Sunday, December 17, 2023

ARP292 Dog Days Campaign

We last left the war in the Carolinas in Episode 287. General Nathanael Greene, along with support from militia leaders Thomas Sumter and Francis Marion, had forced the British out of all of South Carolina except a small area around Charleston.

Greene and his Continentals were exhausted.  They had been on the move almost continuously since March. By July of 1781, the summer heat was becoming oppressive.  With the British bottled up in Charleston, Greene gave his men a rest in the High Hills of Santee.  The weather there was a little more bearable, and local fields provided a food source for the army.

Quinby Bridge

As the Continentals recuperated, militia General Thomas Sumter continued in the field, in what would later be called the Dog Days Campaign - taking place in the dog days of summer.  Sumter worked with Colonel Francis Marion as well as Continental Colonel Light Horse Harry Lee on this campaign. Although Sumter was in command, these three officers did not really get along, so coordinating strategy was difficult.

Quinby Bridge
Between the three of them, the combined forces were over a thousand men.  Sumter sought to put more pressure on the outposts that were closer to Charleston.  His first target was a British outpost at Moncks Corner, about thirty miles north of Charleston.  Stationed at Moncks Corner were about six hundred British regulars, mostly from the 119th Regiment, and about 150 South Carolina Rangers, a group of mounted loyalist cavalry.

On July 16th patriot militia moved on Moncks Corner. The British commander, Lieutenant Colonel James Coates, moved the bulk of his forces into a prepared defensive position at Biggin Church, reportedly a fortified brick building that was impervious to small arms fire.

Sumter deployed his forces around Biggin Church.  Later that afternoon the loyalist South Carolina Rangers under Major Thomas Frasier charged at part of Marion’s militia under the command of Colonel Peter Horry.  The patriots withdrew to the covering fire of their comrades. This forced the loyalists to end their pursuit and fall back to the main British force at Biggins Church.

Sumter’s larger force could surround the Church, but could not charge the fort across an open field without taking substantial casualties. A few units did advance on the church but were driven back.  Sumter also ordered the destruction of nearby Wadboo Bridge to prevent the enemy from having a path of retreat.

After nightfall, Colonel Coates realized his British forces were outnumbered, and resulted to slip away in the night. His men were able to repair Wadboo Bridge and move across.  As they did, they set fire to the church, burning all their equipment as well since they could not move quickly with it.

At around 3:00 AM on the 17th, Sumter saw the church was on fire.  He roused his militia and set off in pursuit of the fleeing British.  In his haste to catch the retreating enemy, Sumter left behind his one field canon, opting instead for speed, and knowing the cannon would just slow his movements. 

Coates marched his men through a nearby swamp, then sent his loyalist horsemen in one direction and marched the regulars in another.  The loyalists, able to ride at full speed, were able to cross the Cooper River at a local ferry, and remove all the boats to the far side, thus preventing the patriots from following them.

The regulars marched toward Quinby Bridge.  After crossing, they planned to tear up the bridge to prevent the Americans from pursuing them.  Lee’s cavalry caught up to the British rearguard before they could reach the bridge.  

The 19th regiment was a newly-recruited regiment with little experience. The regulars formed a line of defense.  Lee’s cavalry charged at them.  The British dropped their muskets without firing and called for quarter, which was granted.  The Americans captured about 100 British soldiers.

A short distance away, at Quinby Bridge, Colonel Coates was unaware that his rearguard had been taken prisoner.  He marched the rest of his regiment across the bridge, and began to loosen the planks. He hoped to allow his rearguard to cross before tearing up the bridge completely.

Lee and Marion’s cavalry came on the scene and charged the bridge while the British were not prepared to receive the attack.  Coates desperately tried to form a defensive line at the bridge.  If the Americans had continued their charge across the bridge, they probably would have forced the British to flee or surrender.  Instead, Captain James Armstrong, leading the charge, halted at the near side of the bridge and sent a messenger back to Lee for instructions.  His hesitation was probably after seeing a British howitzer at the other end of the bridge. 

Colonel Lee’s angry reply was that Captain needed to charge across the bridge, now!  After receiving Lee’s reply, Armstrong charged across the bridge, and managed to take the howitzer before it could be fired.  His charge, however, had knocked the loosened planks off the bridge, making it difficult for others to follow.  The momentary delay had also given the British time to form lines and begin a defensive fire against the attackers.  The British Colonel Coates drew his sword and began fighting for his life against the attackers.  Two Continental horsemen were killed and several more wounded in the fighting.  

By this time, Lee reached the bridge and had his men begin restoring the planks under enemy fire.  The advance force that had crossed the bridge, found itself cut off from support and withdrew into the nearby tree line.  This gave the British time to rally his men, grab the howitzer and continue the retreat.  Coates pulled back to the nearby Quinby plantation, also called the Shubrick plantation.

Quinby Plantation

Lee, frustrated that he could not cross the bridge, found a place to ford the river further upstream.  Joined by Marion’s militia infantry, they pursued the enemy.  Finding the British position at the plantation too well defended, Lee and Marion had to wait for more reinforcements from Sumter.

Once Sumter’s main force arrived, the combined force was about three times the size of the enemy’s.  Sumter had about 1100 men facing about 350 British.  But because the British held a strong defensive position, it would still be a difficult fight.  Sumter ordered Marion, on the American line’s left to advance.  Enemy fire resulted in five attackers killed and ten wounded before they were forced to pull back.  

On his right flank, Sumter ordered Lieutenant Colonel Hugh Horry to advance.  Horry’s advance went about the same as Marion’s losing four killed and six wounded before they were also forced to pull back.

Sumter then ordered his main center line to advance.  Although the brigade got within 40 yards of the enemy, they lost seven killed and twenty wounded before also pulling back.  What Sumter really needed was his cannon.  But since he had left that behind in order to have the speed to chase the enemy, he found himself without it at this important time.  

Shubrick's Plantation
The militia kept up fire for forty minutes to an hour.  After that, they began to run out of ammunition and the rate of fire fell to only a few sporadic shots at the enemy.

By dusk, the militia had to withdraw from the plantation altogether.  Since they were out of ammunition, they could not risk a nighttime counterattack on their lines.  While the British had bayonets, the militia did not.  So a night attack would have spelled disaster.  Sumter tried to find more ammunition for his army, and to get the cannon in place by the following morning, so they could resume the attack.  

Following the failed attack, many officers criticized Sumter’s orders to attack the entrenched position.  Marion’s men left that night, and Marion vowed never to fight under Sumter ever again.  Colonel Lee, whose Continental cavalry had been held in reserve, also left and was disgusted with Sumter’s attack.  Colonel Thomas Taylor, who had been part of Sumter’s center line advance, confronted the general after the battle, outraged that his men had been advanced into enemy fire without promised support. Taylor told Sumter directly that he would never serve a single hour under Sumter ever again.

With the loss of much of his force, and after receiving word that a British relief force from Orangeburg was nearby, Sumter called off his planned attack for the following day and withdrew his own forces.

Even though they failed to capture the full regiment of regulars, the attack was a partial success.  The action forced the British to pull closer to Charleston.  They managed to capture the British regiment’s baggage, including the regimental payroll of 720 guineas.  Sumter divided that money among his South Carolina militia who had remained with him.  This became another point of anger at the other units who fought in the battle but did not receive a share of the captured property. It also set off a demand by other South Carolina militia for their long overdue back pay.

General Greene received various reports on the battle.  Although he publicly praised Sumter’s efforts, later confidential correspondence with those he trusted indicated that Greene believed that Sumter’s weak command prevented what could have been a decisive victory.

Following the battle, General Sumter decided it was time that he take a break as well.  He tried to do what he could to pay off his army.  He sent Captain William Ransome Davis with a cavalry detachment to raid the loyalist stronghold at Georgetown, with orders to plunder as much loyalist property as possible in order to have something to pay his men.  This not only annoyed Greene, who was doing his best to limit civilian plundering, it also further distanced Marion from Sumter, since Georgetown was in Marion’s area of control

After settling accounts as best he could, Sumter retired to his North Carolina plantation.  Although he did not disband his army, when Colonel William Henderson came to take command, he found that its numbers had fallen to less than 200 men.  He then received written orders from Sumter, who was already gone, that Henderson should furlough the rest of the army until October.

When General Greene heard about this, he was apoplectic when he heard what Sumter had done.  With the British finally hemmed in around Charleston, Sumter was essentially disbanding his army.  With Sumter's South Carolina soldiers going home, only the out of state troops in the Continental army were the only large presence to oppose the British.  Their numbers and condition were nothing close to what was needed. 

Parker’s Ferry

Fortunately, Marion remained in the field.  Greene requested that Marion join with what remained of Sumter’s brigade and ride south of Charleston.  He had received intelligence that the British were collecting rice from coastal fields there to feed the Charleston garrison, and that they planned to burn whatever crops they could not carry back with them.

Marion took about two hundred men on horseback, where he met up with a group of local militia under Colonel William Harden.  He was soon joined by another local militia under Colonel William Stafford, bringing the total force to around 400.

On August 27, Marion attempted to set up an ambush at a place called Godfrey’s Savannah.  The enemy consisted of a regiment of Hessians under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Ernst Leopold von Bork, loyalists under Major Thomas Frasier, a detachment of Queen’s Rangers, and another group of loyalists under Major William “Bloody Bill” Cunningham.  In total, the enemy had about 660 men.  Although patriots were outnumbered, Marion believed a surprise ambush would give him the advantage.  Unfortunately, the patriot militia was not as experienced as hoped.  The attack on the 27th did not happen, as they did not get into position in time.

Even so, Marion was determined to organize another ambush.  After a few days, he was able to get his men in position along a wooded area of the road near Parker’s Ferry, about 25 miles west of Charleston.  Marion knew the enemy would be passing this way shortly. 

Late in the afternoon of August 30, a party of about 100 loyalist militia came down the road.  Marion hoped to let this group pass, so that he could attack the larger force behind them. However, one of the loyalists spotted one of the enemy in the bushes.  The loyalists opened fire, and the patriots returned fire.

The loyalists rushed back toward the ferry, as British cavalry, some distance away charged toward the sound of the gunfire. As the patriots fired on the enemy, they suddenly got spooked that they were being flanked.  They rushed back into the woods.  This gave the British time to recover their equipment and wounded from the initial ambush and withdraw.  The Hessian regiment arrived at the battle just as it was getting dark.

Parker's Ferry
The patriots managed to get behind the Hessians and attack the loyalist cavalry in the enemy’s rear.  The enemy then had to withdraw down a road lined with patriot militia, resulting in them running a gauntlet of enemy fire and taking heavy casualties.

The ambushed worked.  The patriots had the clear advantage, but with night having arrived and running out of ammunition, Marion ordered the patriots to withdraw. 

The result of the battle was extremely one sided. The British lost about 125 killed and another 80 wounded.  The loyalist horsemen also lost most of their horses, as they were shot out from under them.  The patriots lost one killed and three wounded.

Georgia Reestablishes a Government

While all this was happening, Greene was also trying to reestablish a civilian government in Georgia.  As always, he had to deal with interference that made his job more difficult.  

Earlier in 1781, Greene had sent Nathan Brownson to Philadelphia.  Brownson was a Connecticut physician who had moved to Georgia in 1774 and quickly became a leader in the patriot movement.  He had served as a local delegate in Georgia, and also spent some time representing Georgia in the Continental Congress.

Given his medical and administrative skills, Greene wanted Brownson to serve as the purveyor for the hospital department in the south.  Greene gave him the job provisionally, but sent him to Philadelphia to get approval from Congress.

Brownson made his way to Philadelphia, where he found Congress receptive to his appointment.  In fact, many delegates quite liked the physician/politician, who also used his time in Philadelphia to update the delegates about the war in the south, and to share his own opinions on strategy.

The Georgia delegates to the Continental Congress thought so highly of him, that they appointed him to be a general in the Georgia militia.  General Brownson returned to South Carolina in July to announce to Greene his new appointment as general.

Greene was, shall we say, less than enthusiastic.  While Brownson was a fine politician and no doubt a good physician, he had almost no military experience.  Meanwhile, other Georgia militia colonels such as Elijah Clarke, John Twiggs, and James Jackson all had considerable command combat experience and a following of soldiers and found themselves passed over by this guy who just went to Philadelphia and obtained a political appointment.

It’s unclear why Georgia delegates to the Continental Congress believed they had authority to appoint militia generals.  I guess that, since the Georgia government was essentially not functioning at the time, they could do whatever they wanted.

The President of Georgia in 1781 was apparently a matter of dispute. Steven Heard had been appointed President in 1780.  Heard had been a strong patriot during the early part of the war.  He had been captured while leading a militia regiment at Kettle Creek in 1779.  After his capture, he had been taken to Augusta, where he was sentenced to hang for treason.  

He only survived thanks to one of his slaves, who we only know by the name "Mammy Kate."  She visited him in prison, with the purpose of bringing him new clothes.  Apparently, Mammy Kate was a large woman and Heard was rather small.  She managed to fit him inside a laundry basket, which she put on her head, and then walked out of the prison.  After this, Heard received his appointment as President of Georgia.  Perhaps his brush with death took away some of his nerve because at some point, Heard simply fled to the Carolinas and did not return to Georgia.  So another leader, Myrick Davies ended up as acting governor.

I could find almost nothing on Davies, so I have to assume that he was not doing much governing.  This is understandable since much of Georgia was under British control - and to the extent Americans had control, it was primarily military.

General Greene had no contact with Georgia’s Governor Heard, nor acting Governor Davies.  Greene had gotten in trouble in the past with questioning civilian control of the military, so he really wasn’t sure what to do about the decision by the Georgia delegation to the Continental Congress to appoint Brownson as general of Georgia militia.

Greene had a candid conversation with Brownson when the two men met at Greene’s camp in South Carolina.  The details of the conversation are not recorded but Greene must have discussed his concerns about Brownson being given command over officers who had fought bravely in the field for years and how this appointment might be a problem.

Publicly, Greene wrote to the other militia leaders from Georgia, passing along that the Congressional delegation had made this appointment, and withholding any opinion on that fact, for or against.  He sent his letter with Brownson himself, to go speak with the other Georgia militia officers and make his case.

As expected, the other military leaders were not happy about this situation.  Brownson’s lack of any real military command experience was glaring.  They viewed him (correctly) as a political appointment.  

While the leaders tried to sort out this problem, an opening occurred when acting President Davies was captured and executed by loyalists.  With President Heard still missing from the state, leaders decided to make Brownson the new President of Georgia and have him give up his militia commission.  Colonel John Twiggs became the new militia brigadier, and was accepted as a much better choice by the other leading officers.

With Georgia patriots finally restoring civilian control of the government, and South Carolina militia slowly tightening the noose on the British in Charleston, the British occupation in the south was looking increasingly desperate.  

Next week: We’ll take a look at the British leadership in Charleston as they deal with the controversial matter of Isaac Hayne.

- - -

Next Episode 293 Isaac Hayne 

Previous Episode 291 New Dorlach and Johnstown

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Further Reading

Websites

Waters, Andrews “Thomas Sumter’s Dog Days Expedition” Journal of the American Revolution, June 28, 2018: https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/06/thomas-sumters-dog-days-expedition

Skirmishes at Quinby Bridge & Shubrick's Plantation https://www.myrevolutionarywar.com/battles/810717-quinby-bridge

Quinby Bridge: https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/quinby-bridge-south-carolina

Parker’s Ferry: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/revolutionary-war/battles/battle-parkers-ferry

Parker’s Ferry: https://www.carolana.com/SC/Revolution/revolution_parkers_ferry_2.html

Battle of Parker’s Ferry: https://www.scencyclopedia.org/sce/entries/parkers-ferry-battle-of

Nathan Brownson: https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/nathan-brownson-1742-1796

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Crow, Jeffrey (ed) The Southern Experience in the American Revolution, Univ. of NC Press, 1978.
Greene, George Washington The Life of Nathanael GreeneVol. 1Vol. 2, & Vol. 3, New York: Cambridge Univ. Press 1867-1871. 

Hartley, Cecil B. Life of Major General Henry Lee & The Life of General Thomas Sumter, New York: Derby & Jackson, 1859. 

Lee, Henry Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States, Washington: Peter Force, 1827. 

McCrady, Edward The History of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1780-1783, New York: The Macmillan Co. 1902.  

Ramsay, David The History of the Revolution of South-Carolina, from a British province to an independent state, 1749-1815, Vol. 2, Trenton: Isaac Collins, 1785. 

Simms, William G. The Life of Francis Marion, New York, Derby, 1854. 

Weigley, Russell Frank The Partisan War: the South Carolina Campaign of 1780-1782, Univ. of SC Press, 1970 (borrow only). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bass, Robert D. Gamecock: The Life And Campaigns Of General Thomas Sumter, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1961 (borrow on Archive.org

Buchanan, John The Road to Charleston, Univ. of Va Press, 2019. 

Carbone, Gerald Nathanael Greene: A Biography of the American Revolution, St. Martin’s Griffin, 2010 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Ferling, John Winning Independence: The Decisive Years of the Revolutionary War, 1778-1781, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021. 

Golway, Terry Washington's General : Nathanael Greene and the triumph of the American Revolution, H. Holt, 2006. (borrow on Archive.org)

Lumpkin, Henry From Savannah to Yorktown: the American Revolution in the South, Univ of SC Press, 1981 (borrow on archive.org). 

Oller, John The Swamp Fox: How Francis Marion Saved the American Revolution, Da Capo Press, 2016 (borrow on archive.org).

Tonsetic, Robert L. 1781: The Decisive Year of the Revolutionary War, Casemate, 2011 (borrow on archive.org). 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, December 10, 2023

ARP291 New Dorlach and Johnstown

We last left the Mohawk Valley in Episode 270 with the battle of Stone Arabia and Klock’s Field.  Raids from British loyalists and the Iroquois subsided over the winter, but had not given up on driving the Americans out of upstate New York.

On February 5, 1781, New York Governor George Clinton wrote to the Continental Congress about the New York Frontier. Over 330 people had been killed or taken prisoner in 1780.  Six forts and hundreds of houses and barns had been destroyed. The enemy had driven off hundreds of cattle and destroyed most of the grain fields.

Many people had already fled the region. Those who remained were under no illusions that spring would not bring another round of brutal raids and combat.  By March of 1781, small Indian war parties began raiding farms and small settlements.  These were quick hit-and-run operations, designed to inflict harm and disappear before a counter attack could come.

Marinus Willett

In April, Governor Clinton appointed Colonel Marinus Willett as commander of the New York militia on the frontier.  I’ve mentioned Colonel Willett before.  He was one of the most critical offices in New York during the revolution.

Marinus Willett
Willett was born on Long Island, in Jamaica, Queens.  His family had lived in New York for over a century.  One of his ancestors, Thomas Willett, was the first English Mayor of New York.  Although Marinus was raised as a Quaker, he left home at age 18 to form a militia company during the French and Indian War.  Lieutenant Willett served in a provincial regiment commanded by Oliver De Lancey.  He was part of the British attack on Fort Ticonderoga, and several other actions in French Canada.  After falling ill, Willett convalesced at Fort Stanwix, which was under construction at the time.

By 1775, Willet was living in New York City.  Although most of his family were loyalists, Marinus joined the Sons of liberty.  That year, he attacked a British unit trying to remove guns from the city’s arsenal.  He took a commission as a captain in the new Continental Army and participated in the Quebec Campaign.  

In 1777, Willet received a transfer to Fort Stanwix, then under the command of Colonel Peter Gansevoort.  This was just before British General Burgoyne began his attack into New York.  As part of that attack British Colonel Barry St. Leger besieged Fort Stanwix. During the nearby battle of Oriskany, Willett was the officer who led the raid on the enemy camps, capturing most of their baggage.  This action caused the British to lose most of their Indian allies, and eventually retreat back to Canada, thus leaving General Burgoyne without expected reinforcements.

Once Burgoyne’s army surrendered at Saratoga, Willet returned to the main Continental Army under Washington, where he fought at the battle of Monmouth. He returned to New York in 1779 to participate in the Sullivan Campaign, which destroyed Iroquois towns and villages that were supporting raids from Canada. By this time Willet was colonel of the 5th New York Regiment in the Continental Army.  Due to dwindling enlistments, the five New York Regiments were consolidated into just two in 1780.  

Upstate New York

New York needed a military leader.  As the spring of 1781 began, Iroquois raiders under Joseph Brant and others began raiding the region.  In early spring, raiders captured thirty militiamen who were caught outside of Fort Stanwix, as this time also called Fort Schuyler.  Shortly thereafter, a flood, and then a fire damaged much of the fort.  

Some sources indicate that the flood destroyed much of the fort’s provisions at a time when the garrison was already running tight on rations.  The fire was either an accident or deliberately set by members of the garrison.  The garrison was starving and some may have hoped that the fire would allow them to abandon the fort and go somewhere else that had food.  

If that was the case, it worked. The remainder of the garrison abandoned what was left of the fort and retreated downriver to Fort Herkimer.

At Governor Clinton’s request, General Washington approved Colonel Willett’s transfer to New York.  He needed to rally the locals to put up a defense at a time when the main Continental Army was looking in the other direction at New York City, and most of the fighting was taking place in the south.  As such, those in upstate New York would be obliged to defend themselves against the raids from Canada.

After years of raids, the locals were as prepared as possible.  A string of 24 forts in the area provided protection. Some of these forts were simply reinforced houses that offered a minimum of protection.  Still, it was usually enough to discourage a small Indian raiding party from attacking.  Residents would run to the nearest fort when they received word of raiders in the area.

Most of the properties had been destroyed by this time.  Raiders were frequently destroying buildings that had been rebuilt after previous raids.  

At Governor Clinton’s request Colonel Willett received orders to take command of the state troops and militia in May of 1781.  General Robert Van Rensselaer, the previous commander, took heavy criticism for his weak leadership at the battles of Stone Arabia and Klock’s Field in the fall of 1780, and had been removed from command.

The overall commander of the Northern Department at this time was Continental Brigadier General James Clinton, the brother of Governor George Clinton.  General Clinton mostly stayed in Albany with his brother.  He was focused more on obtaining supplies, and left the field work in the Mohawk and Schoharie valleys to Colonel Willett.  General Washington pulled almost all Continental soldiers out of the region, as part of his attempt to gather up an army that could threaten New York City.  The only outside support came after Washington requested that Massachusetts militia support Willett in New York, but that request only came in late summer.

So Willett was pretty much on his own when he got there.  He arrived in late June and set up his headquarters at Fort Plain, also known as Fort Rensselaer.  Rather than keep small bodies of militia scattered across the region, Willett opted to gather together a militia army of several hundred men who could be on the move regularly to confront any enemy raiding parties. 

New Dorlach

Within a few weeks of arriving at Fort Plain, Willett would face his first major challenge.  Over the course of the winter and spring, most of the attacks consisted of smaller bands of Tories and Iroquois attacking isolated homes or people caught out in their fields.

On July 9, Willett dispatched Captain Lawrence Gross with 35 militiamen on a routine reconnaissance south of the fort towards the village of New Dorlach, today called Sharon Springs.  Later that same morning, Willett noticed smoke rising from the southeast, in the direction of Currytown.  He dispatched Captain Robert McKean with sixteen men to investigate and to collect militia along the way.

McKean’s force arrived at Currytown, about ten miles from the fort, to find the village had been plundered and burned to the ground.  His men could only douse the remaining fires.

The attack on Currytown was not the result of a small raiding party.  A larger force of 300 Iroquois and loyalists under the command of Lieutenant John Dockstader had ridden down from Montreal to raid the area.  Dockstader had lived in the area before the war, but had been forced to flee because of his loyalist sentiments.  

Dockstader apparently had some relationship to Joseph Brant, the Mohawk war chief and British officer.  According to some accounts, and records are spotty on this point, Dockstader had married a sister or niece of Captain Brant.  Some accounts also indicate that Dockstader was part Iroquois himself.  Whatever his background, Dockstader was a committed loyalist and an experienced raider who knew the area well.

During the attack on Currytown, the raiders killed and scalped several locals, and took a few others prisoner.  They plundered all the buildings, then burned whatever they could not carry off with them.  Once complete, the raiders rode southwest, toward the town of New Dorlach.

After dousing the fires in Curryown, Captain Gross tasked two of his local scouts to follow the trail.  The men determined that the raiders had set up camp in a swamp near New Dorlach.  

Since the raiding party was about 300 men, and Gross had only thirty, he could not do anything on his own.  He dispatched riders back to Fort Plain to inform Colonel Willett.  Gross then set up camp along Bowman’s creek, between Fort Plain and the enemy camp at New Dorlach.  

Upon receiving the news of the enemy’s location, Willett put out the call for anyone who could, to join for an attack near Currytown.  He gathered as many men as he could from Fort Plain, and moved overnight to surprise the enemy.  Willett’s force, along with those of Gross and McKean, arrived near the enemy camp at about dawn on July 10.

The force of mostly Iroquois warriors outnumbered the smaller force of about 150 militia that Willett had been able to muster on short notice.  Even so, he was determined to fight.  Willett sent about ten of his men toward the enemy camp, where they fired on the enemy and then retreated.  As expected, the warriors jumped on their horses and tried to ride down the small group.  The Iroquois were so fast that they managed to kill two of the retreating militia. The rest, however, rode the pursuers into an ambush set up by Willett.

The militia fired a volley into the warriors. Although they took casualties, the warriors rushed at the enemy lines.  Willett had kept back fifty of his soldiers, who fired another volley into the attackers.  The two lines continued to fight for about ninety minutes, before the loyalists retreated.  Captain McKean attempted to pursue the retreating enemy, but almost immediately took two balls in his chest, mortally wounded.  His son Samuel attempted to come to his aid and was also shot through the mouth.  The enemy disappeared quickly without anyone attempting to pursue immediately. 

After Willett’s force did advance, they found the enemy camp at the swamp. The enemy had gone, but had abandoned most of their equipment and the plunder taken from Currytown.  Willett later reported that the loyalist force had about fifty men killed or wounded.  Willett lost five men killed and nine wounded.  The loyalists had also killed most of the prisoners taken at Currytown after the encounter with Willett’s force.  Several of the prisoners survived long enough to be recovered, but most died of their injuries within days.

After the battle ended, Lieutenant Colonel Volkert Veeder arrived on the scene with three regiments of Tryon County Militia.  The militia had missed the battle but helped to deal with the dead and wounded.

Schell’s Bush

While the battle at New Dorlach turned out to be the largest fight of the summer, it was far from the only one.  Locals were always on alert for the next raid.  

Only a few weeks after the battle at New Dorlach, a Tory named Adam Crysler, from Butler’s Rangers, led a group of Tories and Iroquois in a raid a few miles further southeast, near the modern town of Gallupville.  They attacked several houses, killing and capturing locals.  

Days later, on August 6, loyalist Donald McDonald led another force of sixty Indians and loyalists within a few miles of Fort Herkimer.  Those who could, fled to Fort Herkimer.  But Johann Christian Schell chose to make a stand at his home.  He had fortified the home to prepare for an attack. When the raid came, two of his sons were captured while working in the field.  Schell made it back to his home where he, his wife, and his six other sons put up a defense.

The family managed to hold off the attackers for  hours, as they tried to burn down the home, or force entry.  McDonald personally rushed the door and attempted to force it open with a crowbar.  The defenders wounded him and dragged him inside. 

Several natives rushed the house and put their guns through loopholes in the walls.  Mrs. Schell took an axe and destroyed five barrels by bashing them.

At dusk, Schell feared the cover of darkness might aid the enemy.  Then from the second floor of his home, he shouted that he saw a relief force from Fort Dayton. He began shouting commands to the militia to locate the attackers.  As it turned out, there was no rescue party.  Schell just made it up.  But it managed to unnerve the attackers, who fled into the woods.

They left behind their commander, the wounded McDonald, who remained a prisoner. He was taken to Fort Dayton the following day.  There, he died from his wounds.  

Following the attack, patriots found eleven dead and six more wounded in the area around the house.  Schell’s captured sons were taken to Montreal.  After their eventual release when the war ended, they reported that another nine wounded attackers died on the march back to Canada.

No one in the house was killed or wounded.  Schell continued to farm his land. A year later, another raid again caught him working in his fields.  This time, he and one of his sons were killed.

Johnstown

Also as the summer came to an end, Walter Butler, the son of John Butler, commander of of Butler’s Rangers, led another force of 600 or 700 Tories and Iroquois into the Mohawk valley.  I’ve mentioned Butler before. He grew up in the area, but was forced to flee because of his loyalist sympathies.  He had been tried in New York and sentenced to death before escaping back to Canada.  Butler was among the most active Tory leaders, and had become particularly notorious following his role in the Cherry Valley Massacre in 1778.

The loyalists came back to the same area of the Mohawk Valley in October, including another attack on Currytown, to destroy anything that had been rebuilt since the July raid.  The raiders then moved north toward Johnstown.

Back at Fort Plain, Colonel Willett received word of the new raid.  Once again, he raised as many men as he could quickly and set out in pursuit.  Willett managed to raise only about 400 militia, so the enemy far outnumbered his force.  Even so, the patriot militia caught up with the raiders around Johnstown on October 25.

Willett divided his force, sending a portion of it in a flanking move to get around the enemy’s rear.  The remainder advance forward in a direct attack across an open field.  Willett’s men also had one small field cannon.  The fight raged for some time, with the two sides charging one another.  At one point the militia making up the patriots’ right flank fled in a panic. Willett attempted to rally his men as the Tories took advantage of the confusion.  

Just as a Tory victory looked imminent, the flanking force appeared in the Tory rear and threw the whole battle into confusion.  The fighting turned into small groups of men fighting as the British  eventually withdrew to higher ground.  

Over the next few days, the Tories withdrew, moving west back toward Canada.  Willet and the militia pursued them.  At one point, Butler tried to ford a river when a force of patriot militia and Oneida warriors caught him. Butler turned to taunt his pursuers when one of the Oneida shot him off his horse with a rifle. The warrior then charged into the river with his tomahawk to finish the job.

According to one story, Butler pleaded for mercy, but the warrior simply shouted “remember Cherry Valley” and finished him.  This is almost certainly made up after the fact.  A more likely account says that Butler was shot in the head and died instantly.  The Oneida warrior then scalped the dead body and took his coat, which were both later sold in Albany.  However it happened after Walter Butler was dead.

As it turned out, this was the last large scale raid of the war.  Shortly thereafter word of Yorktown arrived, and both sides settled down and waited for the end.

Next Week, we return to South Carolina, where the South Carolina under Thomas Sumter continues to contest control of the state - keeping the British pinned down around Charleston.

- - -

Next Episode 292 Dog Days Campaign 

Previous Episode 290 Grand Reconnaissance

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Bronner, Frederick L. “MARINUS WILLETT.” New York History, vol. 17, no. 3, 1936, pp. 273–80. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23135050

“To George Washington from James Clinton, 30 May 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05904

“To George Washington from Marinus Willett, 6 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06310 

“To George Washington from Marinus Willett, 13 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06396 

“From George Washington to Marinus Willett, 14 July 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-06413

HISTORY OF SCHOHARIE COUNTY by Jeptha R. Simms - 1845 CHAPTER XV

The Frontiersmen of New York by Jeptha R. Simms Albany, NY 1883 Volume II, Page 487 Principal Events of 1781: http://threerivershms.com/simms1781.htm



Schell Family Victorious Battle: https://herkimer.nygenweb.net/schell3.html



Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Campbell, William W. Lecture on the life and military services of General James Clinton. Read before the New-York Historical Society, Feb. 1839. 

Campbell, William W. Annals of Tryon county; or, The border warfare of New York, during the revolution, New York: J&J Harper, 1831. 

Cruikshank, E. A. The Story of Butler's Rangers and the Settlement of Niagara, Welland, Ont. Tribune Print. House, 1893. 

Greene, Nelson The Story of Old Fort Plain and the Middle Mohawk Valley (with five maps), Fort Plain: O'Connor, 1915. 

Simms, Jeptha Root The frontiersmen of New York: showing customs of the Indians, vicissitudes of the pioneer white settlers, and border strife in two wars, Albany, NY: G.C. Riggs, 1882. 

Stone, William L. Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea, Vol 2. 1792-1844, New York, A. V. Blake, 1838. 

Thomas, Howard Marinus Williett, soldier-patriot, 1740-1830, Prospect Books, 1954 (borrow only) 

Wager, Daniel E. Col. Marinus Willett, the hero of Mohawk Valley, Utica: Oneida Historical Society, 1891. 

Warner, George H. Military records of Schoharie County veterans of four wars, Albany, NY, Weed, 1891. 

Willett, Marinus A narrative of the military actions of Colonel Marinus Willett, taken chiefly from his own manuscript, New York, G&C&H Carvill, 1831. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Berry, A.J. & James Morrison Marinus Willett, Saviour of The Mohawk Valley, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2014. 

Graymont, Barbara The Iroquois in the American Revolution, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1972. (borrow on archive.org

Lowenthal, Larry Marinus Willett: Defender of the Northern Frontier (New Yorkers and the Revolution), Purple Mountain Pr Ltd, 2000. 

Swiggett, Howard War Out of Niagara: Walter Butler and the Tory Rangers, Literary Licensing, LLC. 2012. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, December 3, 2023

ARP290 Grand Reconnaissance


My focus for some time now has been on the war in the south.  I last talked about the main Continental army under Washington in Episode 276, when we discussed the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line.  Before that, we go back to the fall of 1780 when Benedict Arnold fled to the British.

Baron Von Closen retrieves his hat

In 1780 and 1781, the main British army under General Henry Clinton occupied New York City, including all of Manhattan Island and most of Long Island.  The Continentals were located throughout northern New Jersey and the Hudson Valley area of New York, mostly around West Point.  The French army under General Rochambeau had arrived at Newport, Rhode Island in 1780, and had not moved since then.

Washington had conferred with Rochambeau at Hartford, Connecticut, in the fall of 1780.  There both generals had agreed that they did not have enough men and resources to attack the British in New York, and agreed to focus on getting larger and better equipped armies to take on the task.  Rochambeau sent his son back to Versailles to plead for more of everything.  Washington fought with Congress and State leaders about getting them to provide more soldiers, and everything else they needed but the few soldiers that did join did not help with New York since he had to send so many to Virginia and the Carolinas.

Wethersfield Conference

General Rochambeau’s son, the Vicomte de Rochambeau, put forward his father’s case for more of everything in France. It took him six months to return with an answer.  

Vicomte de Rochambeau
French Minister Vergennes was skeptical.  France was fighting a world war with Britain. His primary concern was the protection of France’s valuable island colonies in the West Indies.  The war in North America was supposed to be a distraction to sap British resources, but at this point it seemed like it was mostly it seemed to be doing at this point was sapping French resources.  

The war in Europe was also expanding.  Britain had just declared war on the Netherlands.  On top of that, when the younger Rochambeau arrived in France in December 1780, word had just arrived that the Empress Maria Theresa of the Holy Roman Empire had died.  France was concerned this might result in a new European War involving Prussia.  Vergennes did not want to send a large army across the Atlantic if France itself might be threatened with an invasion by an army of Prussians.

Everything Vergennes was hearing: from Rochambeau, from his Minister Luzerne in Philadelphia, and from the American Ministers, Adams and Franklin, in France, confirmed that the Americans were barely keeping an army in the field at all.  They had very few men, and no food, clothing, ammunition, nor anything else to maintain an army.  France would essentially have to finance the war for America.

When the Vicomte returned to America to deliver Vergennes’ response, General Rochambeau sent a message for Washington to meet with him so that could discuss the response. The Vicomte landed in Newport, Rhode Island on May 6, 1781.

Initially the two leaders planned to meet again in Hartford, Connecticut which was about half way between Washington’s Headquarters in New York and Rochambeau’s headquarters in Rhode Island.  Hartford was ruled out as a meeting place this time since the Connecticut General Assembly was in session in Hartford.  Delegates were already using any spare rooms in town.  Washington’s aide-de-camp, Samuel Bletchley Webb, suggested the leaders meet in Wethersfield, a few miles south of Hartford.  Webb had grown up in Wethersfield, and offered up his family’s home, owned at the time by his older brother, as a suitable place to hold a conference.

Washington and Rochambeau met in Wethersfield on May 21, 1781. It was then that Rochambeau gave Washington the news from France.  The news was that France was not sending a larger French Army.  It wasn’t even sending over the 1600 that had been left behind in France when Rochambeau left.  A tiny supplement of 600 soldiers was all they would receive.

Vergennes, however, was willing to provide some funds, in the hopes that it would allow the Continental Army to rebuild its own forces.  France made a gift of 3.5 million livres.  This money could be used to build up the Continental Army to a size that could fight the British.  

In addition, France had deployed a large fleet under Admiral de Grasse with twenty ships of the line and 3200 marines and soldiers. The fleet left France in the spring, headed for the West Indies.  Navies had to leave the West Indies by late summer to avoid hurricane season.  So the news was that De Grasse would bring his fleet to North America for a fall campaign.

With that information, Rochambeau and Washington had to agree on a plan to make use of the French Navy when de Grasse arrived.  Washington was still very much focused on retaking New York City.  If the French Navy could control the water around Manhattan, the Continentals and French could advance onto Manhattan and compel the surrender of General Clinton and the British army there.

General Rochambeau disagreed with the plan.  The British had an estimated 13,000 soldiers, even if Washington believed it to be only around 8000.  Even using Washington's lower number, and even with the French Navy taking New York Harbor, Rochambeau’s force of less than 5000 men combined with the Continental Army under Washington, which had maybe 5000 on a good day, would not be enough to overwhelm British defenses on Manhattan, or even maintain a siege.  A good rule of thumb was that an attacker needed at least twice the forces as the defender.

Instead of looking at New York, Rochambeau wanted to move their armies to Virginia.  The British army under Cornwallis posed a real threat, but could be wiped out by a combined American and French force, backed by the French fleet.

The leaders of both armies argued over the options for two days, in discussions later described at tense and heated.  In the end, after two days of debate, Rochambeau acceded to Washington’s demand for an attack on New York.  After all, his orders from Versailles were to support Washington’s command decisions.  Even here, Rochambeau equivocated. He said his French army would march to join with Washington’s in New York and would then assess together whether they could attack the city.

After the two men departed, Rochambeau wrote to Admiral de Grasse informing him of the discussions but still holding that an attack on Virginia made more sense.  Although Rochambeau was under orders to support Washington, de Grasse was not.  If de Grasse sailed for the Chesapeake, there was nothing the Continentals could do to compel the French fleet to go elsewhere.  Rochambeau did not openly defy Washington’s wishes since he also suggested in his letter that, after destroying Cornwallis’ army in Virginia, they could then sail up to New York, if time and resources permitted.

Rochambeau also reached out to French Minister Luzerne in Philadelphia about his plans.  Afterwards. Luzerne also wrote to de Grasse about the importance of taking out Cornwallis’ Army in Virginia.  So even after their conference, the American and French commanders did not seem to be on the same page.

King’s Bridge Raid

In mid-June, a few weeks after returning from Wethersfield, and after getting New England leaders to call up 1000 militiamen to protect the French assets at Newport, Rochambeau began marching his army toward Washington’s headquarters in New York.  It took the French army nearly three weeks to reach New York state, arriving in Philipsburg on July 5.

The combined Continental and French Armies still totaled less than 8000 men. They faced a British defensive army of nearly 15,000.  Even before the French army arrived, Washington began to probe British defenses for weaknesses.  On the night of July 1, General Benjamin Lincoln led 800 Continentals on an amphibious landing at the northern end of Manhattan.

Lincoln had only rejoined Washington a few weeks earlier.   We last left General Lincoln in Charleston South Carolina, where he surrendered along with the rest of the southern army in the spring of 1780.  After his capture, the British Lincoln to leave on parole almost immediately after his capture.  Under the terms of his parole he was permitted to visit Philadelphia to brief Congress, but afterward was restricted to New England.  By the fall of 1780, the armies had arranged for an exchange, which allowed Lincoln to return to active duty.  Lincoln, however, remained in Massachusetts, primarily organizing militia and recruiting for the Continental Army.  He rejoined Washington in New York in mid-June 1781, just in time to launch this attack.

Lincoln had moved his men down the Hudson River landing on the New Jersey side, near the former site of Fort Lee.  Overnight, his men crossed the river into Manhattan to attack the forts there.  At the same time, French General Armand Louis de Gontaut, the Duke de Lauzun, led a night march against Morrissania, a Tory stronghold just to the east of northern Manhattan.

At dawn, Lincoln was poised to attack the forts, but found the defenses there unexpectedly strong.  His orders in that case were to abandon his attack in Manhattan, and cross King’s Bridge, back into what is today Yonkers, then go down to aid in Lauzun’s attack on Morrisania.

Lincoln’s force encountered a force of Hessian Jaegers and was forced to retreat.  The two armies skirmished, as Lincoln marched back toward the main Continental Army.  When they got close to the main American camp, Hessians broke off their attack and returned to their base.

Loauzun heard the sound of gunfire and marched his French forces toward them, calling off his attack on Morrisania.  By the time he arrived, the Hessians had already withdrawn.  Washington observed the movements closely, trying to assess the British defenses.  Similarly, General Clinton rode out from New York City to observe the skirmishing and look for any American weaknesses.

The Grand Reconnaissance

On July 6, a few days after Lincoln’s attack, General Rochambeau arrived in Phillipsburg from his winter camp in Newport.  The July heat was unbearable during the march, and many French soldiers collapsed during the march.  They needed time to recover before they would be ready for anything.  Even so, Washington was thrilled that the French Army had arrived and would soon be ready to do something.  

The French soldiers were concerned about the condition of their allies.  Washington’s Continentals in New York numbered only about 3500 troops.  One French officer at the time commented that the Continentals were “mostly naked” and that three-quarters of them had no shoes.

Rochambeau reviewed the intelligence from the earlier raid, but wanted to launch a second larger attack so that his officers could get a better understanding of British defenses. Washington and Rochambeau agreed to launch a grand reconnaissance.  This would be a rather sizeable attack on the British lines, not with the goal of overrunning them, but only to determine where British defenses were, and how strong they were.

French Map of British Defenses drawn July 1781
After the French soldiers had a few days to recover, torrential rains delayed the allies from launching their larger attack a little longer.  While waiting for the weather to clear, Washington and Rochambeau crossed into New Jersey to view the western side of the British defenses from across the river.  On July 18, the two generals, along with a small force of about 150, observed the British, making note of what they could see from the Palisades.  They observed that the British had done their job: stripping the area of trees and bushes that could provide cover for an attacking force. They noted at least six battalions of British and German forces, behind ditches and abattis that discouraged any direct assault.  Still, this was not enough to understand fully what British defenses they faced if they were to assault Manhattan.

On the night of July 21, the combined armies of about 4000 men marched in four columns toward Valentine Hill, a small rise just to the north of Manhattan Island.  In the early pre-dawn hours of July 22, the two Continental and two French columns converged there to prepare for the attack.

Again, French officers noted how poorly clothed and fed the Continentals were, but also noted that they marched efficiently, silently, and in good order.  While the soldiers were poorly supplied, they acted as professional soldiers. 

The combined army formed a line about two and a half miles long, with one end at the former Fort Independence, which the Americans had abandoned years earlier following the British offensive.  

The only remaining enemy garrison across the river from Manhattan was at Redoubt Number 8, only a short distance away. Redoubt Number 8 sat across Harlem Creek from Manhattan and some distance from Kings Bridge, meaning it was somewhat isolated.  But British forces on the other side of the river in Manhattan had boats to reach the Redoubt. The redoubt itself was garrisoned by Hessian and loyalist forces.  

The allied forces wanted to take the redoubt so that they could get a view of the British defenses from the east.  From the Redoubt, they simply had to look across Harlem Creek into Manhattan.

As the Americans and French advanced on Redoubt Number 8, Hessian pickets fired warning shots to alert British forces to the enemy’s presence.  Within fifteen minutes, British dragoons crossed the Harlem Creek to reinforce the Redoubt.  British artillery from Laurel Hill, just across the creek, had a cannon range to support the redoubt.

Washington ordered an assault on the Redoubt, with two French divisions and one Continental.  The assault was reinforced by French artillery that had arrived just in time to participate.  The British defenses held and the Allied assault fell back.  Seeing that they would not take the redoubt, Washington and Rochambeau used the attack to get a better idea of defenses, not only at Redoubt Number 8, but also the nearby Fort Tryon, Fort Knyphausen and Fort Laurel Hill.  They also noted that the British had also built a wall to prevent any advance between the forts on Manhattan.

After that, Washington and Rochambeau then left the army under the command of General Lincoln and rode off to see how the French advance on Morrissania was going.  The two generals had only a small contingent of dragoons with them, when they encountered a group of about twenty Tories.  The dragoons charged the enemy who retreated to a nearby house.

The small groups skirmished for some time. At one point, one of Rochambeau’s aides, the duc de Damas had his horse shot out from under him.  After the horse fell, a Tory charged out of the house to attack another of Rochambeau’s aides, Louis-Alexandre Berthier, screaming “Die, you dog of a Frenchman”

French Map of Manhattan, 1781
Berthier pulled his pistol and shot the attacker in the chest.  

The main talk among the officers, however, was Baron von Closen. As he had chased the Tories, a tree branch knocked off his hat.  He stopped his horse and dismounted to retrieve it.  By the time he mounted again, the rest of the party was gone, and he found himself alone. Closen eventually caught up with them, but they all had thought that he had been killed while retrieving his hat.  His survival was a pleasant surprise, although they all gave him a hard time over risking his life to retreive his hat.  In the end, none of the soldiers were killed or seriously wounded in the encounter.

The skirmish ended and the party continued on its way.  They reached Morrissania, where they could get a good view of the British defenses on Manhattan south of the main British defensive line.  There, the party came under fire from British cannons in New York Harbor.  A panicked guide noted, after galloping away, that Generals Washington and Rochambeau followed him at a slow pace, apparently unconcerned about the cannonballs whirring around them.

By 9 PM after about 24 hours of constant movement, the generals had a quick meal and got a few hours of sleep.  By 4 AM the next day, July 23, they were back in the saddle, headed for Throg’s Neck to view British defenses on Long Island.

As the surveyors and engineers did their work at Throg’s Neck, Rochambeau and Washington discussed what they had seen.  Both men were exhausted men and fell asleep that afternoon.  While they slept, the tide came in, turning their peninsula into an island. A British navy ship sailed up and fired on the party.  The two generals had to grab their saddles and run up to the northern part of the island. There, aides got both men onto boats and back to the main shore.  Their horses had to swim for it.  One of Washington’s Life Guards was killed in this artillery barrage.  The rest of the party, however, managed to get out of cannon range.  They soon rejoined the main army near King’s Bridge.

Conclusions

The conclusion of the reconnaissance was that the British defenses were quite formidable.  The allies estimated the enemy had about 18,000 soldiers.  There was no way to storm the Manhattan defenses from the north, at least not without horrific losses.  A water landing below those defenses could be easily blocked by the British Navy.  The danger of being encircled and entrapped was too great, even if they could raise an army large enough to challenge the British.

As I said, Rochambeau had believed that New York was not a viable target from the beginning.  But armed with this evidence, he seemed to convince Washington to give up the goal of an attack on New York and instead look toward Virginia.  

A frustrated Washington finally conceded that his goal of taking New York in 1781 would be impossible.  In his diary, about a week later, he lamented that if only the states had fulfilled their quotas, the attack would be possible.  But conceding to reality, Washington finally began to consider an operation to the south rather than an attack on New York.  His dream of ending the war by recapturing New York came to an end.

Next week, we are going to head a little further north, as the soldiers in the Mohawk Valley continue to contest British raids from Canada.

- - -

Next Episode 291 New Dorlach

Previous Episode 289 Green Spring

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

 Join the Facebook group, American Revolution Podcast 

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Discuss the AmRev Podcast on Reddit

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account. You may also donate via Venmo (@Michael-Troy-20) or Zelle (send to mtroy1@yahoo.com)


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Further Reading

Websites

Saberton, Ian “The Aborted Virginia Campaign and its Aftermath, May to August 1781” Journal of the American Revolution, Nov. 23, 2020. https://allthingsliberty.com/2020/11/the-aborted-virginia-campaign-and-its-aftermath-may-to-august-1781

Robison, Conor “The Battle of Green Spring: A Footnote on the Road to Yorktown” Journal of the American Revolution, November 10, 2022. https://allthingsliberty.com/2022/11/the-battle-of-green-spring-a-footnote-on-the-road-to-yorktown

Hatch, Charles E. Jr. “The ‘Affair Near James Island’ (or, ‘The Battle of Green Spring’)”
The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, July 1945 (volume 53), pp. 172–96. https://leefamilyarchive.org/reference/essays/hatch/index.html

Conrad, Bryan. “Lafayette and Cornwallis in Virginia, 1781.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 14, no. 2, 1934, pp. 100–04. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1915672

Urwin, Gregory J. W. “When Freedom Wore a Red Coat: How Cornwallis’ 1781 Campaign Threatened the Revolution in Virginia.” Army History, no. 68, 2008, pp. 6–23. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/26298725


Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Clinton, Henry The Narrative of Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton, K.B. relative to his conduct during part of his command of the King's troops in North America, 1783. 

Eckenrode, H.J. The Revolution in Virginia, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1916. 

Harrell, Isaac Samuel Loyalism in Virginia; chapters in the economic history of the Revolution, New York, AMS Press, 1965. 

Johnston, Henry P. The Yorktown Campaign and the surrender of Cornwallis, 1781, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1881. 

Kapp Friedrich The Life of Frederick William Von Steuben, New York: Mason Bros. 1859. 

Tarleton, Banastre A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the Southern Provinces of North America, London: T. Cadell 1787. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cecere, Michael The Invasion of Virginia, 1781, Westholme Publishing, 2017. 


Gottschalk, Louis R. Lafayette and the Close of the American Revolution, Univ. of Chicago, 1942 

Kranish, Michael Flight from Monticello: Thomas Jefferson at War, Oxford Univ. Press, 2010. 

Nelson, Paul D. Anthony Wayne, Soldier of the Early Republic, Indiana Univ. Press, 1985 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Palmer, John M. General von Steuben, Yale Univ. Press, 1937 (borrow on archive.org).

Ward, Harry M. Richmond during the Revolution, 1775-83, Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 

Wickwire, Franklin B. Cornwallis, The American Adventure, Houghton Mifflin, 1970

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.