The discussion centers on the critical, yet often overlooked, period when George Washington’s Continental Army was encamped at Gulph Mills. This encampment lasted approximately six days, from December 12th to 19th, 1777, immediately preceding the march to Valley Forge. The author, Sheila Vance, decided to focus on this topic because she grew up in Gulph Mills and discovered historical information that confirmed the importance of the encampment, which she had never learned in school.
Context and Prelude to Gulph Mills
The Gulph Mills encampment occurred during a low point for the Continental Army, shortly after Washington lost the battles of Brandywine and Germantown during the Philadelphia Campaign.
The White Marsh Encampment and Challenges:
Before moving to Gulph Mills, Washington’s army spent six weeks at the White Marsh encampment, which was situated across the Schuylkill River from Gulph Mills.
During this time, Washington faced severe scrutiny over his leadership because General Horatio Gates had recently won a major victory at Saratoga. This political challenge was tied to the Conway Cabal, as politicians, including John Adams and Patrick Henry, considered replacing Washington. Thomas Conway, an anti-Washington officer, was appointed the first Inspector General of the Army, largely as a way to challenge the Commander-in-Chief.
General Howe attempted one last engagement at White Marsh before the British settled into winter quarters in Philadelphia. However, this Battle of White Marsh essentially did not happen in a "big way," involving only skirmishes before Howe retreated back to Philadelphia.
Washington had been alerted to Howe’s planned attack at White Marsh by Lydia Darragh, a woman in Philadelphia who overheard the British plans at her commandeered home and managed to relay the information, concealed in a needle case, to Washington’s key advisor, Elias Boudinot.
The Move to Gulph Mills (Matson’s Ford):
Determining that his army was too close to the enemy, Washington decided to cross the Schuylkill River to place that substantial river between his forces and the British in Philadelphia.
Washington initially intended for the army to cross at Matson's Ford on December 11th. This effort resulted in an almost accidental engagement called the Battle of Matson's Ford (or the battle in the Gulph).
Washington's advanced parties, including General Potter's Pennsylvania militia, encountered a large British foraging party led by General Cornwallis, involving several thousand troops.
Continental soldiers who had crossed a makeshift bridge at Matson’s Ford were ordered to retreat back across and dismantle the bridge after spotting the British.
After consulting, the generals realized this was only a foraging party, not the entire British army. However, Washington declared Matson's Ford too dangerous—"the hornets nest"—and rerouted the army downriver to Swedes Ford.
The army spent the night at Swedes Ford and crossed into Gulph Mills early on December 12th or 13th. The engagement at Matson's Ford resulted in the loss of 20 lives. The British foraging operation itself was described as "brutal," seizing about 2,000 cattle from Gulph Mills farmers.
The Gulph Mills Encampment and Strategic Decisions
Gulph Mills proved to be a necessary, strategic way station.
Strategic Location: The encampment was located on the high ground, specifically Rebel Hill (400 ft.), which offered Washington a strategic vantage point to monitor British movements toward Philadelphia.
Decision Making: While at Gulph Mills, Washington consulted with his generals regarding their plans. The options considered for winter quarters included remaining near Philadelphia, or moving further afield to places like Wilmington, Lancaster, or York. Washington delayed making a public choice, potentially to keep his options open or due to concerns about spies.
Valley Forge Announcement: Washington finally announced the decision to enter winter quarters on December 17th and indicated the location—about seven or eight miles from Gulph Mills—on December 18th. The march to Valley Forge was delayed until December 19th because December 18th had been designated a national Day of Thanksgiving by the Continental Congress to celebrate Gates' victory at Saratoga.
Soldier Morale and Documentation:
Despite the miserable conditions, including the lack of food, clothes, and shoes in the cold December weather, the soldiers were ideologically motivated and displayed remarkable resilience. Dr. Albigence Waldo noted a "spirit of elacrity and contentment or even cheerfulness" among the men.
The soldiers were fighting for a republic and democracy, striving to establish a system that was "free and fair for all". The Articles of Confederation had been passed in November 1777, and Virginia, the first state to adopt them, did so during the Gulph Mills encampment, around December 15th or 16th.
Vance emphasized the importance of documentation found during her research, including a strength return for General Barnum’s division dated December 15th, Gulph Mills, confirming the army's presence. The famous painting, The March to Valley Forge, depicts the march that originated from Gulph Mills.
Continuing Role:
Gulph Mills continued to be important after the main army moved, serving as a lookout point where General Sterling and later officers like Aaron Burr commanded a continuous picket post to keep an eye on Philadelphia throughout the Valley Forge encampment.
Its strategic high ground was also utilized when General Lafayette retreated there during the Battle of Barren Hill.
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Last week’s episode covered George Washington’s First Annual Address to Congress, what we call today the state of the union address. I summarized the main points of his speech in that episode, congress’ response and the actions the government took that year to address the president’s priorities.
Today, I will read the full transcript of the speech. It’s less than eight minutes long, but I think it’s good to hear the president’s own words. While there is no official record, historians believe that the president wrote his address with the help of James Madison, as well as his personal secretaries. He gave his address to Congress on January 8, 1790, just days after the beginning of its second session. It was delivered to a joint session of Congress, meeting in the Senate Chamber. What follows in President Washington’s First Annual Address to Congress
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Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public affairs. The recent accession of the important state of North Carolina to the Constitution of the United States (of which official information has been received), the rising credit and respectability of our country, the general and increasing good will toward the government of the Union, and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are blessed are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our national prosperity.
In resuming your consultations for the general good you can not but derive encouragement from the reflection that the measures of the last session have been as satisfactory to your constituents as the novelty and difficulty of the work allowed you to hope. Still further to realize their expectations and to secure the blessings which a gracious Providence has placed within our reach will in the course of the present important session call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.
Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention that of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.
A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined; to which end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite; and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly military, supplies.
The proper establishment of the troops which may be deemed indispensable will be entitled to mature consideration. In the arrangements which may be made respecting it it will be of importance to conciliate the comfortable support of the officers and soldiers with a due regard to economy.
There was reason to hope that the pacific measures adopted with regard to certain hostile tribes of Indians would have relieved the inhabitants of our southern and western frontiers from their depredations, but you will perceive from the information contained in the papers which I shall direct to be laid before you (comprehending a communication from the Commonwealth of Virginia) that we ought to be prepared to afford protection to those parts of the Union, and, if necessary, to punish aggressors.
The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfill my duty in that respect in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the public good, and to this end that the compensation to be made to the persons who may be employed should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a competent fund designated for defraying the expenses incident to the conduct of foreign affairs.
Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.
Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to.
The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper means will not, I trust, need recommendation; but I can not forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the post-office and post-roads.
Nor am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours it is proportionably essential.
To the security of a free constitution it contributes in various ways - by convincing those who are intrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness - cherishing the first, avoiding the last - and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws.
Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by the institution of a national university, or by any other expedients will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I saw with peculiar pleasure at the close of the last session the resolution entered into by you expressive of your opinion that an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment I entirely concur; and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to devise such a provision as will be truly with the end I add an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the legislature.
It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure in which the character and interests of the United States are so obviously so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit a sanction from your declaration.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I have directed the proper officers to lay before you, respectively, such papers and estimates as regard the affairs particularly recommended to your consideration, and necessary to convey to you that information of the state of the Union which it is my duty to afford.
The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government.
* * *
After President Washington concluded his address, he gave copies of his address to the Vice President and to the Speaker of the House. As he departed, he bowed to the members of the House and to the Senators as he walked down the aisle between them. The president got back in his coach and returned home with those who had come with him, including the Chief Justice John Jay, Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton and Secretary of War Henry Knox.
He noted in his diary that a great many ladies and some gentleman called on Mrs. Washington that evening.
I hope you’ve enjoyed this special reading of George Washington’s First State of the Union. This topic accompanies Episode 365 of the American Revolution Podcast.
Over the past few episodes, we covered Congress’s first session, which was supposed to begin in March, 1789, but didn’t start until April because they could not get a quorum. This session lasted until the end of September.
1789 Session
During that session, Congress did a great deal, much of which we covered over the last few episodes, including establishing three executive Departments, State, War, and Treasury, as well as the office of Attorney General. It also established the Federal Judiciary. The president made appointments to all of those new offices and the Senate confirmed them. Congress also spent considerable time debating and sending the Bill of Rights to the states for ratification.
There were also plenty of other topics debated and dealt with during that first session. These include establishing officers to manage the Northwest Territory. Arthur St. Clair would serve as the first territorial governor - confirming the decision made by the Confederation Congress.
Many of the issues in the first session saw some progress, but were still pending when the second session returned in January of 1790. One particularly contentious issue was tariffs. A big reason behind replacing the Articles with the Constitution was to make it easier for Congress to raise revenue to pay off its war debts. Tariffs were the way to make this happen.
James Madison proposed a tariff plan when the first Congress began, back in April, 1789. Madison believed that raising revenue should be the primary purpose of any tariffs. Others disagreed.
The day after Madison proposed his tariff plan, Congressman Thomas Fitzsimons of Pennsylvania moved to add a list of specific imports that should be subjected to tariffs. Fitzsimons’ goal was not to raise revenue. It was to protect the budding manufacturing industry in Pennsylvania from foreign competition. Members of the New England delegation quickly jumped on this idea. The New England manufacturing industry, still in its infancy, had trouble competing with foreign imports, primarily from Britain. Heavy tariffs on imports of items that could be made domestically, would help these local industries to grow and thrive.
Southerners opposed these protectionist policies. The primarily agricultural south did not want to have to pay more for the goods they imported, just so northern manufacturers would have an unfair advantage in selling their goods under this protectionist system. At the same time, some southerners sought high tariffs on certain agricultural products that would benefit southern states.
There were also debates on whether to punish certain countries for their trade policies. Madison proposed an extra high tariff on Britain, from which most American imports came, because Britain’s ports were closed to American exports.
As the debate got more heated, George Thatcher of the Massachusetts, Maine district, proposed a $50 import tariff on slaves. This inflamed southern delegates, who were outraged. Although Thatcher did not seriously think such a duty could pass, another delegate, Josiah Parker of Virginia, seriously proposed a $10 per head duty on slave imports. Parker opposed slavery on moral grounds, but Virginia also had a glut of slaves at the moment. More imports would reduce the value of existing slaves. So while some Virginians liked the idea, states like South Carolina and Georgia, who were still heavily reliant on importing more slaves, objected in the strongest terms.
Members felt pressure to act quickly, since each day without a tariff law was another day of missed revenue. The busy spring and summer season of imports in 1789 went by with no tariffs implemented. Members worked to reach a reasonable compromise. In the end, a wide range of imports were subject to specific duties of about 7% to 8%. A reduced Molasses tax ensured molasses imports so that New Englanders could make their rum. A distilled spirits tax was also imposed. American owned ships would pay a tonnage duty of six cents per ton. Foreign vessels would pay 50 cents per ton. Ships owned in part by foreigners would pay 30 cents per ton.
Eager to get something in place, the House and Senate passed this compromise bill in July 1789 and sent it to the President for his signature. Washington signed the bill. But disagreement over its terms meant that this would be a continuing issue in Congress’ next term. Congress also ordered Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton to prepare a report on national debts so that Congress could decide how aggressive its revenue collection had to be.
Other issues debated heavily but not resolved in the first session included where to move the national capital. Madison and others tried to keep it off the agenda because it was such a divisive issue, but members wanted it resolved. Many other issues, including many listed as Congressional responsibilities in the Constitution, never even got addressed in the first session. There was so much to do, that there just wasn’t enough time.
1790 State of the Union
When Congress returned for its second session in January 1790, President Washington decided it was time to report to Congress on the State of the Union. The Constitution did not say anything other than that the President should report to Congress "from time to time on the state of the Union." It did not say when, or how often it should happen. It didn’t even require that the report be given in person.
Washington’s decision to give his address in person and at this time may have come from the tradition in Britain, when the King gave an address to the opening of Parliament. It helped to set the legislative agenda by listing priorities and concerns for the members. Washington was not a big fan of public speaking, and certainly did not want to do anything to imitate the King of England, but after conferring with Madison and others, he determined to give the address in person. Madison also assisted in drafting his address.
Washington wrote to Congress asking to schedule an appearance. Congress was supposed to return to business on January 4. But a quorum did not show up until January 7. At that point a joint committee from the House and Senate agreed to invite the president to address Congress the following day at noon in the Senate chamber. There was a scramble to prepare for the president, including considerable debate over whether members of congress should sit or stand for the address. The decision was to sit, so chairs for all the House members and Senators had to be carried into the chamber, while tables were removed to make enough room.
Washington started several traditions in his first state of the union address that were not contemplated by the Constitution. Appearing in person was a big one. Another was that he brought the Chief Justice and his cabinet to the capitol to hear his address. This changed the tone from the president reporting to Congress, to one of all three branches coming together to hear the speech.
The President arrived shortly before the scheduled time wearing a dark suit from Hartford that he had purchased on his recent New England tour. He was still wearing a black arm band to mourn the death of his mother who had died that previous August.
The address itself was relatively short. Washington noted with satisfaction that North Carolina had joined the Union. One of the first things he focused on was the need to establish a real military. As he put it “To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace.”
Washington went on to note that a free people should be both armed and disciplined. He also called for more efforts to promote local manufacturing, particularly of military supplies. The President’s primary concern at this time was hostile Indians. While he continued to have his state department work on treaties, the danger of war was always present. He also called for better pay for US diplomats abroad. Congress would address the issue of diplomatic pay about six months later.
Aside from defense, there were other matters which the Constitution explicitly required Congress to handle, but were still outstanding. One was establishing uniform currency and weights and measures. Another outstanding task was establishing naturalization laws so that foreigners could become citizens. Washington expressed his concern that Congress address both of these issues.
Washington emphasized his concern for supporting local industry and for building more infrastructure in the form of roads and post offices. He also called for the promotion of science and literature. He went on to note:
that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority; between burthens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness - cherishing the first, avoiding the last
He called for more aid to schools, and the institution of a national university.
In a nod to the House of Representatives, the president noted that they had called for a report on public credit and the need to provide support for it. Washington agreed with this view and promised to cooperate in any way that he could. Secretary of Treasury Hamilton would deliver the administration’s report on public credit the following day.
The president concluded by noting that he had delivered to Congress a great many documents to give details on the State of the Union. He ended by saying:
The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government.
Response
Following the President’s address and his departure, the House considered the speech in a Committee of the whole. They appointed a smaller committee to write a formal reply. This committee included Madison, who, of course, had a role in writing the President’s address.
The committee completed the document four days after the address, and delivered in person to the President at his residence on January 14.
The House response said that they pretty much agreed with everything the President said, sharing congratulations over the admission of North Carolina. They promised to continue the people’s work, concluding by saying:
The prosperity of the United States is the primary object of all our deliberations, and we cherish the reflection that every measure which we may adopt for its advancement will not only receive your cheerful concurrence, but will at the same time derive from your cooperation additional efficacy, in insuring to our fellow-citizens the blessings of a free, efficient, and equal government.
The Senate wrote a similar response, essentially agreeing with each point the president had made. It completed its response one day sooner than the House, but also waited until January 14 to deliver it to the President in person. Vice President John Adams led the delegation to deliver the Senate’s reply The Senate ended its response with:
Our cares and efforts shall be directed to the welfare of our country, and we have the most perfect dependence upon your cooperating with us on all occasions in such measures as will insure to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government.
Reaction
Washington's address did seem to set the tone for the next congressional session. Many of the issues he raised in his speech were addressed by Congress.
The army, which consisted of only a few hundred officers and men, was being used primarily in the Northwest Territory to protect settlers from Indian attacks. Congress had already authorized an army of 840, but only 672 officers and men were actually serving. At Washington’s urging, in June, Congress increased the size of the army to 1273 officers and men, adding four additional infantry companies under a three year enlistment.
Due to low pay and poor conditions, however, the army had trouble enlisting new recruits. By early 1791, army still totaled just over 800 officers and men. Without a large professional military, Washington knew that militia would be critical to a military emergency. Several weeks after his address, the president met with Secretary of War Henry Knox to work on establishing uniform guidelines for militia. Although the president brought this issue to Congress again by the end of the year, Congress would not pass a Militia Act until 1792. It authorized the president to call out the militia in time of invasion or danger of invasion. Congress finally acted after a disastrous Indian battle at Wabash, something we will cover in a future episode.
On the currency issue, Congress ended up passing this back to the executive branch. It called on the Secretary of State to come up with a plan for establishing uniformity in currency and weights and measures. It also called on the Secretary of the Treasury to come up with a plan for the establishment of a mint.
Secretary of State Jefferson, who did not arrive in New York to take his new position until March, 1790, had earlier proposed a decimal system of currency back in 1785. This is probably why Congress gave this task to him, rather than Hamilton. Jefferson also wanted a system of measurements also based on decimals. Jefferson suffered from migraines after his arrival in New York, which limited his ability to work. After Jefferson submitted his report to Congress in July, Congress was not really sure what to do with it, and tabled it until the end of the year.
Secretary of Treasury Hamilton took longer. He spent much of the year researching the British model of currency, focusing on the metal alloys used in coins. Hamilton spent months considering various denominations, as well as the designs for all of the American coins.
He agreed with Jefferson that it made sense to use a decimal system in currency. In fact, Jefferson and Hamilton worked closely on this project and found themselves in agreement on many of the issues. Jefferson gave input based on his visits to the French Mint while he was serving as the American Minister in France. In the end, mostly because Hamilton was so busy with other matters, Jefferson ended up taking over much of the responsibility for establishing the mint, which did not get final approval in Congress until 1791.
With regard to naturalization rules, Congress handled this one itself. A week after the president’s address, the House of Representatives formed a committee to come up with rules of naturalization. It took the committee about six weeks to come up with a final bill, which the House passed on March 4. The Senate then took a couple of weeks to consider and amend the house bill. Final reconciliation was done in about a week, and Washington signed the bill into law.
The final bill permitted citizenship to free white people of good character, who had lived in the United States for a minimum of two years. They had to take an oath of allegiance to support the Constitution. Any children under the age of 21 who were also living in the US became citizens automatically when their father did. They also determined that any child born abroad to US citizens would be considered a natural born citizen. Application and approval for naturalization could take place in any court within the US. State and local courts would handle most of this work.
Congress’ efforts to protect domestic manufacturing and industry had already been done through its protective tariffs. These remained an ongoing fight in Congress as to the details. In April, Congress created the first patent and copyright laws in order to encourage science and the arts. President Washington signed this into law on May 31.
People who wanted their books, maps, and charts protected for up to 14 years had to register their works with the local district court. They were also permitted to renew their copyright for another 14 years, meaning a total of 28 years for a copyright. Congress also made up a patent board, consisting of the Secretary of State, the Secretary of War, and the Attorney General. These men would evaluate any patent application to determine if it was sufficiently useful and important. The board could then issue a patent that would be granted for a period not to exceed 14 years.
Congress took no action regarding education. Washington’s call for a national university would not be realized until 1821, decades after his death.
Washington Sick Again
One other big change for the President shortly after his speech was a new home. Washington had been living in a residence at 3 Cherry Street for nearly a year. In February of 1790, he moved to 39 Broadway, a large four story house recently vacated by the French minister. Its larger rooms and grander furnishings were deemed more appropriate for the President to receive visitors and to entertain.
President Washington continued his work with Congress through the spring of 1790. Sadly, New York City’s health condition plagued Washington once again. In May, he became quite sick with influenza and pneumonia. Witnesses reported that it impacted both his hearing and eyesight. Over the next week, it only got worse, with his breathing becoming weaker. The four doctors attending to him reported on May 15 that they did not have any hope that the president would recover. This caused panic throughout the capital as government leaders and others feared that the president’s death might destroy the government.
Over the next night, however, the fever suddenly broke and Washington began to recover. IN a letter around this time, Washington wrote: “Within the last twelve months I have undergone more, and severer sickness than thirty preceding years afflicted me with” he added another would “more than probable will put me to sleep with my fathers.” By May 20th, the president was past the worst of it. The doctors pronounced that he was on the road to recovery, though it would be several more weeks before he could resume most of his duties.
Next week, the nation begins to expand in the south, and Rhode Island finally joins the Union.
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Next Episode 365 Southwest Territory & Rhode Island Joins (coming soon)
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We recently covered the first session of Congress in 1789, where they recommended a Bill of Rights for ratification, passed the Judiciary Act and created the court system, created the various executive departments and a host of other things to get the country off to a good start. At the end of September 1789, the members of Congress left New York and went home for the rest of the year. George Washington remained in New York, continuing work on the establishment of a whole host of government functions. Once Congress left, Washington began planning to get out of New York for a while, but not to go home. Instead, he planned a trip to New England.
Washington’s Medical Crisis
The President had actually been rather ill for several months during the congressional session. In June, he was suffering from what he called a tumor on his left thigh. The word “tumor” today is largely associated with cancer. That was not the case in this situation. It was a swollen lump, likely caused by some sort of infection.
That said, any such malady in the 18th century could easily have been fatal. Washington developed a high fever. A witness described the tumor as the size of two fists. In June, Washington and his doctors decided surgery was required. Again, in the eighteenth century, before germs and infection were understood, any surgery carried with it a risk of death as well.
On June 17, Dr. Samuel Bard was called to the president’s residence to operate. The doctor cut out the tumor, without anesthesia. Washington remained awake and conscious through the procedure. Following the surgery, the president was bed ridden for about six weeks, unable even to sit up for several weeks.
The illness and the procedure had been largely kept quiet. When Washington remained in his home, not receiving visitors, rumors began to fly. Crowds began to grow around the residence as locals grew concerned for the president’s health. Officials blocked traffic in front of the presidential residence so that he would not be disturbed by the noise.
During this time, we can read panicked letters by members of Congress, including James Madison, who feared that, if the President died an untimely death at this critical time, it could derail the entire federal government. They saw Washington's leadership as that critical to the success of the United States.
By mid-August, Washington was able to begin corresponding again. He wrote to several friends and family that he had recovered from the surgery. He even made two personal appearances in the Senate that month. But the recovery was slow and painful. It was not until September, that Washington wrote his physician in Virginia, that he could report that most of the pain was gone.
Planning the Tour
Perhaps one reason for his decision to ride around New England was to dispel rumors about his health. It may also have been that Washington felt better when he was out riding, not cooped up in the city. Beyond any personal issues, though, Washington wanted to connect with the people he was responsible for governing.
Aside from all the legislation, one of the most important things Washington needed to do was to make sure the state of the union was strong. For many Americans, Washington was the personification of the union. Washington also wanted to know what the people were thinking. He wanted to get out of the capital and talk to people. He wanted to see for himself how the country was doing and what was on the people's minds.
The President had spent a great deal of time in the mid-Atlantic during the war, and had also stopped in many towns in his various trips from Mount Vernon to Philadelphia and New York after the war. He really hadn’t spent much time in New England though since the end of the Siege of Boston in 1776.
Washington thought he could rectify this by taking a tour of New England during the Congressional recess. After Congress went home at the end of September, Washington made plans for his trip. He invited Vice President Adams to join him. Adams knew his native New England pretty well, and would be heading to his home near Boston anyway.
Washington and Adams had never been particularly close. They had never really mixed socially. Sometimes they were on the same side of a political issue, sometimes not. When the two were selected to lead the new federal government, Washington reached out to the Vice President to get some advice, but was not impressed with the response. The two men largely operated separately
There are many reasons why Washington might have invited Adams. Washington might have thought it proper courtesy to invite the New England politician. It might also have been an opportunity for the two men to get to know each other during the trip. This really is just speculation though since Washington never articulated his thoughts on the matter.
We also don’t know how the two might have interacted on the trip since Adams declined the offer. The Vice President left for home several days before Washington left New York.
Connecticut
Washington began his trip on October 15. An honor guard, including John Jay, Alexander Hamilton, and Henry Knox escorted him to the Connecticut state line. But Washington made the trip on his own. His only companions were his two personal secretaries, Major William Jackson and Tobias Lear. Six personal slaves took care of the coach and horses and the various servant duties that Washington found necessary.
Washington hoped to keep the pomp and circumstance to a minimum, which is probably why he travelled with such a small party. His diary made careful note of the farms he passed, noting that Connecticut had “few or no opulent Men and no poor.” As he approached each town, he would stop his coach and mount his white horse to make his entry. There would inevitably be some celebrations at each stop, with local officials wanting to toast the president and host dinners. Washington tried to use this time to understand the locals better, and get to know their concerns.
He was particularly interested in the budding textile and manufacturing industries. The president understood that American independence required economic independence. Most people still imported suits, or at least finished cloth, from Britain. Washington had worn a suit made of homespun cloth to his inaugural, hoping to encourage the fashion. Beyond textile, Washington was interested in the establishment of factories, producing things like glass, shoes, and furniture.
Washington had also determined not to stay in any private homes during his trip. He stuck to taverns and public houses. This was probably to avoid insulting anyone by choosing one home over another. It may also have been an attempt to avoid granting any appearance of favor to any person. The party spent their first night in Fairfield, Connecticut, then heading to New Haven the following day. The Connecticut legislature arranged for a greeting committee to escort him into town. They apparently missed him as he coach slipped by, and Washington rode into town without the escort.
A few days later, the president entered Hartford, where he toured a wool mill in which Congressman Jeremiah Wadsworth was a partner. Washington spoke with the mill workers and asked lots of questions. He spoke highly of the work they were doing, although he noted in his diary that he did not think the cloth was of the finest quality.
He also noted that a great many women and girls worked in these factories. He viewed this as a positive. One of the concerns with manufacturing and industry was that there would not be enough people producing food. So, women and girls, who were not as actively involved in agriculture, could work in factories, while the men farmed their fields. At least that is how they looked at it at the time.
Massachusetts
After about a week in Connecticut, Washington rode north into western Massachusetts. He did not want to travel east since that would have caused him to pass through Rhode Island. Since Rhode Island had not yet ratified the Constitution, Washington consciously avoided the state. Instead he headed for Springfield, Massachusetts, then made his way east through the state, arriving in Worcester on October 23.
As he travelled through western Massachusetts, an express rider from Governor John Hancock informed him that the governor was making plans for the president’s arrival and invited him to stay at his home. Washington graciously rejected the offer, telling Hancock that he had determined not to accept any private offers for lodging, and that he had already made plans for lodging in Boston.
Hancock then responded that he hoped that Washington would at least join him for a dinner at his home, and inquired when Washington expected to reach Boston. This touched off a protocol dispute. Governor Hancock expected Washington to call on the Governor, as would a foreign ambassador coming to the state. Washington, however, believing the presidency superior to a state governor, believed that Hancock should call on him when he arrived in Boston.
As the President’s coach approached Boston, he was greeted by a military parade of about 800 men at Cambridge. Hancock noted that the soldiers would meet him on the same ground where he was received in 1775, when he would take command of the Continental Army. Washington tried to object, arguing it was uncomfortable to expect him to review men under arms when he was not their commander. But at the risk of snubbing the militia, Washington relented and went along with it.
Things got worse as Washington tried to enter Boston. The Governor’s Council, led by Lieutenant Governor Samuel Adams, met Washington at Cambridge, to escort him into the city. As the group tried to cross Boston Neck, the members of the Boston Town committee blocked the path, demanding that they, not the governor, control the events to host the president in town. The standoff lasted over an hour, as Washington grew more impatient as everyone stood out in the cold and rain. Finally, the Governor’s Council gave in, and permitted the town officials to take the lead.
Washington finally made it to the home he had rented, about a block from Governor Hancock. Washington then awaited the governor’s arrival. Instead, he received a note from Hancock asking Washington to join him at his home. Washington refused, creating a standoff. Instead he simply had dinner with Lt. Governor Adams, while Hancock remained at his residence with a large party, who expected Washington’s arrival.
The following morning, Hancock tried to excuse his absence, claiming he had been struck by a severe attack of gout. Washington did not really believe this, since Hancock had held a big party the night before, with guests anticipating the president's arrival. Washington remained firm, essentially saying that he’d love to receive the governor, but if Hancock was too sick, he would understand. Finally, Hancock showed up, carried by two servants and with his legs wrapped in flannel.
Washington spent nearly a week in Boston, enjoying a parade in his honor, as well as multiple banquets. The whole city turned out to greet the president. Several articles noted the absence of John Adams at the parade. The Vice President remained at his nearby home in Braintree.
Washington’s participation in events resulted in him coming down with a cold. He ended up cancelling a trip to Lexington so that he could recover. In fact cold and flu spread all over the east cost. Some members of Washington's family were sick in New York at this time. Everyone began calling it the president's flu.
After leaving Boston, Washington travelled north to Salem. He made stops in Lynn to inspect a shoe factory, and in Marblehead to hold a reunion with General John Glover. Washington noted that Marblehead had fallen on hard times. The fishing industry had never bounced back after the war. Nearly more than a quarter of the population consisted of widows and orphans. The dirty and destitute town had an impact on the president. Many people noted that he seemed saddened when he entered Salem later that day.
New Hampshire and Return
When Washington reached the New Hampshire border, he was met by New Hampshire Governor John Langdon, who personally escorted him to Portsmouth. There would be no dispute over who would call on whom in New Hampshire. Again, the city hosted him with banquets and parades. There, Washington also caught up with General John Sullivan. Washington’s former general had just completed three years as governor and had received an appointment to become the first federal judge in New Hampshire.
Washington crossed over the harbor to visit a fort in Maine, at the time, still part of Massachusetts. This was the northernmost point on his trip. He also paid a call on the wife of former colonial Governor Benning Wentworth, and also accompanied his secretary Tobias Lear on a visit to see his mother. Washington also spent one afternoon sitting for a portrait.
By the time Washington was ready to leave Portsmouth, it was already early November. There was apparently some consideration given to visiting Vermont. Washington declined. Part of the reason might have been that snow was beginning to fall. A trip into the inland areas might cause trouble getting back. There was also the concern that Vermont was not part of the union, although it very much wanted to be. Washington may have been concerned that his visit might open up disputes from New York, which still claimed that Vermont was part of New York.
Instead, Washington headed for home. His diary includes complaints of poor and crooked roads, as well as receiving poor directions from the locals. He also complained about having to comply with the local custom of not traveling on a Sunday. Instead, the President stopped and attended two local services at different churches. It took about a week and a half to get back to New York City.
Unlike his trip north, the return trip consisted of long rides each day, often beginning before dawn. I avoided major towns, not returning through Boston. He also made no attempt to announce his arrival. Many small towns were caught unaware as the president rode through. One minister in Milford, Massachusetts, recalled that he was shoveling manure when someone called out that the president was passing by. The minister quickly dropped what he was doing, washed and changed so that he could rush down to the tavern and meet the president.
Washington arrived back in New York on November 13, returning to the Presidential mansion and reuniting with Martha. In less than a month, he had recorded visits to sixty towns and villages.
Overall, his trip was considered a success. Washington had been celebrated wherever he went. People seemed ready to give the new federal government a chance, and appreciated a visit from their leader.
North Carolina
Shortly after his return to New York, Washington received good news from the south. North Carolina and Rhode Island were the only two states who refused to ratify the Constitution. They had been watching the new nation move along without them.
North Carolina Governor Samuel Johnston had sent his congratulations to Washington when the president was inaugurated, and expressed his hope that North Carolina would join the Union as soon as amendments were proposed.
Congress, of course, proposed a bill of rights in September and sent them off to the states for ratification. In November, North Carolina delegates met a second time for a Constitutional Convention. The second convention began in Fayetteville on November 16.
While there was still some opposition, the mood had changed radically since the first convention refused to ratify back in August, 1788. The United States was moving forward without them, and a bill of rights, which had been a major objection at the first convention, was well on its way to being ratified.
Also, Congress had implemented trade tariffs on anyone importing goods into the US. Since Rhode Island and New Carolina were considered foreign states, these tariffs would have greatly damaged trade and cost North Carolina merchants. After North Carolina petitioned Congress, it agreed to suspend the tariffs until January 15, 1790. State officials knew that tariff would go into effect if they failed to ratify in 1789.
These changed circumstances meant that there was a great deal more support for ratification and everyone knew that ratification would pass in this second attempt. Some of the leading opponents did not even bother to run to become delegates. A great many who had voted no at the first convention were ready to vote yes this time.
On their first day, Monday the November 15, the Convention chose Governor Samuel Johnston as president of the Convention. They did so, even though Johnston was sick and not in attendance. They voted for State Senator Charles Johnson to be Vice President. Charles Johnson took charge of the convention in the governor's absence. The following day they prepared and adopted rules.
On Wednesday, the Convention met in a committee of the whole to consider the Constitution. The delegates called for copies of the proposed bill of rights passed by Congress to be printed and circulated among the delegates..
By Friday, Governor Johnston made it to the convention and took charge. The Committee of the Whole had agreed to ratify the Constitution. On Saturday, the delegates moved to take up that report and agree to ratify the Constitution. The opposition still objected. James Galloway proposed that North Carolina only ratify conditionally. He still wanted Congress to address five amendments that North Carolina had demanded in its firs convention but which were not addressed in the Bill of Rights.
The mood in North Carolina, however, had turned. The majority wanted to get into the Union. They could work out whatever other details concerned them at a later time. The Convention rejected Gallaway’s proposal. They voted overwhelmingly, 194-77 to agree to unconditional ratification of the Constitution.
The Convention concluded its work on Monday. Following the Convention, Governor Johnston transmitted the results to President Washington on December 4, making North Carolina the twelfth state to join the Union. Washington then informed Congress when it returned to session in January, 1790.
Even before Congress officially received the news in January, the North Carolina General Assembly voted to ratify the Bill of Rights on December 22. It was the third state to do so, behind only New Jersey and Maryland. By the end of January, more states: South Carolina, New Hampshire, and Delaware, would also ratify the bill of rights.
Next Week: Washington delivers his first State of the Union Address to Congress.
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Howard, Thomas L. “The State That Said No: The Fight for Ratification of the Federal Constitution in North Carolina.” The North Carolina Historical Review 94, no. 1 (2017): 1–58. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45184801
