Sunday, September 9, 2018

Episode 061: Battle of Chelsea Creek




For the last few weeks, I tackled some more general issues about slavery and the army, and then the Patriot’s capture of Fort Ticonderoga and Lake Champlain.  Today I want to turn back to Boston, where the provincial army had laid siege to Gen. Gage and the regulars.  Today we look at several skirmishes between the two armies in the first weeks of the siege of Boston.

Boston Siege in Chaos

In the days and weeks following Lexington and Concord, the thousands of provincials besieging the British garrison in Boston looked more like a mob than an army.  The Massachusetts Provincial Congress commissioned Artemas Ward as Commander in Chief on May 19, 1775 and promoted him to full General.  Ward, of course, had already been running things for a month. He assumed command of the army on April 20, the day after Lexington.

The Provincial Congress initially called for a New England army of 30,000 men, with Massachusetts providing about half that.  Supporting that large a standing army though, proved impossible.  The numbers surrounding Boston sat between 10,000 and 15,000, from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island.  With no central command or enlistment procedure, militiamen came and went at will.  Entire units would get bored and go home.  They often decided on their own that nothing was happening.  They might as well get back to planting or taking care of business back on their farms.

Gen. William Heath
(from Wikimedia)
Over time, leaders convinced most of the militia surrounding Boston to agree to serve for the remainder of the year, which reduced, but did not eliminate, the problem of soldiers simply coming and going at will.  Gen. William Heath took command of 2000 soldiers in Roxbury on the right flank of the American lines.  Heath also conveniently lived on his family farm nearby. Nothing like fighting on the front lines but still going home to sleep in your own bed each night.  Heath, a long time Massachusetts militia officer, had proven an effective commander during the attack on the British column returning from Concord.

His position immediately in front of Boston Neck was a critical one.  If the British did not want to conduct a water landing, they would have to force their way across Boston Neck.  This would probably be the only way they could seize Dorchester Heights.  Therefore, Heath’s position was what kept regulars from marching out of Boston.

British Gen. Thomas Gage and Admiral Samuel Graves warned provincial leaders not to occupy Charlestown, threatening to bombard the town if occupied.  Similarly, they warned colonists not to occupy Dorchester Heights or face British wrath.  Provincial leaders, many still believing a political compromise might avert further bloodshed, complied.  Charlestown stood empty, and Dorchester Heights unoccupied.

Another big problem was that units from outside Massachusetts did not feel any obligation to take orders from anyone from Massachusetts.  The New Hampshire, Connecticut, or Rhode Island militia considered Massachusetts officers to be members of a separate army.  They might be convinced to agree to instructions, but felt they were under no obligation to do so.  These separate colonies were cooperating, but they did not recognize Gen. Ward, or any other leader from another colony as having any authority to command them to do anything.

It was not just soldiers who refused to follow Massachusetts’ lead.  In early May, Connecticut Governor John Trumbull sent a delegation to meet with Gen. Gage and see if they could not work out a political solution.  Unlike most colonial governors, Trumbull was elected, meaning he could not simply be written off as a royal appointee who had more loyalty to London than the colonists.  His decision to work out a political compromise without Massachusetts would fall right into Gen. Gage’s plan to divide and conquer.

The Massachusetts Congress went nuts over this. They would lose about a third of their army if Connecticut decided to leave. Massachusetts President Joseph Warren sent Gov. Trumbull several letters about this, pointing out the dangers of not showing a united front. Trumbull’s delegation met with Gage, but in the end decided to remain with the provincials. After Gage had promised to let Bostonians leave the city then reneged on that promise, Trumbull decided he could not trust Gage.  Connecticut stayed with the Patriots and the provincial army.

As spring moved toward summer, men sat around camp with little to do.  They refused any orders they found unreasonable.  Thousands of men in such a confined area soon led to health problems.  Failure to dig proper latrines made things worse.  Typhus and other illnesses spread through the camps, eventually killing hundreds of them over the summer.  Disease also killed many regulars in Boston as well.  Disease would kill far more men than battle deaths over the course of the war.

The Provincials apparently also annoyed the British officers by flying the Union Jack in Cambridge and referring to themselves as the King’s Army.  They referred to the Regulars in Boston as the Parliament Army, an obvious comparison to the divisions in the English Civil War.  No one still considered this an independence movement.  Colonists still thought that Parliament was out of control and that appeals to King George would eventually convince the crown to order Parliament to stop infringing on colonial rights.

After a few weeks, both sides started pushing the other side with provocations that could possibly reignite active warfare.

Charleston Taunt

On May 13, Connecticut Gen. Israel Putnam, for no good reason, led 2000 men onto the no man’s land on the Charlestown Peninsula.  The battalion marched across Bunker Hill, Breed’s Hill, through the town and down to the water’s edge.  There, they shouted at the Naval vessels with cannon pointed at them, then eventually marched back out of Charlestown.

It was a dangerous move for no good purpose since the navy might have opened fire on them.  Putnam felt it was important to give the soldiers something to do.  An idle army is a dangerous one.  It also gave them a chance to test the enemy and see how trigger happy they were. British officers aboard the Somerset said they would have opened up on the provincials if any of the men had fired a single musket in their direction.  Everyone on both sides held their fire though.  Putnam and his brigade marched back off the Charlestown peninsula and back to the continental lines in Cambridge.

No one ordered him to do this. Putnam did not inform any other general officers about his plans. This was just another chaotic event that shows just how disorganized the provincial leadership was.

Battle of Grape Island

The British soon grew concerned about their access to fresh food.  The siege cut off trade with local farmers.  They lacked meat, fresh fruits and vegetables, as well as hay for the horses and bedding.  Several small islands dotted Boston Harbor, where locals grew crops and grazed animals.  With the British navy in control of the harbor, Gage figured he could make use of these resources.

Gen. Israel Putnam
(from Wikimedia)
On May 21, Gage sent four small sloops over to Grape Island on the south side of the harbor, just a few hundred feet from the mainland.  The island’s Tory owner gave Gage permission to collect the harvested hay on the island and bring it back to Boston.

The site of regulars moving out of the city caused some locals along the coast to flee, fearing a surprise landing.  Gen. John Thomas, serving with Gen. Heath on the right flank of the Provincial line, deployed three companies of Massachusetts militia from Roxbury to engage the soldiers.  Provincial Congress President Joseph Warren joined them.  The Provincials fired at the island from the coast, but were too far away to hit anything.  The regulars went about loading the hay onto their ships, largely ignoring the provincials.

Like much of Boston Harbor, the water around Grape Island was too shallow for most boats, but the water and muddy bottom made it too difficult to wade out to the island either.  Provincials could not get to the island from the coast a low tide.

By early afternoon the tide came in enough that the provincials were able to launch a few boats.  They rowed out to confront the regulars. The two sides exchanged fire as the regulars retreated.  The regulars boarded their ships on one side of the island just as the provincials landed on the other. Neither side inflicted any casualties.

I have read two different sources, one saying the fleeing British burned the hay still on the island to deny it to the provincials.  Another said the provincials burned the hay after chasing off the regulars in order to prevent them coming back for more.  In either event, the crops remaining on the island burned so no one else could use them.

A few days later on May 25, the British landed a crew on another island, Long Island, in the harbor to obtain more hay.  This raid, further away from the coast, went without incident.

Battle of Chelsea Creek

The raids on Grape Island and Long Island raised provincial concerns over resources.  They needed to remove or destroy any crops or livestock on islands or near the coast that would provide potential resources to the Boston garrison.

Hog Island and Noddle Island, both sat near the north shore, separated from the mainland only by Chelsea Creek.  The two islands lay just east of Charlestown. Chelsea Creek was large enough to keep animals on the island from wandering away, making it an ideal location to graze livestock.  The islands were easy enough to access from the mainland.  The creek separating Hog Island from the mainland and the one separating Hog Island from Noddle Island were only knee deep at low tide, meaning soldiers could easily ford the water to get to the islands.

Gen. Gage received intelligence and warned Admiral Graves that the provincials might be planning an island raid.  Graves, told Gage to deploy soldiers to the island, but Gage decided the navy could defend the islands.  He was not going to take orders from the navy.  When Gage did not act, Graves deployed a small contingent of 40 marines to Noddle Island.  The navy had relied on the island for access to food supplies.  Of greater concern for Graves, the navy kept a large supply of wood materials on the island which was used for ship repairs.

Boston Harbor - See Hog and Noddle Islands near the top.
(from Wikiwand)
Gage’s intelligence proved correct.  The Provincials acted to remove the crops and animals for their own use, and to deny them to the enemy.  At dawn on May 27, The Committee of Safety ordered Massachusetts Col. John Nixon to lead several hundred soldiers onto Hog island to herd the animals onto the mainland.  They kept quiet and went unnoticed for most of the day.  Then, after moving onto Noddle Island, they set fire to a barn full of hay around 2:00 PM.  This fire alerted the navy to their activity.

Graves promptly ordered more marines to land on Noddle Island in support of the one company already responding to the incursion.  He also ordered his nephew, Lt. Thomas Graves, commander of a small sloop, the Diana to sail up Chelsea Creek to cut off the enemy retreat. With the Diana’s cannon cutting off their retreat and the marines attacking them on the island, the British hoped to surround and capture the provincial force.

The Diana’s gun’s though could not get close enough, the provincials continued to drive the livestock off the island, while a few of them formed a rearguard action at the creek between Hog and Noddle Islands. The provincial rearguard action effectively stopped the British marine advance, killing several of them and forcing a British retreat.

The Diana, in an attempt to get closer to the provincials, sailed a little too far up the creek into shallow waters, with the tide receding.  They attempted to tow the ship back down the creek, but took fire from the provincials as they did so.  The tow ships fled, and the wind died down, preventing the Diana from escaping under her own power.  The British ship was stuck in the mud as evening fell.

Adm. Samuel Graves
(from Wikimedia)
News of the grounded ship flew through Provincial camps around Cambridge. Gen. Israel Putnam and President Joseph Warren brought more men and cannons to the coast where they could fire on the now stranded Diana.  The ship attempted to fight back, supported by marine cannons firing from a hill on Noddle Island.  An overly excited Putnam led some of his soldiers hip deep into the water attempting to get closer to the ship with only their muskets.

Admiral Graves deployed at least two cannons to Noddle Island and the ship Britannia to provide further cover for the Diana.  The Provincials brought two smaller cannons, and about 1000 men to the site in an attempt to capture the ship.  This marked the first time the Provincials fired cannons in battle since fighting began.

The firefight lasted well into the night.  As the tide continued to flow out, the Diana, not only stuck to the bottom, but began to tilt to one site, making it impossible to fire her cannons.  Eventually the crew could not stand on the deck as the ship was almost on its side. Patriot fire had wounded several of the crew, who Lt. Graves ordered removed to the Britannia.

Around midnight. Lt. Graves had to accept the impossible situation and ordered his men to abandon ship.  They escaped on longboats.  The Provincials then stormed the abandoned ship.  Still under fire from Noddle Island and the Britannia, they looted anything of value, including four cannons and several swivel guns. They then set the ship on fire.  In the pre-dawn hours of May 28, the ship’s powder magazine exploded, leaving only a burning wreck by dawn.  Although it was a small ship, the Provincials saw the destruction of an armed naval vessel as great victory.

The Provincials only reported a few wounded, none killed.  Graves reported two sailors killed and several wounded.  However, according to other sources, Graves deliberately underreported the battle casualties.  A witness in Boston reported at least ten sailors were buried the day after the battle, with other dead from the battle buried elsewhere.  Some estimates report as many as thirty sailors and marines killed.  British officers frequently undercounted battle deaths when trying to minimize the failures on the battlefield.  The lost soldiers could easily be counted later as deaths from disease.

Israel Putnam’s bravery under fire at at Chelsea Creek, as well as the leadership of Provincial President Joseph Warren only enhanced the already good reputations of both men.  After the battle, Putnam and Warren met with Gen. Ward to discuss the day’s events.  Putnam, who had waded into the water, waving his sword as the Diana fired at his men repeatedly and missed, commented that he wished they could do that every day, if only to teach the men how little danger there was from cannon balls.  Gen. Ward still looking to end the conflict without an all out war chastised him, warning that he was going to provoke a British attack that they could not defeat.  Warren did not seem to want to disagree with either, simply said to Putnam: “I admire your spirit and respect Gen. Ward’s prudence.  Both will be necessary for us, and one must temper the other.

Several days later, the provincials crossed over to the islands again to remove any remaining animals.  The navy fired a few cannons at them but made no further efforts to engage the enemy.  The provincials also burned several more buildings on the island, including the mansion of the island’s owner Henry Howell Williams.  Mr. Williams supported the patriot cause, but the army deemed the home in danger of being of use to the enemy.  Williams would have to wait more than a decade to receive compensation for his losses.

In June the provincials made a third raid, destroying a warehouse, the last building on the island, and removing or destroying the last few items of value.  After that, neither side made much use of the islands for the remainder of the siege.

Provincial Congress Seeks Help

The civilian leaders of the Provincial Congress remained divided on how to resolve the current crisis.  The also grew concerned that their own provincial army could pose a danger.  As with any army, soldiers began muttering about the incompetence and imbecility of the politicians supposedly running the show.  These soldiers showed little deference, even to their own officers.  Soon the age old fears of standing armies threatening civilian government took hold.

Provincial Congress President Joseph Warren, was one of the few men who seemed to have a handle on how to keep control.  In addition to getting involved personally whenever there was a firefight.  Warren spent much of his time wandering through the camps, talking to the soldiers.  He not only got a good feel for what the men were thinking, he was able to squelch rumors and provide explanations for what was happening.  This went a long way toward keeping the men’s discontent from boiling over into desertion or mutiny.

Joseph Warren
(from Wikimedia)
On May 22, the Provincial Congress passed a law essentially declaring open season on all Tories who remained in the colony.  Any who had not already sought shelter in Boston or left the colony altogether had to go into hiding or have a sudden change of heart about their political views.

Congress also petitioned the Continental Congress in Philadelphia for guidance on how to proceed.  The Provincial Congress really had no legal authority to do anything.  A year earlier, the First Continental Congress ordered Massachusetts not to form any sovereign civilian government, which would be considered treason.  As such, Massachusetts was not sure how far it could go and still retain the support of the other colonies.  Mostly to ensure continued cooperation of other colonies, the Provincial Congress asked the Continental Congress to take command of the Provincial Army and make it part of a larger Continental Army.

President Warren entrusted the delivery of the petition to Benjamin Church.  It is not entirely clear why, he chose Church.  Some historians speculate that Warren suspected Church’s loyalty to the cause and guessed correctly that he might be providing intelligence to Gen. Gage.  Whether by luck or suspicion, Warren’s mission sent Church out of the colony for the three weeks before the battle of Bunker Hill, leaving Gage without one of his best sources for information.

- - -

Next Episode 62: Three Headed Cerberus Arrives in Boston

Previous Episode 60: Securing Lake Champlain


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Further Reading:

Web sites:

Brown, Craig, Victor Masone, and Christopher Maio "The Revolutionary War Battle America Forgot: Chelsea Creek, 27-28 May 1775", The New England Quarterly Vol. 86, No. 3 (2013), pp. 398-432: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43285008 (free to read online, requires registration).

Hsiung, David C. "Food, Fuel, and the New England Environment in the War for Independence, 1775-1776" The New England Quarterly, Vol. 80, No. 4 (2007), pp. 614-654: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20474582 (free to read online, requires registration).

Bell, J.L. "The Rev. David Avery on the Fight off Chelsea" 2018:
https://boston1775.blogspot.com/2018/05/the-rev-david-avery-on-fight-off-chelsea.html

Documents Related to Henry Howell Williams's Property Losses on Noddles Island: https://www.masshist.org/online/siege/index.php?entry_id=400

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Abbatt, William (ed) Memoirs of Major-General Heath, New York: William Abbatt 1901 (originally published by William Heath, 1798).

Allen, Gardner W. Naval Documents of the American Revolution, Vol. 1, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1913.

Bolton, Charles (ed) Letters of Hugh, Earl Percy, from Boston and New York, 1774-1776,  Boston: Charles E. Goodspeed, 1902.

Dana, Elizabeth Ellery (ed) Barker, John John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press 1924.

French, Allen The Siege of Boston, New York: Macmillan, 1911.

Frothingham, Richard History of the Siege of Boston, Boston: CC Little & J. Brown, 1851.

Frothingham, Richard Life and times of Joseph Warren, Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1865.

Green, Samuel (ed) Three Military Diaries, Cambridge: John Williams & Sons, 1901 (Diary of Lt. Amos Farnsworth covers his participation in the Siege with the Massachusetts Provincial Army, including the raid on Hog and Noddle Islands).

Lincoln, William (ed) The journals of each Provincial congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of safety, with an appendix, containing the proceedings of the county conventions-narratives of the events of the nineteenth of April, 1775-papers relating to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and other documents, illustrative of the early history of the American revolution, Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838.

Swett, Samuel History of Bunker Hill Battle: With a Plan, Boston: Munroe and Francis, 1826.

VIDEO Uhlar, Janet Dr. Joseph Warren: Early American War Hero - a 1 hr video Bedford TV 2016.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Borneman, Walter American Spring: Lexington, Concord, and the Road to Revolution, New York: Little, Brown & Co. 2014 (book recommendation of the week).

Daughan, George C. Lexington and Concord: The Battle Heard Round the World, New York : W.W. Norton & Co., 2018.

Forman, Samuel Dr. Joseph Warren: The Boston Tea Party, Bunker Hill, and the Birth of American Liberty, Pelican Publishing, 2011.

Lockhart, Paul The Whites of Their Eyes, New York: Harper Collins, 2011.

Nelson, James George Washington’s Secret Navy, New York: McGraw Hill, 2008.

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Penguin Books, 2013.

Phillips, Kevin 1775: A Good Year for Revolution,  New York: Penguin Books, 2012.



Sunday, September 2, 2018

Episode 060: Securing Lake Champlain




Last week, we left Benedict Arnold and Ethan Allen in control of Fort Ticonderoga, fighting with each other, and neither really knowing what to do next.  Fort Ticonderoga sits at the southern tip of Lake Champlain.  British troops in Montreal or Quebec could move down the St. Lawrence River, then down the Richelieu River to arrive at the Lake for an assault to retake Ticonderoga.

Raid on St. Jean

Arnold and Allen were both men who did not like to sit on their laurels.  They quickly decided that the best defense was a good offense, that they needed to control all of Lake Champlain in order to prevent an attack on Ticonderoga.  They also did not want British troops threatening the settlement on the eastern banks of the Lake, where most of the Green Mountain Boys lived.  They needed to act before the British under Gen. Carleton in Quebec could arrange any sort of counter attack.

Within days of the capture of Ticonderoga on May 10, the patriots secured a decent sized ship named the Betsy which they promptly renamed the Liberty.  The sloop had belonged to a well known Tory named Richard Skene.

Both Arnold and Allen claim credit for its capture.  Neither of them were personally involved, but troops under both of their commands were present at the seizure.  By May 14, four days after the capture of Ticonderoga, Arnold had 100 soldiers under his command.  These were the volunteer militia from Western Massachusetts that his Captains had been recruiting for him while he rushed ahead to join Allen.  More men were arriving each day, while Allen’s force was shrinking.  The Green Mountain Boys left to go home with their booty, having considered their mission accomplished.  A week out, Allen still had a larger command than Arnold, but both knew Arnold would soon surpass his men in numbers.

For the moment, Allen remained in command of Fort Ticonderoga while Arnold took command of the Liberty, which made sense.  Arnold had spent years as captain of various merchant vessels, while Allen and his men had no experience on the water.  Arnold mounted four cannon on the ship as well as six swivel guns, selected a crew of about 35 men and set sail northward up Lake Champlain.  Both men knew it was best to separate their commands to avoid continued fighting over who was in charge.

The George became the Enterprise
(artist's conception) (from The Sextant)
At the northern tip of the Lake, Actually just past the lake up the Richelieu River, the British had an outpost at St. Jean.  Some documents referred to this as St. John’s. However, since there is another St. John in Nova Scotia, I try to avoid confusion by using the alternate name of St. Jean. This was about 25 miles north of the Canadian border.  At the Outpost, the British maintained a much larger sloop of war the George, with 12 cannons and 10 swivel guns.  It was not big by British Navy standards, but it dominated anything else on Lake Champlain.

On the morning of May 16, Arnold sailed the Liberty north toward St. Jean, arriving at the northern tip of the lake late on the evening of the 17th.  Because winds were against them, and to maintain the element of surprise, Arnold’s crew anchored the Liberty at the northern end of the Lake and rowed long boats up the Richelieu River to St. Jean that night.

Early on the morning of the 18th, Arnold’s men surprised the 15 man garrison at St. Jean, capturing them without any loss of life.  The garrison had heard about the attacks at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, but were still unprepared for the raid.   After capturing the garrison, Arnold’s men rushed the shipyard, surprising the seven man crew of the George. They also captured several batteaux, which are basically small flat bottom boats used for transporting supplies.  Because they did not have enough men, they destroyed the batteaux that they could not take with them.

Arnold renamed the George the Enterprise, and transferred his command to the larger ship, leaving the Liberty with a subordinate. After interrogating his British prisoners, Arnold learned that a contingent of several hundred regulars was moving on St. Jean from Fort Chambly and Montreal.  Without enough men to defend St. Jean from so large a force, Arnold decided it best to take his new fleet, his prisoners, and several field cannon, and retreat south.  By noon, he was back on Lake Champlain heading south back to Ticonderoga.

Fort St. Jean, 1775 (from Wikimedia)
Allen, however, was not content to leave all the action to Arnold.  He took a contingent of about 100 men in smaller rowboats and headed north up the Lake toward St. Jean.  Arnold, who was returning from his raid aboard the Enterprise, met with Allen’s logboats out on the northern part of the open lake.

The commanders met aboard the Enterprise and toasted Arnold’s success.  Allen then said he intended to continue his advance on St. Jean where his men would fend off any enemy force and then organize an invasion of Montreal.

Arnold thought this was folly.  He told Allen that he believed hundreds of regulars were advancing on St. Jean and might already be there.  Allen, however, decided to proceed.  Arnold could not stop him, and probably would be secretly happy to see him fail.

Allen’s men made camp about a mile south of St. Jean, sending out scouts to assess the situation.  The Scouts reported about 200 British regulars advancing on the town.  Not ready to engage in a night battle against a superior force, Allen pitched camp for the night, only to have the British wake them up near dawn with cannon fire.  The Regulars had seen that St. Jean had been plundered, and advanced south, finding Allen’s men.

Outnumbered, outgunned, and caught by surprise, Allen’s men jumped into their boats and rowed away before the British could reach them.  No one was killed or wounded.  They evacuated so quickly that they left three men behind. The British captured one.  The other two walked back through the woods over the next few days.

It took Allen’s force two days to row back to Ticonderoga where Arnold essentially said “I told you so.”  Arnold then turned his attention to the making a closer inventory of artillery at the forts, improving fort defenses in case of a British attack, and making sure his ships were ready for battle as well.

With their ships captured, the British did not attempt to move down the Lake, but remained at the north end.  Most of the Green Mountain Boys had returned home by now.  Allen now turned to the local Mohawks to join the cause.  They expressed sympathy, but said they were bound not to get involved as members of the Iroquois Confederacy.  The Iroquois were nominally neutral, but still had a heavy pro-British bias.  Allen’s command was by this time almost completely gone, while Arnold continued to receive reinforcements from Massachusetts and Connecticut.

Although they heard rumors of a British attack, with Indian assistance, nothing ever materialized. The British regulars pulled back from St. Jean and awaited further orders and reinforcements before attempting to advance down Lake Champlain.

The Battle of PR

Following the capture of Ticonderoga, Allen sent Captain John Brown to Philadelphia with a report to the Continental Congress. Allen also wrote letters to the Massachusetts and Connecticut Provincial Congresses.  In each report, he said that he commanded the expedition, with Col. James Easton as his second in command and Captain Brown next in line.  His account completely ignored Arnold and gave him no credit for anything.

Arnold wrote a report for the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, claiming he and Allen had joint command, but that Allen had no commission and had no ability to command troops as a professional soldier.

Region around Lake Champlain (from Wikimedia)
Despite the differing accounts of who did what, officials in Congress and in New England all received word of the capture within days.  Congress was not sure this was a good thing.  New York delegates were not completely on board with the war yet and were not happy about New Englanders, particularly Allen, invading New York and capturing British property there.

No one seemed sure who was in charge at Ticonderoga, who should be in charge, or what anyone should do next.  Arnold and Allen both received contradictory instructions over the next few weeks, both praising their action and calling for them to give back everything they had just captured.  Some moderates wanted everything returned to the British.  Others wanted it turned over to New York.  They also fought over whether Arnold, Allen, or some other officer should take command of the situation.

Arnold and Allen both thought they should get reinforcements so that they could take Montreal and eventually Quebec before Britain sent reinforcements from England.  That way, they could deny the British a launching point from which they could move down the Hudson River to New York thus cutting off New England from the rest of the colonies.

At the end of May Congress sent instructions that the army should pull back to the south end of the Lake, leaving all the patriot towns along the east coast, the homes of the Green Mountain Boys, undefended against a British assault.  Congress further instructed the men to keep an accounting off all arms and supplies they had captured so that they could be returned to the British, or reimbursed after they had reestablished peace.  Congress also said they were not to attack any other British garrisons that were not taking provocative actions.  Finally they had to turn over all their captured ships and cannon to New York.

Now, you have to remember, as we discussed about twenty episodes ago, that Allen and the Green Mountain Boys had essentially been at war with New York for years over the ownership of their land in the Grants.  You might as well have asked them to hand it back to the British.

Because Arnold had invaded Canada without orders and captured British prisoners and equipment there, many moderates saw him as a dangerous loose cannon, who was making it harder to make peace with Britain.  The fact that all the other officers making reports, Allen, Easton, Brown, and Mott all belittled, ignored or condemned Arnold’s actions, civilian leaders in Congress and New England began to develop a poor opinion of this new officer.

Arnold and Allen still did not trust each other and badmouthed one another at every opportunity.  But both men agreed that they were not going go give up their vital occupation of the Forts and the Lake based on idiotic political directives from civilians who clearly did not understand what was going on.

Congress takes Charge

Allen continued to hold command at Fort Ticonderoga while Arnold assumed command of Lake Champlain, patrolling it with his new fleet.  Fortunately for both men, the decision to ignore Congress’ initial order to pull back did not hurt them.  By the time they received the orders, Congress reversed itself and decided that they should hold onto the forts and control the Lake.

Lake Champlain May 1775 (from AWIATSEA.com)
With Massachusetts putting all of its resources into the Siege of Boston, Congress asked New York to provide food and supplies for the forces in and around Lake Champlain.  It also requested that Connecticut supply more troops to secure the region from any potential attack.

Connecticut Governor Jonathan Trumbull agreed with the assessments that they needed reinforcements at Ticonderoga.  But he did not want to leave Arnold or Allen in charge of anything.  Instead, he sent 1000 troops under the command of Col. Benjamin Hinman.

Hinman, a veteran of Connecticut militia during the French and Indian War, had experience in theater.  He participated in the capture of Fort Ticonderoga, Crown Point and Quebec during against the French twenty years earlier.  One of his junior officers during the War was Maj. Israel Putnam, now serving as a General outside of Boston.  His experience and political connections inspired far more confidence in political leaders than the unknown Arnold.

Although Arnold was from Connecticut and started as a Connecticut militia Captain.  Massachusetts had given him his Colonelcy and authorized his command at Ticonderoga.  Now Massachusetts wanted other colonies to deal with Ticonderoga so that Massachusetts could focus its men, money, and resources on Boston.  They only wanted Ticonderoga to send them the cannons they had been promised in the first place.

Fighting for Command

Massachusetts dispatched its own Colonel, William Henshaw, to evaluate the Massachusetts troops at Lake Champlain and to determine whether Arnold should remain in command or be discharged.  They sent Arnold a copy of these orders.  Rather than travelling to Ticonderoga, Henshaw went to Connecticut, where he conferred with Gov. Trumbull and learned that Hinman was on his way to Ticonderoga with 1000 troops.  Henshaw then sent written orders to Arnold that Hinman would take command of Ticonderoga.

That order only caused more confusion.  Arnold was no longer in Ticonderoga. He was commanding a fleet on Lake Champlain.  Arnold chose to interpret the order as meaning Hinman was in charge of the Fort, but Arnold continued to be commander of the Lake Champlain region.

William Henshaw
(from Find-a-Grave)
Arnold is to be forgiven for interpreting orders in his favor.  He seemed to receive new orders every day.  First the Massachusetts Committee of Safety ordered him to return with the promised artillery.  Then they ordered him to take orders from Henshaw, which meant turning over command to Hinman, then they sent him a message saying how much they admired what he had done and begging him not to leave his command.  Arnold simply continued his work on the Lake, shoring up defenses and doing what he thought best.

When Hinman arrived at Ticonderoga in early June, Allen and Easton turned over the Fort to his command.  They then went up river to Arnold’s command at Crown Point.  Allen attempted to claim command from Arnold.  Arnold, however, refused.  Allen had no commission or authorization to take command.  The troops at Crown Point were loyal to Arnold and Allen realized he had to back down.  If that had been the end of the matter, it probably would not have been a big deal to anyone.

The following morning though, Allen and Easton tried to leave camp when a sentry demanded to see their pass.  Indignant, the officers demanded they be allowed to leave.  Instead the sentry sent them back to Arnold to get a pass.  Now, with everyone in particularly bad mood, the conversation grew heated.  Arnold blamed Easton for bad mouthing him in Massachusetts.  He grabbed Easton by his lapels and dared him to draw a sword or pistol.  When the surprised Easton demurred, Arnold kicked and assaulted the officer, telling him to get out of Crown Point and stay out.  The officers who had always disliked Arnold now grew to hate him.

Arnold continued to push for more reinforcements and approval for an invasion of Canada.  Allen returned to Ticonderoga to push for his own command of an invasion of Canada.

About a week later, Col. Hinman came to Crown Point to meet Arnold.  Hinman demanded that Arnold turn over command, but Arnold refused saying Hinman had nothing that authorized the Connecticut Colonel to take command away from a Massachusetts Colonel.  Hinman simply returned to Ticonderoga and requested further orders on how to handle the Arnold situation.

Arnold Resigns

The members of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress seemed to decide they had no idea what was really going on out there on Lake Champlain.  They sent a three man delegation to to to Ticonderoga and figure out the best solution.  The delegation first met with Col. Hinman and was upset to hear that Arnold had refused to accept his command.  They then traveled to Crown Point to confront Arnold directly.  Arnold demanded to see their authorization.  Upon reading it, he decided it was now clear that Hinman was replacing him as theater commander

The delegation said that they were there to evaluate Arnold’s conduct and that if they deemed him worthy, he could continue to serve under Col Hinman.  Arnold was not going to turn over his command to some officer who just showed up after Arnold had conquered the whole region.  Instead, he opted to resign his commission and leave.

Benedict Arnold
(from Wikimedia)
The soldiers under his command grew concerned. Arnold still owed them a great deal of back pay.  When they asked him about it, Arnold basically told them not my problem - talk to your new commander.  The men took Arnold hostage aboard the Enterprise and sent their demands to Hinman and the delegation now at Ticonderoga.   The delegation defused the situation by paying off the men’s back pay, dismissing those who wanted to go home and reenlisting those who would continue.  No one on the scene blamed Arnold for the mutiny.  But that did not stop Col. Mott from publishing a report blaming Arnold for the mutiny and falsely accusing the mutineers of firing on the Massachusetts delegation.  No one took the report seriously, but it indicates how much just about every other officer who had served with or near Arnold now considered him an enemy.

To add further insult to Arnold, they offered command to his enemy Col. Easton and promoted John Brown to Major under Easton’s command.  Arnold’s other great frustration as he prepared to leave was over money.  Massachusetts had permitted him to borrow on credit for the supplies necessary to complete his mission.  The delegation refused to pay off his debts.  Arnold had to send for personal funds from home to pay off his debts then beg Congress to repay him.

Although Arnold had enemies, there were others who were impressed with his accomplishments.  Philip Schuyler of New York was one of them.  Schuyler had recently received a commission as Major General in the new Continental Army and took command of all forces in New York.  In early July, Arnold headed to Albany to see if he could find a command under Schuyler. The general requested that he be appointed Deputy Adjutant General.

The two men seemed to hit it off.  Then news arrived for Arnold that his wife had died back in Connecticut.  His three sons, ages 3-7 were now in the care of his sister.  Arnold decided to return home to settle affairs with his family.  He would then have to settle his financial affairs with officials in Cambridge and also meet the new Commander in Chief of the Continental Army, George Washington.

- - -

Next Episode 61 Battle of Chelsea Creek

Previous Episode 59: Taking Fort Ticonderoga


Click here to donate
American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Visit http://www.amrevpodcast.com for a list of all episodes.

Visit https://pod.amrevpodcast.com> for free downloads of all podcast episodes.



Further Reading:

Web sites: 

Fort Ticonderoga Blog: http://www.fortticonderoga.org/blog

Ethan Allen Takes Fort Ticonderoga: http://www.historynet.com/the-first-american-victory-ethan-allen-takes-fort-ticonderoga.htm

Lake Champlain Maritime Museum: Revolutionary War,
http://www.lcmm.org/shipwrecks_history/history/history_revolution.htm

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Allen, Ethan A Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen's Captivity, Burlington: H. Johnson & Co, 1838 (First written in 1779).

Arnold, Benedict Benedict Arnold's regimental memorandum book, Philadelphia: Collins 1884.

Bascom, Robert O. The Ticonderoga expedition of 1775; list of men with Ethan Allen, 1910

Chipman, Daniel Memoir of Seth Warner, Middlebury: L.W. Clark, 1848 (Also in this same volume is The Life of Ethan Allen by Jared Sparks).

Hill, George C. Benedict Arnold: A Biography, Boston: E.O. Libby & Co. 1858.

Lincoln, William (ed) The journals of each Provincial congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of safety, with an appendix, containing the proceedings of the county conventions-narratives of the events of the nineteenth of April, 1775-papers relating to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and other documents, illustrative of the early history of the American revolution, Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838.

Mott, Edward Papers relating to the expedition to Ticonderoga, April and May, 1775, 1860.

Trumbull, J. Hammond The origin of the expedition against Ticonderoga, in 1775: a paper read before the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford: Reprint from Hartford Courant, 1869.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Borneman, Walter American Spring: Lexington, Concord, and the Road to Revolution, New York: Little, Brown & Co. 2014.

Hatch, Robert Thrust for Canada, New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1979.

Martin, James Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero, New York: NYU Press, 1997.

Nelson, James L. Benedict Arnold's Navy, New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006

Phillips, Kevin 1775: A Good Year for Revolution,  New York: Penguin Books, 2012.

Randall, Willard Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor, New York: William Morrow & Co., 1990.

Randall, Willard Ethan Allen: His Life and Times, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1992.

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.


Sunday, August 26, 2018

Episode 059: Taking Fort Ticonderoga




In the weeks that followed Lexington and Concord, neither side seemed to know what to do next.

Gen. Gage’s regulars entrenched themselves in Boston.  Worried that they would be unable to defend an assault, they pulled their soldiers out of Charlestown.  However, they warned the Patriot militia surrounding Boston that if the militia attempted to occupy Charlestown, they would burn it down.  So, for the time being, Charlestown became a no man’s land between the two armies.

Benedict Arnold

As word spread after Lexington and Concord, militia from neighboring colonies converged on Boston.  Some rushed to the scene, like Israel Putnam, who literally walked away from plowing his field in Connecticut heading straight to Boston on April 20th.  His son had to put away the plow and oxen left in the field.  Putnam had been an outspoken Patriot leader, who had herded a flock of sheep to Boston the year earlier, to feed the residents after the Boston Port Act had effectively ended all food imports by sea.  Now, Putnam, who would serve as a Major General, was there to fight.

Fort Ticonderoga (postcard, from Sutori)
Others took a little longer to arrive.  When word reached New Haven Connecticut, a young apothecary named Benedict Arnold decided it was time for decisive action.  A month earlier, the men of New Haven formed a new militia company and elected Arnold as their captain.

Benedict Arnold is going to be a major player in the war, so we might as well introduce him now.  In the spring of 1775, Arnold was 34 years old, married with three children.  He came from a prominent Connecticut family.  His great-grandfather, also named Benedict Arnold had been the Governor.  Arnold’s father had been a merchant.  He also became an alcoholic, leading to financial problems for the family.

Arnold had started life attending the best schools in the colony.  But his father’s business failures forced him to leave school early and take an apprenticeship as an apothecary.

At the outbreak of the French and Indian War, 14 year old Arnold attempted to enlist as a drummer, though his mother prevented him.  At 16, he finally joined a relief force to help relieve the British and Militia at Fort William Henry.  The Fort surrendered before they arrived, resulting in the Indian massacre of colonists at the Fort.  On hearing the news, Arnold’s regiment returned home without seeing any combat.

Arnold’s mother died in 1759, and his father two years later in 1761.  In 1762, Arnold borrowed money from some cousins to start a pharmacy and bookstore in New Haven. His business prospered and he soon repaid his loans.  He even bought back the house his father had been forced to sell years earlier.

Benedict Arnold, 1776
(from Wikimedia)
A few years later, he formed a partnership to buy three merchant vessels.  Arnold personally traveled throughout the colonies, the West Indies (what we now call the Caribbean) and Central America as a Yankee trader.  Things seemed to be going well for him until the Stamp Act threatened to destroy his bookstore and trade restrictions forced him to become a smuggler.

Arnold joined the Sons of Liberty in Connecticut and actively supported the Patriot cause from the beginning.  He also joined the local Masonic Lodge, and married Margaret Mansfield, the 17 year old daughter of the Sheriff.  They had three sons.

British restrictions on trade destroyed much of his business and he fell into debt.  Arnold lived the comfortable life of a merchant trader, but always had to be on the hustle for the next deal, and regularly had to worry about debt and financial troubles.  But in 1775, despite colonial trade embargos and British trade restrictions, he was doing well financially and enjoying a successful family and business.

Arnold Joins the War

When word of fighting arrived in New Haven on April 21, Captain Arnold assembled his Company to march to Boston.  The problem was, the Town Council would not release any gunpowder.  After several hours of bickering, Arnold had to threaten to attack the powder house and take the munitions by force before officials finally conceded and gave his company the powder they needed.  The guy preventing Arnold from taking the gunpowder was David Wooster, the head of the Connecticut Militia.  I mention Wooster here because soon he is going to become a general in the Continental Army and Arnold’s superior.  On this first day of heading off to war, Arnold was already making enemies that would make his life difficult in the future.

On the march to Boston, Arnold met up with Connecticut militia Col. Samuel Parsons, also a member of the Connecticut legislature.  Parsons was returning from Cambridge where he spoke with Arnold about the siege now underway.  The two men discussed the fact that the Provincial Army was going to need cannons if it wanted any chance of taking Boston by force.  Arnold told Parsons that there was a large number of cannons at Fort Ticonderoga in New York, which the British kept under only nominal guard.  Arnold had travelled to Ticonderoga on multiple occasions as a merchant.  He frequently visited the fort when heading to Montreal or Quebec for trade.  Through his visits had become quite familiar with the fort, its assets and its defenses.

Samuel Parsons
(from Journal of Am. Rev.)
Parsons continued on his way to Hartford.  There he met with Silas Deane, another legislator, who had served in the First Continental Congress.  On their own, the two men decided to allocate £300 to finance an attack on Ticonderoga.  They named Captain Edward Mott to lead the expedition, and recruited Heman Allen, brother of Ethan Allen to involve the Green Mountain Boys in fight.  As we discussed back in Episode 38, Allen was a well respected militia leader who had been fighting against New York for years.  He was living in what was then eastern New York, today Vermont, only a few miles from Ticonderoga.

Back in Hartford, Parsons and Deane ordered this force to take Fort Ticonderoga and acquire the cannon for the Provincial Army.  Parsons apparently decided on this course after leaving Arnold, as he did not discuss it with him.

Arnold and a company of the Connecticut Guard, marched on to Cambridge, where Arnold witnessed the chaos and confusion there.  Officers and men camped around the city with little purpose or direction. Within a few days, Arnold sought out Joseph Warren to discuss the idea of taking Fort Ticonderoga.  Arnold told Warren about the cannon and how poorly defended they were.

Massachusetts had already received intelligence and a similar recommendation from John Brown, a member of the Massachusetts Committee of Correspondence who had visited Ticonderoga and Montreal a few months earlier.  He had been there in an attempt to get Canadians to join the Patriot cause.  Unknown to the men now discussing the capture of Ticonderoga, Brown was already headed toward the Fort under Col. James Easton of the Pittsfield Massachusetts militia, as part of Parsons’ plan to take the fort.

Green Mountain Boys (from Britannica)
Unaware of the planned attack, the Massachusetts Committee of Safety considered Arnold’s proposal.  Despite the state of war, Arnold’s plan was still pretty controversial.  It was one thing for colonists to defend themselves against a British column bent on attacking them and seizing their property.  It was quite another to attack a distant British fort and seize British property.  Some colonial leaders still hoped that events would play out much like the Stamp Act Riots a decade earlier.  The colonists would show a little violence to prove they were serious, and the British would back down and compromise.  They were reluctant to do more than sit and wait to get a response from London before embarking on all out war against their King.

The other big issue was that fort Ticonderoga was in New York. They would have to invade another colony that had not sent any support troops to the army surrounding Boston. Such an invasion might convince New York to support the Loyalist side and send troops against the New Englanders.

After some debate though, the majority accepted that they were at war and that they needed take more decisive action.  The Committee of Safety agreed to back Arnold’s expedition to take Ticonderoga.  On May 3, they appointed Arnold as a Colonel in the Massachusetts militia and gave him £100 in hard currency, 200 pounds of gunpowder, and other ammunition, as well as 10 horses.  They also authorized Arnold to draw on their credit to pay for whatever he needed to complete his mission. They did not, however, give him any soldiers.  They gave him a few officers and told them to recruit soldiers in western Massachusetts, closer to the fort.

He ditched his old Connecticut Company, and set out with several other newly appointed Massachusetts Captains to raise new companies in western Massachusetts.  As Arnold began recruitment, the locals told him that a planned attack was already underway.  Several Connecticut Companies under Captain Mott had recently passed through town on their way to link up with Allen.

Arnold and Allen Fight for Command

By the time Arnold heard of this other group, Mott had already met up with Ethan Allen and the men were assembling local militia for the attack.  On May 8, the men formed a Committee of War, naming Allen as commander of the expedition, with Massachusetts Militia Col. Easton as second in command after the Green Mountain boys refused to serve under anyone but Allen.

Disturbed that he would be left out of the assault on Ticonderoga, Arnold ditched his captains who were still trying to raise soldiers, and rushed to Castleton. On May 9th, he met up with Allen, who was still assembling his force, about a day’s march from the fort.

Map showing Ticonderoga (from U-S-History)
Arnold apparently tried to waive around his commission and demand that Allen turn over his men and serve under his command.  The Green Mountain Boys, fiercely loyal to Allen, refused to serve under anyone but Allen, certainly not some stranger who showed up with no men, arms, supplies, nor anything but a piece of paper and his own uniform.

Eventually, the two reached some sort of compromise.  Arnold recalled later that the two men would share command.  Allen seemed to be more of the mind that, sure, you can come along with us and be there when we take the fort, but I’m running the show.

The force assembled totaled between 250 to 400 officers and men (accounts differ).  Most of them were Green Mountain Boys with their allegiance to Allen.  Some were Connecticut and Massachusetts Militia.  The soldiers made their way to the fort, approaching it from the opposite side of Lake Champlain.  They would cross the lake overnight and storm the fort before dawn. 

Unfortunately, the plan ran into problems at the outset.  Allen had sent ahead an advance party to acquire the ships necessary to cross Lake Champlain.  On their way, the men instead found a cache of alcohol and got drunk. When the main force arrived late in the evening of May 9th, there were no boats.  Finally, they found a small craft that could ferry the men over.  But by then it was getting dangerously close to dawn.  A daylight crossing would likely be spotted and they would lose the element of surprise.

Allen and Arnold decided to take the fort with the 83 men who had come over in the first two trips.  They had no time to wait for another round if they wanted to attack before daylight.

Fort Ticonderoga

You may recall that way back in 1759, the British, after several attempts, finally defeated the French at Ticonderoga.  The French blew up their Fort Carillon.  Because of the key location, the British built two new forts, a smaller one called Fort Ticonderoga, and a larger one a few miles north at Crown Point.

After the French ceded Canada though, the lack of any enemy in the area made the forts unimportant.  This region was home to the Iroquois, who remained close British allies, so these were now forts in middle of friendly territory.  When a fire destroyed Crown Point in 1773, the British did not bother to rebuild it, simply using Ticonderoga as the primary center of British authority in the region.

Capt. William Delaplace commanded the garrison of less than 50 officers and men.  Like many unimportant garrisons, many of the men were on the invalid list, meaning they were not capable of full duty.  They could be sick, old, or infirm.  They were capable of light work, but not hard marching and fighting that an active duty soldier might need to do.  Also in the fort were several dozen women and children, families of the soldiers.

The garrison had allowed the fort to fall into disrepair.  Several walls had collapsed and not been fixed.  Although Gen. Gage had sent warning a few weeks earlier to the commander to be on guard against a possible raid, it appears he had not taken much of any precautions.

The Attack

As Allen and Arnold approached the Fort just before dawn on the morning of May 10, they saw that the main gates were closed.  Without any artillery or scaling ladders, they had no way to enter.  Fortunately, there was a smaller door built into the main gates, large enough for people, but not horses or wagons. They found the door unlocked and rushed inside.

As with many incidents, there are conflicting stories about exactly what happened.  Part of the problem is that both Arnold and Allen tried to glorify their own roles in the matter.  Allen wrote extensively four years later, when memory of details may have faded a little.

Just inside the gate they found a sentry, who had been asleep.  He awoke as the men entered and fired a shot point blank at Arnold.  Fortunately for Arnold, the shot misfired.  In some accounts the sentry then dropped his gun and ran for the barracks, a second guard then appeared, whom Allen knocked down with his sword in a nonfatal blow.

The attackers forced the sentry to take them to the officers’ quarters as the rest of the raiding party moved into the Fort.  As they approached, a young lieutenant Feltham, who had been at the fort for little more than a week, heard them.  Rushing out of his room, he banged on the Captain Delaplace’s room to alert him.  The Captain did not come out.  Eventually, he forced his way into the Captain’s room, only to find the man slowly dressing himself in no particular hurry.

Feltham then rushed to confront the men moving up the stairs toward them.  Just out of bed, he was still carrying his pants in his arms as he called out to demand by what authority they had entered the King’s fort.

Allen Captures Ticonderoga (from Land of the Brave)
In his recollections, Allen responded famously “by the authority of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress.”  This was probably made up since at the time, Congress had not convened and they were operating under the authority of the Connecticut Provincial Army. Other witnesses reported him simply responding “come out of there you god-damned old rat,” which sounds more like something Allen would say.  After a few more minutes, Delaplace exited his bedroom in full uniform, prepared to turn over his sword to the invaders without a fight.  Other soldiers had gotten to the enlisted men before they could reach their guns.  They too, surrendered without a fight.

The Patriots took the Fort in about ten minutes without a death on either side.  The only injuries came to the British guard whom Arnold had banged on the head.  One American attacker suffered a minor bayonet wound from one of the sentries.  The British though had been caught completely by surprise and did not put up any sort of defense.

Eventually the rest of the invasion force under Seth Warner made it across the Lake and joined the attackers at Fort Ticonderoga.  Arnold immediately set about dealing with the prisoners and securing the Fort and its contents.  Allen insisted that the prisoners be sent to Connecticut since he was operating under Connecticut authority.  Arnold seems to have acceded to this demand without argument.  Allen also got Captain Mott, who had received the Commission from Parsons in Connecticut to conduct this raid, to name Allen as Fort Commander, thus giving Allen some authority against Arnold’s Massachusetts Commission.

Allen’s men, however, had little interest in any efforts to organize the fort..  They discovered Captain Delaplace’s personal stash of 90 gallons of rum and proceeded to get drunk for several days.  They also began looting the fort for anything of value.  Arnold tried to stop this, only to find the men pointing their guns at him and telling him to back down.  Without any support from Allen, Arnold had no choice but to do what he could by himself and try to ignore the drunken looters all around him.  Allen’s only contribution was to give Delaplace a receipt for his rum so that Connecticut officials could reimburse him for the loss of his personal property.

Neither Allen nor Arnold wanted to leave the fort in control of the other, so neither would lead an attack on nearby Crown Point or Fort George.  Allen dispatched a smaller contingent of men under Seth Warner, to take Crown point, defended by only nine soldiers, and Fort George, defended by only two.  Like the raid on Ticonderoga, Warner and his men caught the garrisons by surprise and surrendered without any attempt to defend their forts.

After a few days, the men that Arnold’s captains had been recruiting in Western Massachusetts began to arrive.  Arnold finally had a small command independent of Allen.  At the same time, many of the Green Mountain Boys decided they had accomplished their mission and began to return home.  Allen’s force would remain intact for a few weeks longer, but would continue to hemorrhage soldiers as militiamen only stuck around as long as they wanted.

Still, the attack was a great success for the Patriots.  The main goal had been to secure artillery.  Forts Ticonderoga and Crown Point housed about 200 cannons, half of which were in usable condition for the Patriot cause.

- - -

Next Episode 60: Securing Lake Champlain

Previous Episode 58: Slavery and Liberty


Click here to donate
American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Visit http://www.amrevpodcast.com for a list of all episodes.

Visit https://pod.amrevpodcast.com for free downloads of all podcast episodes.



Further Reading:

Websites:

Fort Ticonderoga Blog: http://www.fortticonderoga.org/blog

Ethan Allen Takes Fort Ticonderoga: http://www.historynet.com/the-first-american-victory-ethan-allen-takes-fort-ticonderoga.htm

Lake Champlain Maritime Museum: Revolutionary War,
http://www.lcmm.org/shipwrecks_history/history/history_revolution.htm

Bascom, Robert and James Holden “The Ticonderoga Expedition of 1775” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, Vol. 9 (1910), pp. 303-389: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42889435

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Allen, Ethan A Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen's Captivity, Burlington: H. Johnson & Co, 1838 (First written in 1779).

Arnold, Benedict Benedict Arnold's regimental memorandum book, Philadelphia: Collins 1884.

Bascom, Robert O. The Ticonderoga expedition of 1775; list of men with Ethan Allen, 1910

Chipman, Daniel Memoir of Seth Warner, Middlebury: L.W. Clark, 1848 (Also in this same volume is The Life of Ethan Allen by Jared Sparks).

Gilchrist, Helen Ives Fort Ticonderoga in history, Fort Ticonderoga Museum, 1920(?).

Hall, Hiland The capture of Ticonderoga, in 1775: a paper read before the Vermont Historical Society, Montpelier: Poland’s Steam Printing, 1869.

Hill, George C. Benedict Arnold: A Biography, Boston: E.O. Libby & Co. 1858.

Lincoln, William (ed) The journals of each Provincial congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of safety, with an appendix, containing the proceedings of the county conventions-narratives of the events of the nineteenth of April, 1775-papers relating to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and other documents, illustrative of the early history of the American revolution, Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838.

Mott, Edward Papers relating to the expedition to Ticonderoga, April and May, 1775, 1860.

Trumbull, J. Hammond The origin of the expedition against Ticonderoga, in 1775: a paper read before the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford: Reprint from Hartford Courant, 1869.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Beck, Derek, Igniting the American Revolution 1773-1775, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2015.

Borneman, Walter American Spring: Lexington, Concord, and the Road to Revolution, New York: Little, Brown & Co. 2014.

Hatch, Robert Thrust for Canada, New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1979.

Martin, James Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero, New York: NYU Press, 1997.

Phillips, Kevin 1775: A Good Year for Revolution,  New York: Penguin Books, 2012.

Randall, Willard Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor, New York: William Morrow & Co., 1990 (book recommendation of the week).

Randall, Willard Ethan Allen: His Life and Times, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1992 (book recommendation of the week).

Smith, Page A New Age Now Begins, Vol. 1, New York: McGraw-Hill 1976.