luck. British reports indicate they encountered “feeble resistance” upon landing. But there were probably not more than a few lookouts in the area.

The real problems for the British started after the landing. Throg’s Neck was an island at high tide. Even at low tide, the only way to cross from the neck onto the mainland was across a bridge. The Continental General Heath had removed the bridge planks days earlier, just in case the British decided to land there.

On the other side of the bridge, twenty-five Continental riflemen harassed the British and prevented them from attempting to cross and repair the bridge. The British advance force instead threw up a defensive barrier and returned fire. Another Continental guard blocked a marshy ford where the British might be able to pass. Thus, because of the landing point, less than 100 Americans could block the advance of Clinton’s 4000 man army. A member of the NY Provincial Congress noted later, “had [the British] pushed their imaginations to discover the worst place [to land] they could not have succeeded better than they have done.”

Rather than attempt to push through or return to the ships to move up river, the British did what they did best, sit and wait. They spent several more days camping on Throg’s Neck and awaiting further supplies. Meanwhile Washington deployed more reinforcements to prevent the British from getting off the neck. Over the next few days, about 1800 Americans moved into the area to contest any British advance.

Lee Returns

About the same time Washington was preparing to contest the British attack at Throg’s Neck, General Charles Lee returned from the South. Lee was probably at the height of his popularity following his victory at Fort Sullivan in South Carolina. As I discussed in an earlier episode, Colonel Moultrie defeated the British at Fort Sullivan only by ignoring Lee’s advice to retreat and give up the Fort before the British even attacked. Still, Lee was the commander on the scene and received the credit for the only clear American victory in a major battle against regulars so far.

Charles Lee
(from Wikimedia)

Washington assigned Lee to command the left flank of the Continental forces, which included the area along the East River that appeared to be where the British were launching their attack. Lee, an experienced British officer took one look at the map and essentially told Washington and his generals: Are you guys crazy? The only reason the British had not landed north of you and trapped your entire army yet is that they seem to be bigger idiots than you. We need to retreat across Kingsbridge right away. We need to move further north so that we don’t fall into a British trap.

The next day, in response to Lee’s advice, Washington held a council of war with his top generals. They agreed to abandon Harlem Heights and move across the Harlem River to White Plains. There, the mountains provided a natural defensive area. It also served as a Continental supply depot for materials shipped to the army from New England. Days later Colonel Joseph Reed credited Lee’s wakeup call for saving the army from certain destruction. On the other side, General Henry Clinton agreed that the precipitous retreat, combined with the British delay at Throg’s Neck saved the Continental Army.

Landing at Pelham Bay

After the Continentals began their retreat to White Plains, General Howe finally conceded what everyone else had realized for days: his landing at Throg’s Neck was a huge mistake. He ordered Clinton and his 4000 soldiers back into their 80 ships and moved further upriver.

The Continentals were on the move, but the lack of horses and wagons slowed that move. The British might still beat the Americans to White Plains and take control of the hills before the Americans could entrench themselves. The British chose to land at Pelham Bay, but before they left Throg’s Neck, several deserters slipped into the American lines and informed the Continentals of Howe’s new plans.

Pelham Bay (from Journal of Am. Rev.)

To oppose Howe, Lee deployed what amounted to about two regiments under the command of Colonel John Glover, the same mariner who had ferried Washington’s Army from Long Island to New York for the successful retreat from the battle of Brooklyn. Now he had a chance to prove himself on land. In the early morning hours of October 18, Glover saw Howe’s fleet landing at Pelham Bay. The British apparently began the landing before dawn and all 4000 were ashore before the Americans could engage them.

As Glover advanced his men to engage the enemy, he encountered an advance enemy company of about 30 soldiers. Glover deployed 40 men to engage the force while he deployed his defensive lines behind the fighting. Glover made use of the stone walls dividing farm pastures that fell at intervals along either side of the road leading inland.

The Continentals deployed behind the walls. As the British forced the American advance guard to retreat, they pushed forward expecting a rout. When the British hit the first stone wall, the Americans stood up and fired a volley at close range, forcing the British to stagger back. The two sides exchanged volleys as the British brought up their cannons. The Americans, greatly outnumbered, fell back in good order as the next line of Americans lay behind the next stone wall ready to repeat the process.

Eventually, the armies reached a creek which Glover had set as his final line of defense. He had pulled up the bridge crossing the creek and deployed his full force of over 700 men along the creek to prevent the enemy from crossing. Glover also had a few cannon to back up his infantry. The British failed to cross the creek but continued to exchange artillery fire until nightfall. Under the cover of darkness, Glover’s brigade slipped away and marched the three miles to join up with the main Continental force.

The battle at Pelham’s Bay led to few American casualties, eight killed and thirteen wounded. The number of British casualties is a matter of dispute. In his official report, Clinton reported only three dead and twenty wounded. But Clinton only reported British casualties, not the Hessian ones. The Hessians made up about 3000 of the 4000 man force that engaged in battle, and were involved in some of the heaviest fighting. Estimates range from 200 to 1000 dead and wounded among the Hessians. While I suspect the lower range of that estimate is closer to the truth, it was still a lopsided battle and a dearly bought victory for the British and Hessians. Outnumbered by about 5 to 1, the Americans never expected to hold the field. The battle provided the Continental army with a successful delaying action, keeping the British from attacking the main Continental column all day. This gave Washington the valuable time he needed to move the Continental Army out of danger.

White Plains

Rather than moving directly on Washington’s retreating column, the following day Howe ordered the army to move north to New Rochelle. There, the army waited another three days until 8000 Hessians who had just made the Atlantic crossing could come up from Staten Island to join the forces pursuing Washington. The Hessians came under the command of General Wilhelm Von Knyphausen.

Both sides continued to trudge north slowly. The Continentals were so slow because they lacked the horses and wagons to pull their artillery and baggage. The British and Hessians just seemed to move at a leisurely pace, stopping for a few days here and there in various towns along the way.

As Washington struggled to get his army over the Harlem River at King's Bridge, he sent Colonel Rufus Putnam to search out the British Army’s position. I’m not sure why he sent his Chief Engineer on such a mission, especially when he had officers who were much more familiar with the local area than the Colonel from Massachusetts. But Putnam set out on his own to find the enemy. He learned from local militia that Howe’s forces were only about nine miles down the road from White Plains. If General Howe had occupied the heights first and linked up with brother, Admiral Howe on the Hudson river, Washington’s army would have been cut off from any line of retreat. Putnam rushed back to Washington’s camp and got Washington to push forward on a night march to take White Plains first.

British Grenadiers (from Britanica)

General Howe, though, was still waiting for the Hessians. Putnam discovered the British position on October 19, but Howe did not begin to move until October 22. When the British did finally move, they marched another few miles up the road from New Rochelle to Mamaroneck and paused there for another four days. By the time the British and Hessians finally started moving again, the Continental Army had had almost a week to occupy and entrench its defenses at White Plains, making a direct assault inadvisable.

Washington had positioned the Continental lines between the Bronx river on his right, and a smaller creek and marshy area to the left, making a British flanking attack on his lines more difficult.

While the 14,000 British and Hessian force could have taken the Continentals, Howe feared another Bunker Hill level of casualties. Howe’s second in command, Clinton, who had been urging faster movement all along, also agreed that a direct assault at this point would be a mistake.

Instead, the Howe stopped again and waited for a better opportunity to engage the Continentals. General Clinton led the British contingent and Knyphausen led the Hessians. The combined force moved to occupy the high ground Chatterton Hill. It was across the Bronx River, but would give the British the high ground overlooking the Continental right flank. From there, the British could use artillery to drive the Americans from the field. On October 28, they attempted to occupy Chatterton Hill.

As soon as Washington learned the British were crossing the Bronx River, he realized Chatterton Hill was the obvious goal, and sent General Alexander McDougal, who you may recall from many episodes back had been one of the Sons of Liberty troublemakers in New York City, to support the few militia units already on the Hill. Other deployed officers included Major Benjamin Tallmadge, who will become more important in future episodes, and Captain Alexander Hamilton’s artillery. This force would try to deny the hill to the enemy.

Battle of White Plains (from Wordpress)

The Continentals first deployed a few companies as a delaying action to slow the British and Hessians from crossing the Bronx River and approaching the hill. This gave McDougal time to get his soldiers on Chatterton Hill. The Hessians led a few tentative assaults on the hill but were driven back each time. The British eventually decided they needed to launch an all out coordinated assault on the hill using 4000 troops.

They organized the attack with three prongs, Colonel Johann Rahl would lead a charge up the hill on the American right. Another Hessian, Colonel Carl Von Donop, led a second charge against the center, and British General Alexander Leslie would lead British regulars against the American left flank. Colonel Johan Rahl’s assault ended up scattering the militia on the American right flank. Rahl had newly arrived in America with the Hessian reinforcements. A few months later, he would find himself in charge of the Trenton outpost during Christmas.

After Rahl scattered the militia, he was able to push into the American Center on Chatterton Hill. The Americans did not panic this time. Colonel John Haslet’s Delaware Regiment, which had been one of the few to stand and fight at the battle of Long Island, stood and fought again on Chatterton Hill, providing covering fire for the rest of the Americans to retreat. Haslet’s regiment then maintained its own orderly retreat off the hill, giving way to the superior British and Hessian assaults while keeping their lines in good order.

John Haslet (from
Revolutionary War Journal)

The fighting on Chatterton Hill cost the British and Hessians about 200 casualties, while the Americans lost about 175. Since this was just part of the overall battle of White Plains, casualty estimates are not very precise, but basically it was close to a draw in terms of casualties. The British took the hill giving them the victory. They then entrenched themselves and prepared for a final assault on the main American lines.

But Howe still was not interested in an aggressive attack. After capturing Chatterton Hill, the two armies spent the rest of the day mostly lobbing artillery shells at each other without much impact. With British artillery now able to destroy the Continental right flank, the British could have launched a final assault and crushed the Continental line.

Instead, Howe did what he normally did, gave Washington a chance to realize that his position was untenable and that he should retreat from the field. Howe reinforced his position on Chatterton Hill, and maintained his lines directly facing the American main lines, but did not advance. The two armies faced each other for two more days as the Americans awaited the final assault that never came.

On October 30, General Lord Percy arrived from New York City with seven more regiments of Hessians. Even with additional forces, the British did not attack. According to Howe, he had planned to attack on the 31st, but did not do so because of a terrible rain storm. Washington finally decided that the Continental Army should retreat north. On November 1, before dawn, the Continentals began to pull out and march north. The continuing rain gave cover to the retreat. Howe did not bother to pursue or harass the retreating Continental Army.

At first, the Continentals moved about five miles north to North Castle Heights, where they would be in a better position to resist a British attack. But the British never bothered to pursue them. Howe remained in camp for several more days, finally abandoning White Plains and returning south. Washington, realizing he would not have to occupy the favorable ground for a battle, continued his retreat to the north. At Peekskill, he took his army across the Hudson River into New Jersey.

With Washington’s retreat, the only Continental occupation on Manhattan Island remained the stronghold at Fort Washington.

Next Week: General Howe will turn his attention to the capture of Fort Washington, making his control of Manhattan complete.

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Next Episode 113: Fall of Fort Washington (Available September 8, 2019).

Previous Episode 111: Retreat from Lake Champlain

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Ross, David "The Hessian Jagerkorps in New York and Pennsylvania, 1776-1777" Journal of the American Revolution, May 14, 2015 https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/05/the-hessian-jagerkorps-in-new-york-and-pennsylvania-1776-1777

Schenawolf, Harry "Battle of Mamaroneck, New York – 'A Pretty Affair' in the American Revolutionary War" Revolutionary War Journal March 5, 2013:
http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/battle-of-mamaroneck

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

The Detail and Conduct of the American War, under Generals Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, and Vice Admiral Lord Howe, (original reports and letters) The Royal Exchange, 1780.

Carrington, Henry Battles of the American Revolution, 1775-1781, A.S. Barnes & Co. 1876.

Babcock, James, Memoir of Captain Nathan Hale, Hale Memorial Assoc. 1844.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 5, Vol 3, Washington: St. Claire Clarke, 1837.

Johnston, Henry The Campaign of 1776 Around New York and Brooklyn, Long Island Historical Society, 1878.

Martin, Joseph Plumb The Adventures of a Revolutionary Soldier, 1830 (This is a copy of the original print, but in poor quality. You can borrow a better quality copy or listen to a free audio copy of the book) or see below in "books worth buying" section.

Reed, William Life and correspondence of Joseph Reed, military secretary of Washington, at Cambridge, Vol. 1, Lindsay and Blakiston, 1847.

Reed, Henry Sparks, Jared (ed) The Library of American Biography, Vol. 8: The Lives of Charles Lee and Joseph Reed, Little & Brown,1834.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Atkinson, Richard The British Are Coming: The War for America, Lexington to Princeton, 1775-1777, Henry Holt & Co. 2019

Daughan, George C. Revolution on the Hudson: New York City and the Hudson River Valley in the American War of Independence, New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2016.

Ellis, Joseph Revolutionary Summer: The Birth of American Independence, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

Martin, Joseph Plumb A Narrative of a Revolutionary Soldier, Signet Classics, 2010 (original 1830) (book recommendation of the week).

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Schecter, Barnet The Battle for New York, New York: Walker Publishing, 2002.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, August 11, 2019

Episode 109: Great Fire of New York & Nathan Hale

By mid September, 1776, the Continental Army held onto the Harlem Heights at the northern tip of Manhattan, and Fort Washington along the Hudson River. The British controlled the remainder of the island. General Lord Percy, who you may remember from his dramatic rescue of the British Army at Lexington, commanded a force posted just north of the city on the east side of the Island. General Lord Cornwallis, who had sailed to America only to fail miserably under General Henry Clinton at Fort Sullivan in South Carolina, still served under Clinton. After their success at the Battle of Long Island, commanding General William Howe posted them with the command of front lines, just south of Harlem Heights, but with strict instructions to stay put and not advance on the enemy.

Howe himself settled into a comfortable estate at Mount Pleasant, north of Kip’s Bay but still well back from the front lines. There, he wrote dispatches to Lord Germain and others in London about their successful capture of New York. Once again, following his victory, Howe would pause for several weeks, giving the enemy time to regroup and plan their next steps.

On September 19, General Howe issued another decree to the public urging the American people to return to their old allegiance to the King and bring the violence to an end. This proclamation got little attention since only a few loyalist newspapers in New York and New Jersey published it. Some Americans then under the direct occupation of the British army swore allegiance, but mostly because any patriots living in those areas had already fled. The Howes somehow seemed convinced that they could get the patriots to lay down their arms without a long and terrible bloodletting. But that was not going to be the case. The proclamation, much like others before it and after it went largely ignored.

This is not to say no one flocked to the Tory cause. With the greater New York City area now firmly under the British Army’s control, local Tory leaders began to recruit locals to join Tory militia units to assist the British in retaking the colonies for the King. Militia General Oliver De Lancey raised a brigade of about 1500 on Long Island. Major Robert Rogers raised a provincial corps of Tories known as Rogers Rangers, resurrecting a name he also used during the French and Indian War.

The Great Fire

While much quieter now though, some local New Yorkers remained loyal to the patriot cause and were willing to cause trouble for the occupying army. Just after midnight on September 21, 1776, alarm began to spread through New York that the city was on fire. There were no alarm bells since the Continentals had taken all bells before leaving the city. Word spread by shouts that much of the city was engulfed in flames.

The Great Fire of NYC 1776 (from Wikimedia)

Civilians and soldiers worked through the night to control the fire and extinguish the flames. They tore down several houses as fire breaks to keep the fire from spreading, and formed bucket brigades to bring water to the burning buildings. Actually, most of the military working on extinguishing the fire were marines from the navy. Some soldiers may have acted independently, but General Howe did not deploy any soldiers until the following day. Instead, Howe kept his soldiers on alert all night just in case the fire was an attempt to distract him as part of a daring night invasion. That, of course, never happened.

Some thought the arson attacks specifically targeted the Church of England. Much of the area burned was the area around Trinity Church, including the church itself. The area was mostly residences, as well as Holy Ground, where the prostitution and night life was most active. The commercial areas and dockyards mostly survived intact. Though many had already fled the city before the British Army arrived, the army’s arrival had created a major housing shortage. The loss of so many buildings left many families homeless, with nowhere to go.

Though no one seems certain how the fire started, rumors shot around, probably correctly, that it was the work of patriot saboteurs. The fire seems to have started in several places at once, and spread very rapidly, in part thanks to a strong wind blowing north. General Howe’s reports indicate that several arsonists were caught and killed on the spot, but gives little detail. Other accounts give gruesome stories of arsonists being pinned to walls with bayonets, hanged from lampposts. One report says that soldiers who caught an arsonist in the act picked him up and threw him in the burning building he had just set on fire, to be burned alive.

Some patriots accused the occupying army, mostly the Hessians, of starting the fire in order to cover their looting of the city. There were some accusations of soldiers looting burning buildings. But the notion that the British or Hessians started the fire seems to be propaganda with no factual basis.

Whatever the accuracy of any of these stories, it is clear that the British believed the fire was a deliberate act of sabotage to deny them use of the city. The fire ended up burning about one thousand buildings, about one-fourth of the city. Only a shift in winds prevented it from destroying much more.

Map showing area burned in red (from Wikimedia)

There is no evidence that Washington had anything to do with the fire. Congress had instructed him not to destroy the city and Washington was not the type of man to defy Congress, even when he thought privately that its decision was foolish. The majority in Congress seemed to think the patriots would retake the city and that it would be a waste to destroy it.

Washington wrote to Congress the following day to report the fire, which he described as an accident. Again, it would be highly out of character for Washington to lie in a report to Congress.

However, in private correspondence, Washington did make clear he was not sorry about the fire. He wrote to his cousin that if he had been allowed to use his own judgment, he would have burned the city to the ground before leaving it. He also commended “providence, or some good honest fellow, has done more for us than we were disposed to do for ourselves” with the fire.

Following the fire, the British increased vigilance to prevent any further cases of arson. Howe decided to keep the city under martial law rather than returning Governor William Tryon and Mayor David Mathews to power. Instead of returning the King’s peace to the city, it remained an armed camp under military control.

The British Army also went to great efforts to find the culprits responsible for setting the fire. They rounded up and questioned over 200 suspects. One reason to question the rumors of unnamed saboteurs being killed during the fire is that no one was caught in the act and arrested. If several people were captured, one would think not all of them would be killed and some would be arrested. The 200 suspects arrested in the following days all faced questioning and were eventually released. The British never even found enough evidence to bring anyone to trial.

Nathan Hale

One unlucky victim of the fire was Continental Army Captain Nathan Hale. A few weeks earlier, before the British invaded Manhattan, Washington had asked for volunteers to cross over to Long Island and gather intelligence on the enemy. Hale volunteered for the mission.

As a former schoolteacher from Connecticut, Hale decided his best cover would be to play a schoolteacher from Connecticut looking for work before the beginning of the school year somewhere on Long Island. He had to go back to Connecticut and take a boat across to the northeastern part of Long Island on September 12, about three days before the British landed at Kip’s Bay.

Nathan Hale hanged as a spy (from Today in Conn. History)

Hale made his way across Long Island down toward New York, paying attention to the enemy’s troop deployments and numbers. He took detailed notes and drew sketches to record what he found.

Sadly for Captain Hale, he had missed some critically important Spying 101 classes. He wrote down lots of notes, but did not bother to use any code or invisible ink, both in common use by other spies during this period. He did not have any local contacts or safe houses along the way, nor anyone local he could trust. He also had no way to get any information back to the American lines unless he returned with the information himself.

We don’t know exactly what information Hale discovered, because he never returned any reports to the Americans. He wandered across Long Island while the British crossed the East River at Kip’s Bay, captured the city and set up defenses against the Americans at Harlem Heights. Somehow, he made his way across the river into New York City. He was there on September 21 when the fire swept across the island. The morning after the fire, he made his way north towards the front lines.

As Hale waited on the coast, the British ship Halifax came ashore. Hale apparently approached the landing party, thinking they might be Americans. Aware of the fire and seeing Hale was nervous, the British crew arrested him, thinking he might be one of the arsonists. They found his notes and sketches in his clothing and took him to General Howe as a suspected spy.

Hale admitted to being a Continental officer. Since he was caught behind enemy lines and out of uniform, Howe could treat him as a spy rather than a prisoner of war. He could be hanged immediately and without trial. Although there does not appear to be any reason to believe Hale was involved in the New York fire, Howe was in no mood to offer clemency. Although not required, accused spies normally would at least receive a court martial. Having spent the whole night prior dealing with the fire and hunting for suspected arsonists, he ordered Hale hanged as a spy without trial.

Hanging of Nathan Hale (from Fine Art America)

Howe turned over Hale to the Provost Marshall, William Cunningham, a Tory who had fled Boston a year earlier and who had been the victim of patriot mob attacks in New York before the British arrived. Cunningham was in no mood to show any kindness or sympathy to any rebel who fell into his hands. He scheduled the hanging for the following morning. He also denied Hale his last requests of having a clergyman present, or access to a Bible.

The next morning, during a delay as they prepared the gallows. The Chief Engineer John Montresor took Hale into his tent and had a short conversation. He also provided Hale with paper and ink so that he could write two final letters: one to his brother and the other to his commanding officer.

Famous Last Words

Once the gallows were ready, guards led Hale to his execution. Montresor recorded Hale’s famous last words “I only regret that I have but one life to give for my country.” The phrase came from a popular play of the day: Cato by Joseph Addison. It was about a Roman politician who committed suicide rather than living under a tyrannical emperor.

Another officer McKenzie, also present at the execution noted that Hale showed bravery and commented that it was the duty of every soldier to obey the orders of his commander, but did not record Hale’s supposed famous last words. His failure to note them has led to some debate as to whether Hale actually uttered the phrase for which he is remembered.

On September 22, 1776 at around 11:00 AM, the British hanged Hale and buried his body. Montresor turned over the two letters he had written to the Provost, who promptly destroyed them. Later that evening, Montresor went over to the American lines as Harlem Heights under a flag of truce in order to discuss a prisoner exchange. While there, he revealed to the Americans that the British had hanged Hale as a spy that morning, and passed along his famous last words.

Word of Hale’s last words circulated among the army, but Washington did not choose to publicize the matter at the time. Washington may have been embarrassed at the great risk and lack of support to which he subjected Hale. He may have also been concerned about publicizing his use of spies at all. Washington was already preparing to send other spies, though with greater protection and training. Reports of Hale’s famous last words did not appear in newspapers until months later.

Ebenezer Leffingwell

The same day the British hanged Hale, the Continental Army prepared an execution of its own, Ebenezer Leffingwell. During the battle of Harlem Heights, Col. Joseph Reed encountered Leffingwell headed away from the front lines. Reed thought Leffingwell was deserting and confronted him.

Joseph Reed

I’ve mentioned Joseph Reed in passing a few times, but since he will be important in several future events, it might be worth a little more background now. Reed was a Philadelphia lawyer who had accompanied Washington from Philadelphia to Cambridge back in 1775 when Washington first took up command of the Army. Reed had not intended to follow Washington all the way, but got so swept up in the moment that he found himself in Cambridge with the Army. He provided some clerical assistance to the new commander but then insisted he needed to return home and resume his legal practice. Washington begged him to return and claimed he could not function well without him. Reed became Washington's first adjutant and remained close to the commander. Washington was always a very closed and private man, but did seem to open up to a very small number of trusted associates. Reed apparently became one of those trusted confidants during the early war. While we will see later that Reed would lose Washington’s confidence and trust, at this time the two remained very close. Reed carried Washington's confidence and authority.

Leffingwell’s Execution

So on September 16, Reed was on his horse, delivering orders for Washington during the battle when he encountered Leffingwell. According to Reed, Leffingwell was clearly afraid and running away from battle. Reed ordered Leffingwell to return to the front lines, but soon found him doubling back and running in the other direction. Reed rode after the soldier and confronted him again. At that time, Leffingwell pointed his gun at Reed and pulled the trigger. The gun either misfired or was not loaded. Reed attempted to shoot Leffingwell on the spot, but could not fire his gun either. He slashed at Leffingwell with his sword, injuring the soldier, but not seriously.

Joseph Reed (from Geni)

After that encounter, Reed had Leffingwell arrested on charges of desertion and mutiny. Leffingwell, however, told a very different story at trial. He said he was following the orders of his commanding officer on the front lines to go to the rear to get more ammunition. While on this mission, Colonel Reed confronted him and ordered him to return to the front lines. Leffingwell said he informed Reed that he was under orders to obtain more ammunition, but that Reed did not believe him. Reed drew his sword and threatened to kill him unless he immediately returned to the front lines. Fearing for his life, Leffingwell cocked his gun and pointed it at Reed.

On September 19, three days after the encounter, a court martial found Leffingwell guilty and sentenced him to be shot by firing squad. Washington, eager to enforce discipline against deserters, approved the sentence to be carried out on September 22. Much of the army, however, was greatly upset at this decision.

On the morning of the execution, a firing squad led Leffingwell in front of the assembled army, lined up and pointed their guns at the condemned prisoner. At the last minute, a chaplain announced a last minute reprieve from Washington, and Leffingwell’s life was spared.

Washington had hoped to make an example by shooting a deserter. Conventional wisdom of the time was that such examples helped keep the troops in line during battle. But it seems Washington wisely listened to the grumbling of his soldiers on this day. The army seemed deeply against this execution. Carrying it out might only have the effect of harming morale and increasing the number of desertions. Sparing Leffingwell, avoided this. There is also some evidence that Colonel Reed lobbied Washington to spare Leffingwell, though it is not clear if this was for humanitarian, or practical purposes.

Joseph Plumb Martin

I should also mention that much of what we know about this incident comes from Joseph Plumb Martin, a soldier who was fighting with the Continental Army during this time. Martin was a Connecticut soldier who joined the Continental Army during the call for volunteers just before the British invasion of New York. Martin joined the army as a private, eventually rising to sergeant and serving through the remainder of the war. He never became an officer. Though he appears to have fought honorably and remained in the army for almost the entire war, there is nothing in particular that stands out about Martin’s service that would not apply to thousands of other soldiers during the war.

Joseph Martin & Wife
(from Wikimedia)

What makes Martin noteworthy and of special interest to history is that after he survived the war, returned home, and grew into old age, Martin wrote an account of his participation in the war. In 1830, he published a book called A Narrative of Some of the Adventures, Dangers and Sufferings of a Revolutionary Soldier. The book provides a unique perspective into the life of an enlisted man during the war. While there exist many “common soldier” books from later wars, this is the only one from the Revolution that covers more than a short period.

The book never got much attention from historians until they rediscovered it in the late 20th Century. Because of its unique perspective, focusing on the lives of enlisted men rather than the generals, it has become an important source for anyone learning about the Revolution. If you are so inclined, I strongly recommend giving it a read.

Next week: While we wait for Howe to give Washington another nudge, we check back with Generals Carleton and Burgoyne as they finally make their move from Canada into Lake Champlain in their push toward Albany, NY.

- - -

Next Episode 110: Battle of Valcour Island

Previous Episode 108: The French Connection

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Further Reading

Websites

Ross, Tara This Day in History: New York City and the great fire of 1776, Sep. 20, 2016: http://www.taraross.com/2016/09/this-day-in-history-new-york-city-and-the-great-fire-of-1776

The Great Fire of 1776 in NYC: http://www.thehistorybox.com/ny_city/nycity_fire_1776_article1046.htm

Perilous Night: The Great Fire of 1776 - Bowery Boys Podcast (Oct. 2, 2015): http://www.boweryboyshistory.com/2015/10/perilous-night-the-great-fire-of-1776.html

Joseph Reed: http://www.revolutionary-war.net/joseph-reed.html

The Enigma Of General Howe, by Thomas Fleming, American Heritage, Vol. 15, Issue 2 (Feb. 1964): http://www.americanheritage.com/content/enigma-general-howe

Nathan Hale: Military Leader, Spy: https://www.biography.com/people/nathan-hale-9325477

Joseph Addison’s Cato: Liberty on the State, by Eric Sterner (JAR) (2016):
https://allthingsliberty.com/2016/11/joseph-addisons-cato-liberty-stage

George Washington Convenes a Firing Squad, by Joshua Shepherd (JAR) (2016): https://allthingsliberty.com/2016/02/george-washington-convenes-a-firing-squad

Proceedings of a General Court-Martial, Sept. 19 1776: Trial of Ensign Macumber and Ebenezer Leffingwell: http://amarch.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-amarch%3A100162

General Orders, 22 Sept. 1776, confirming Court Martial of Ebenezer Leffingwell: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-06-02-0285

Joseph Plumb Martin: http://www.history.com/topics/american-revolution/joseph-plumb-martin

Joseph Plumb Martin: Soldier-Author, by Robert Carver Brooks (JAR) 2015:
https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/09/joseph-plumb-martin-soldier-author

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

The Detail and Conduct of the American War, under Generals Gage, Howe, Burgoyne, and Vice Admiral Lord Howe, (original reports and letters) The Royal Exchange, 1780.

Carrington, Henry Battles of the American Revolution, 1775-1781, A.S. Barnes & Co. 1876.

Babcock, James, Memoir of Captain Nathan Hale, Hale Memorial Assoc. 1844.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 5, Vol 3, Washington: St. Claire Clarke, 1837.

Holloway, Charlotte Nathan Hale. The martyr-hero of the revolution, with a Hale genealogy and Hale's diary, Perkins Book Company, 1902.

Johnston, Henry The Campaign of 1776 Around New York and Brooklyn, Long Island Historical Society, 1878.

Johnston, Henry Phelps Nathan Hale, 1776; biography and memorials, New York: Privately Published, 1901.

Martin, Joseph Plumb The Adventures of a Revolutionary Soldier, 1830 (This is a copy of the original print, but in poor quality. You can borrow a better quality copy or listen to a free audio copy of the book).

Reed, William Life and correspondence of Joseph Reed, military secretary of Washington, at Cambridge, Vol. 1, Lindsay and Blakiston, 1847.

Root, Jean Christie Nathan Hale, New York: MacMillan Company, 1915.

Reed, Henry Sparks, Jared (ed) The Library of American Biography, Vol. 8: The Lives of Charles Lee and Joseph Reed, Little & Brown,1834.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Atkinson, Richard The British Are Coming: The War for America, Lexington to Princeton, 1775-1777, Henry Holt & Co. 2019 (book recommendation of the week).

Daughan, George C. Revolution on the Hudson: New York City and the Hudson River Valley in the American War of Independence, New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2016.

Ellis, Joseph Revolutionary Summer: The Birth of American Independence, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

Gallagher, John J. Battle Of Brooklyn, 1776, Da Capo Press, 1995.

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Schecter, Barnet The Battle for New York, New York: Walker Publishing, 2002.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.