Sunday, April 21, 2024

ARP308 McDougall Court Martial


Last week we covered the events in Philadelphia after Yorktown.  While everyone was celebrating the victory, there was still a war to be fought.  The army desperately needed food and supplies.  With the public no longer in fear of a British attack, politicians were even less inclined to impose the taxes necessary to support the army.

Alexander Mcdougall

Washington spent about four months in Philadelphia, meeting and lobbying members of Congress to support the army.  Many, I think including Washington, had hoped that Yorktown would have convinced the British to give up and go home. There are some indications in late 1781 that Washington expressed privately a hope that he would be back home by the spring of 1782.

By February, however, word arrived from London that the King had addressed Parliament after receiving news of Yorktown.  The king called on Parliament to continue the war and not allow the loss at Yorktown to be a reason to give up on North America.  That speech let Americans know that Britain would not simply walk away, and that fighting would likely continue.

In March of 1782, Washington left Philadelphia, not home to Mount Vernon as he had hoped, but rather to rejoin the army in New York.

Clinton’s Reputation Impeached

In New York City, General Henry Clinton became even more isolated after the British surrender at Yorktown.  The British general was always paranoid about his reputation.  General Cornwallis had sailed to New York in November, after the surrender, then left for London in December.  Clinton knew that Cornwallis would spend the next few months blaming Clinton for everything.  This was not just conjecture, Clinton had forwarded on letters from Cornwallis to London which essentially blamed the loss at Yorktown on Cornwallis obligation to follow Clinton’s orders.

Gen. Henry Clinton

Clinton had other problems too.  Earlier Clinton had deployed Captain Thomas Baddeley to Charleston, South Carolina. There, the captain had fallen ill and died.  Nothing terribly unusual about that.  However, Captain Baddeley’s wife, Mary Baddeley was Clinton’s mistress.  Clinton and Mrs. Baddeley had met in Boston early in the war.  Ironically, she came to the general’s attention after her husband had been stripped of his rank after he had refused to allow another officer to have sex with his wife.  Clinton  ended up employing her as his housekeeper.

Supposedly nothing untoward happened at that time.  Clinton left Boston and Mrs. Baddeley when he moved to New York.  As it turned out Baddeley ended up in New York as well, with her son and destitute.  Clinton once again employed her as a housekeeper.  The two grew close, although they deny having a sexual affair until Mrs. Baddeley found her husband sleeping with another woman.  At that point, she separated and began a relationship with Clinton.

Although there is no way that Clinton knew that sending Captain Baddeley to Charleston would result in his death rumors around New York painted a conspiracy to get the husband out of the way.

Clinton also faced an attack on a financial front.  There had been accusations for several years that the army under Clinton was wasting far too much money.  Expenses under Clinton were far higher than under General Howe, even though Clinton had a smaller army.  While rumors persisted, the North Administration did not investigate. They did not want to push a winning general into resigning over complaints of a few pounds.  A financial scandal would also only feed the opposition.

In 1781, Colonel Duncan Drummond, a former aide de camp of General Clinton, began a financial investigation into expenses.  Clinton had approved the investigation to look into problems.  However, Colonel Drummond soon opened up a much larger investigation into corruption and waste in the army that the revelation was going to reflect very poorly on Clinton as the commander-in-chief in America.

Drummond’s zeal in his investigations was, at first, an annoyance for Clinton.  But opening a financial scandal on top of the military loss at Yorktown would be a one-two punch against the commander and would irreparably damage his reputation.

Clinton had requested to resign several times over the course of the war, and had been denied each time.  He had no great passion to remain in command in America, but neither did he want to be tossed out as a failure.

Clinton also has a growing feud with General James Robertson.  The general was also the Royal Governor of New York.  Clinton suspected that Robertson had pushed Drummond to take the corruption investigation further as part of a larger effort to get Clinton recalled so that Robertson could take command of the British Army in America for himself.  Robertson had sent letters to General Jeffery Amherst in London complaining about the corruption.  Robertson told Amherst that he could run the Army in America for about half of what it cost under General Clinton.

Clinton had considered resigning and returning to Britain.  The main thing keeping him from doing so was that he would have to leave Robertson in command.

A Prince in New York

New York had another VIP during this period.  While the fighting at Yorktown was still raging, Admiral Digby had arrived in New York from Britain with three ships of the line.  With the admiral was a 16 year old midshipman named William Henry.  What made this junior naval officer’s arrival so exciting, was that he was the son of King George III.  This was the first time a member of the royal family had come to America.

Prince William Henry
William was the third son of George III.  With two older brothers, it was never thought that he would inherit the crown. At age thirteen, in 1778, he received a commission in the navy.  He had been present at several battles and by all accounts was a cheerful and friendly young man.  The prince had instant celebrity status in New York. He took a walk down Wall Street, with loyalists turning to get a glimpse of the young prince.  Within a few days of his arrival General Clinton held a banquet for Admiral Digby and the prince.  Following the dinner, Digby send William back to his ship for the night.  Digby warned Clinton and the other officers that raising the profile of the prince would put him in danger.

That advice came too late.  The arrival of the prince had already caught the attention of Colonel Matthias Ogden. The colonel from New Jersey was a highly experienced officer.  He had been a part of colonial protests since the Stamp Act, and had joined the army at its outset in 1775, participating in the Quebec Campaign.  The famous painting of the Death of General Montgomery at Quebec depicts the general dying in the arms of then Major Ogden.  Later promoted to colonel, Ogden had fought in the Philadelphia Campaign, wintered at Valley Forge, and took part in the Sullivan Campaign in New York.  In 1779, he was court martialed, but acquitted of all the serious charges, being found guilty only of “gaming” that is playing cards or dice.  He received a reprimand and continued in service.  In 1780, he had been captured and taken to New York as a prisoner of war for six months before being exchanged.  

Shortly after the prince’s arrival in New York, Ogden became aware of that fact, through intelligence sources that he had cultivated inside the city.  He learned that the prince not only strolled through the city streets with little protection, he also often slept in town along with Admiral Digby, in a lightly guarded house in the city.  

Prince Wm in Uniform

Ogden put together a plan where he and about forty men would slip across the Hudson River at night, take the house where Digby and Prince William were sleeping and bring them back to American lines before the British could react.  It was a daring and risky plan.  George Washington reviewed Ogden’s plan and approved it.

Unfortunately for the Americans, British intelligence was on the ball. Britain Captain George Beckwith received intelligence that the Americans were planning some sort of kidnapping plot in New York.  After being informed, General Clinton doubled the guards around his own house as well as that of Admiral Digby.  He put the army on alert for such a raid.  When word got back to the Americans that the British were on alert for the raid, they ended up calling off their plans.

A short time later, Admiral Digby and Prince William sailed for the West Indies.  There would not be another opportunity to launch the raid.

Heath - McDougall Conflict

Washington always had other matters to occupy his attention.  It was around this same time that a dispute between two of his top generals came to a head.

General William Heath was among the first generals appointed by the Continental Congress in 1775.  He had been a leading officer in Massachusetts during the Siege of Boston.  You may recall that I talked about how Heath lived right by Dorchester Heights and had asked General Putnam to take the Heights.  Heath also had a book that explained how to take the Heights but did not want to let Putnam read it because he didn’t like to lend out his books.

William Heath

Heath received promotion to major general in August of 1776, when Congress promoted all the original brigadiers who had not yet received promotion.  Washington did not seem particularly impressed with Heath.  In 1777, he gave Heath a chance to lead an attack on Fort Independence in New York.  Something I discussed in Episode 128. The attack was a mess, and seems to have affirmed Washington’s view that Heath was not a competent commander.  

For the rest of the war, Washington refused to give Heath any position of importance.  Instead, the general held a string of administrative positions.  Even so, based on seniority, Heath rose to the top of the army.  By 1781, only General Horatio Gates was senior to Heath. At this time, Gates was on leave from the army following the debacle at Camden.  So Heath was the top ranking officer in the army after Washington himself.

As I said though, Washington kept Heath from any important positions.  When Washington took his army to Yorktown, he left Heath behind.  Washington took General Benjamin Lincoln with him as his second in command.  Given Heath’s rank, he had to do something.  Washington left him in command of the forces around New York, where there would be no expected actions.

Another lackluster major general left behind during the Yorktown Campaign was General Alexander McDougall.  You may recall McDougall was an active leader in the Sons of Liberty in New York City before the war.  When the war broke out, he took a commission as a colonel.  He was promoted to brigadier at the same time that Heath was promoted to major general.  A little over a year later, McDougall also became a major general.  The promotion probably had more to do with McDougall being one of the more senior brigadiers by that time and the decision by Congress that New York deserved to have a second major general in the army.  Washington also did not seem particularly impressed with McDougall’s leadership skills and never gave him much of anything important to do.  McDougall spent most of the war in the New York Highlands for most of the war, where there was little action. 

McDougall had been elected to the Continental Congress in 1780.  He was there for only about a month. McDougall insisted on collecting his pay as a major general as well as payment for his service in Congress.  He wore his uniform to congressional sessions, which seemed to annoy many delegates.  They insisted on referring to him as Mr. McDougall rather than General McDougall, much to his annoyance.

His fellow New York Delegate Alexander Hamilton, nominated McDougall to become the new Secretary of Marine, essentially the civilian head of the navy.  McDougall had worked as a merchant captain before the war.  McDougall wanted to serve in that capacity, but did not want to give up his commission as a major general in the army. Congress eventually voted that he could not maintain both.  The final motion praised McDougall for wanting to continue to serve his country in the army, but that if he really wanted to do that, he needed to resign as Secretary of Marine.  

McDougall eventually did that and returned to active duty in the Continental Army in New York.  As I mentioned last week, Congress never chose a replacement for Secretary of Marine, and Robert Morris took over those responsibilities himself, while also serving as Secretary of the Treasury.  When McDougall returned to the army, Washington put him back into an administrative position.  When the army left for Yorktown, McDougall remained behind at West Point.

Heath and McDougall never really got along.  Part of this may have been the natural dislike that New Englanders and New Yorkers had for each other.  It could have been that Heath was from an old established family, while McDougall was a recent Scottish immigrant.  Maybe it was just that both officers were prickly and rather insecure about their abilities.

Whatever the cause, Heath and McDougall did not seem to like each other from almost the beginning of the war.  Heath had been one of the few Continental leaders who recommended against the Continental Army abandoning New York City in 1776.  If Heath’s recommendation had held, the army almost certainly would have been completely destroyed by the British in Manhattan.  McDougall was particularly critical of Heath’s judgment on that decision.

A relatively minor incident arose shortly after Heath took command of the army in New York.  McDougall’s wife had ordered something from a merchant in New York City.  The item took forever to be delivered.  Between the time McDougall had purchased the item and the time it was delivered, Washington had issued an order cutting off the purchase of anything from British-occupied New York City.  To avoid any problems, McDougall asked Heath to approve that he could claim the items already purchased.  Heath refused.  He said only Washington or Governor Clinton could give such approval.  McDougall went to Clinton, who gave approval, but Heath’s prickly decision to refuse an accommodation greatly annoyed McDougall.

Heath began issuing orders regarding the distribution of supplies that McDougall regarded as absurd and illegal. The officers and men under his command were being denied adequate food and supplies while surrounding units received whatever they needed.  McDougall wrote to Heath saying 

Whatever orders you shall please to give, whether they are clearly or doubtfully in the line of service, shall by implicitly executed….but permit me at the same time to inform you that it is my determination for the future to disobey every unmilitary and absurd order which may be given by any of your executive officers, and to put them in arrest…  

Heath took this as a direct challenge to his command. 

A short time later, McDougall was sitting around a table drinking with some of his subordinate officers.  A discussion of the 1776 evacuation of New York came up.  McDougall called Heath a “knave” for his call to remain in the city.  McDougall claimed that Heath knew remaining was militarily foolish, but argued for it anyway because he knew that would increase his political popularity back in New England.  McDougall went on to accuse Heath of bypassing him and illegally requisitioning supplies in such a way that was weakening the military defenses at West Point.

Heath got word of McDougall’s diatribe and immediately drew up a list of seven charges against the general.  These included mismanagement of supplies and “tending to lessen confidence in the commanding general”.  He put McDougall under house arrest and transferred command of West Point to Brigadier General James Paterson. McDougall wrote to General Washington protesting his arrest.

Washington, in Philadelphia by this time, wrote to both men.  His response was more formal that what I’m about to say but he was essentially saying: guys, you are supposed to be the two grownups I left in charge of the army.  If you had a dispute, we could have solved it quietly amongst ourselves.  Now, by bringing charges, you are airing the army’s dirty laundry in front of everyone.  This is not helping you, the army, or the cause.  At this point though, we have no choice but to go through the official process.

Washington convened a court martial against General McDougall and ordered General Stirling to preside.  McDougall brought counter charges against Heath and also objected to Stirling and several other officers on the court martial as biased against him.  This and other objections led to several delays before the court finally began hearing the case in April, 1782.  Delays caused by further objections and demands for evidence meant that the court did not complete its work until August.

McDougall’s main argument against the charge that he brought disrespect on General Heath was that he only stated facts that everyone already knew about the general. He sought to show objectively that Heath was a knave and that calling him that did not diminish him any more than his actions already had.  In the end, the court acquitted McDougall on six of the seven charges.  It found him guilty of denouncing his commanding officer and ordered Washington to issue a reprimand.  Washington, compelled by court to do so, issued a reprimand, but said he did so “with extreme reluctance.” In the same letter he wrote of McDougall’s “generally acknowledge merit” and ordered him back to duty.

Lord Stirling
McDougall agreed to drop his counter-charges against Heath. It seems he took to heart Washington’s admonitions that these court charges were only hurting the army.  And he just wanted to put the matter behind him.  

Unfortunately, another general did not feel the same way.  Soon after the court marital rendered its verdict, McDougall received a letter from General Stirling complaining that McDougall had insulted him in his accusations to remove him as head of the court martial.  Stirling at least implied that he wanted a duel to protect his honor.  McDougall refused to apologize, but also replied that he had said nothing in his objections to question Stirling’s character, honor, or integrity.

Stirling did not back down.  He wrote again saying that even if McDougall did not use explicit words, he had insinuated that Stirling’s reputation was not, well, sterling.  

An exasperated McDougall wrote back “the trial is now finished and the sentence published.  Does your lordship wish to have me tried again by a court martial where you are to preside? If not, it is immaterial to you, and to me, whether my exceptions to you were legal or illegal.”  Stirling did not appear to press the matter any further, but the exchange resulted in two more Continental major generals who were no longer on speaking terms.

Without an enemy to distract them, the Continental Army seemed to be turning on itself.

Next week, we head to England to see how officials there reacted to news of the loss at Yorktown.

- - -

Next Episode 309 North Government Falls (Available April 28, 2024)

Previous Episode 307 Congress After Yorktown

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Further Reading

Websites

William IV of the United Kingdom https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/William_IV_of_the_United_Kingdom

Court Martial of Matthias Ogden https://greensleeves.typepad.com/berkshires/court-martial-of-col-matthias-ogden

“Matthias Ogden’s Plan for Capturing British Officers in New York, March 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08061

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 28 March 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08052

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 2 April 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08074

“From George Washington to Matthias Ogden, 27 May 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08537

Bowler, R. A. “THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND BRITISH ARMY ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM.” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, vol. 58, no. 234, 1980, pp. 66–77. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44223295

Alexander McDougall: https://www.americanhistorycentral.com/entries/alexander-mcdougall

“To George Washington from William Heath, 18 January 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives [charges against Gen. McDougall], https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07702

“To George Washington from Alexander McDougall, 27 January 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07741

“From George Washington to Alexander McDougall, 3 February 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07769

“To George Washington from Alexander McDougall, 8 February 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-07792

“General Orders, 7 April 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-08100

“General Orders, 28 August 1782,” Founders Online, National Archives [findings of court martial], https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-09275

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Fitzgerald, Percy H. The Life and Times of William IV. Including a View of Social Life and Manners During his Reign, London: Tinsley Brothers, 1884. 

Heath, William Memoirs of Major-General William Heath, New York: William Abbatt, 1901.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, William H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

MacDougall, William American Revolutionary: A Biography of General Alexander McDougall, Praeger, 1977. 

Somerset, Anne The Life and Times of William IV, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1981 (borrow on archive.org).

Willcox, William B. Portrait of a General; Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence, Knopf, 1964 (borrow on archive.org) .


* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, April 14, 2024

ARP307 Congress After Yorktown


Over the last few episodes, we covered the ongoing war in the Carolinas, and war spreading around the world.  We last left the main Continental Army back in Episode 300 with the surrender at Yorktown.

Following the victory at Yorktown, the bulk of the Continental Army returned to the area around British-occupied New York City. 

Captured British flags from Yorktown
brought to Philadelphia
General Washington left the army for a time. He ordered General Benjamin Lincoln to take charge of the army’s movement back to New York.  Washington left Yorktown on November 5.  His first stop was to visit his stepson, who was recuperating from “camp fever” that had infected him while in volunteer service at Yorktown.  Following the British surrender, Washington sent Jack Custis to stay with a relative not too far from Yorktown, where he could receive better care.  

Washington arrived the day after leaving Yorktown, only to find that Custis had died moments before his arrival.  For the next few days, Washington escorted his grieving wife and daughter-in-law back to Mount Vernon.  It took more than a week to get home, as every town along the way wanted to celebrate the victory at Yorktown with the commander.  Washington remained at Mount Vernon for only a few days before heading to Philadelphia.

The Continental Congress was still celebrating the victory at Yorktown when Washington arrived on November 26.  Celebrations aside, Washington had some real concerns about the state of the Congress.

President John Hanson

John Hanson of Maryland had been unanimously elected president a few weeks earlier.  Hanson had only been in Congress for a little over a year.  It seems that no one really wanted to serve as president.  The office came with a great deal of responsibility and no power.  Hanson took over from Thomas McKean of Delaware, who had only taken the office for a few months after Congress elected Samuel Johnston.  Johnston refused to take the seat, stating that he was leaving Congress to run for Governor of North Carolina.  When McKean took up the chair, he informed Congress that he would only remain there until the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania returned to session in the fall, where he was Chief Justice.

John Hanson
Only a week after Hanson’s election, he wrote to his son-in-law that he wanted to resign.  He found his duties “irksome.” He did not feel well and thought he needed to go home.  The main reason he did not resign was that no one else wanted the job, and it was unclear that Congress could even seat a quorum to vote for a replacement.

Attendance at Congress was also a frustration.  When Washington addressed Congress on November 28, two days after his arrival, three states did not have the necessary two delegates to vote on behalf of their states.  Seven other states only had two delegates present, meaning that if they disagreed on a matter, the state could not vote.  Most of the better delegates had moved on to other positions in their home states, or as diplomats abroad.  So, Congress was a shell of its former self.

One reason Hanson disliked his new job was that the president was responsible for handling all correspondence of Congress.  This meant writing state officials, to beg for men, money, and supplies, as well as diplomatic and military correspondence.  Hanson determined almost immediately that this was not for him.  He assigned all the work of correspondence to Congress’ secretary, Charles Thomson.  And to be clear, Thomson was not just a secretary taking Hanson’s dictation.  Hanson was reading and replying to all official correspondence using his own judgment.

Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance

In truth, most of Congress’ work had been outsourced by this time.  As I mentioned back in Episode 281, Congress had determined in early 1780 that it could not handle both legislative and executive duties.  It created several new departments to be headed by an appointee to run the government.  The only one they appointed at the time, and the most important was Robert Morris, serving  as Superintendent of Finance.  In Britain, the top financial position, the minister of treasury, was also usually the Prime Minister.  So it was little surprise that Morris was seen as the effective leader in the Confederation government.  Hanson held the title of president, but anyone who needed something done came to Morris.

Robert Morris

Like many capable men, Morris had grown tired of government work.  As a political moderate, he suffered near constant criticism from the radical Whigs who controlled Pennsylvania politics.  He had hoped to return to private practice. Instead he accepted this appointment, given the desperate circumstances of the country's financial system, and a belief that Morris was best suited to manage things.  Once taking the job, Morris acted aggressively.  

He did not limit his own authority to financial matters.  He took control of the marine committee, and abolished the board of admiralty.  Since the Continentals did not have much of any navy by this point, few objected.  Morris  was also deeply involved in foreign diplomacy, since the only hope of keeping the financial system running was with the help of foreign loans or gifts from US allies.

I’ve talked about the continually growing mess that Continental finances had suffered over the course of the war.  The Yorktown Campaign only made that worse.  Agents had scrambled everywhere to come up with money to pay for that campaign, meaning that any available dollar and any debt that could be incurred on behalf of its success was done.  The campaign had been successful, but the debt situation was even worse as a result.  

Morris had to take some radical steps.  First was a decision not to repay any debts incurred prior to January 1, 1782.  The idea was that no one would accept Continental credit if they had to get behind so many other creditors to collect their money.  Morris hoped that an assurance that new creditors would be at the front of the line, might make those loans possible.  Of course, simply telling old creditors that they would have to wait until some time after the war for payment of anything due was not exactly something that gave new creditors confidence that they might later be pushed into that same category.

Morris also made the hard choice that he would not pay the army.  Since most officers and enlisted men were already used to receiving none of their promised pay, this was not really a big change in practice.  But declaring that everyone was going to have to work for the foreseeable future without getting paid was a slap in the face to the military.  Again, Morris had to prioritize new creditors for payment.  

To help the army, Morris largely gave up on relying on states to provide food and supplies for the soldiers.  Instead, Morris used some of the savings from non-payment of debt to enter into agreements directly with government contractors to provide food and supplies to the army directly.  These contracts were put out for public bid so that the government could get the best deal possible.

Since the Continental Congress’ credit was shot, Morris pinned his hopes on his new Bank of North America, which was funded through assistance provided by the King of France.  Morris hoped to grow that money by getting people to invest in the bank and accept bank notes produced by the bank, which were based on specie held by the bank.  Morris also issued “Morris Notes” which were used as currency backed by his own personal credit.

Confederation Cabinet

Near the end of 1781, Congress finally got around to appointing two other department heads.  Robert Livingston received an appointment as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.  If you are not sure what the Secretary of Foreign Affairs did under the Articles of Confederation, don’t feel bad.  Livingston had no idea either.  He mostly learned what he could not do.  

Robert Livingston
He could not make any foreign policy decisions on behalf of the US.  Anything he wanted to do had to go before Congress for a decision.  Since Congress often did not have enough delegates for a quorum, Congress could not make the decision either. Livingston expressed frustration that when he brought a question to Congress, he could watch the debate but could not offer any advice and could not ask any questions of that body.  He was not allowed to correspond directly with diplomats from other countries, nor with the US diplomats in Europe if those letters involved anything related to foreign affairs.  Any such letters had to go before Congress for approval before being sent.

Livingston did get authority to hire a couple of clerks. One of them was a Frenchman who had been serving in the Continental Army under General von Steuben.  This appointment seemed to cause many in Congress to argue that Livingston was simply a shill for French policy.  The limitations and concerns about Livingston did not seem to have anything to do with him personally.  He was a widely respected patriot leader who had himself served in the Continental Congress for years.  He was also Chancellor of New York during this same time.  Congressional restrictions seemed to have more to do with the trouble of the delegates themselves letting go of any small amount of authority to a separate body.

All of this only frustrated Livingston, who hadn’t really wanted the job in the first place.  To give you some idea of his frustration, in September of 1782, about a year after his appointment, he wrote a letter to Benjamin Franklin, the US Ambassador to France, and a peace delegate to complain that he had not received a single letter for six months. This was during the time that Franklin and others were actively negotiating a peace treaty with Britain - something that was of interest to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs.  As a result, Livingston did little on his own but report things to Congress and meet with Robert Morris.

Congress’ choice for a Secretary of War was even more contentious.  Horatio Gates was still head of the Board of War, but since his embarrassing performance at Camden, no one really wanted him anymore.  Washington seemed to favor Philip Schuyler, since he was no longer an active general and was an able politician and administrator.  The New England delegates, however, really disliked Schuyler.  Nathanael Greene and Henry Knox were both considered, but since they still played vital roles in the army - Greene as the southern commander and Knox as head of artillery, Congress did not want to remove them from those roles.  

Benjamin Lincoln

In the end, they settled on Benjamin Lincoln.  The general was acting as Washington’s second in command, but ever since his surrender at Charleston, no one seemed inclined to trust him with an independent command.  The consensus was that he was a great administrator, but not so much a field officer.  So Lincoln got the job.

At the time of his appointment, Lincoln was moving the Continental Army from Yorktown back to around New York. He still managed to get word of his appointment and got to Philadelphia two days ahead of Washington.

Like Livingston, Lincoln had no authority to make policy on his own.  His main jobs were to keep track of military men and supplies on hand and to prepare estimates of needs for future campaigns.  He also spent most of his time conferring with Robert Morris.

One other new job created around this time was for Thomas Paine.  The famous writer had fallen on hard times and could not seem to find anyone to pay him anymore.  He had created quite a few enemies in Philadelphia through many of his past attacks in the press.  Washington and Morris agreed that Paine would be useful as public relations for the government.  He did not have a title, and his job was not publicly known.  His salary would come out of funds set aside for Livingston’s use in secret services.

Washington’s stay in Philadelphia was primarily for the purpose of getting more supplies for the army.  Many were convinced that Yorktown had effectively ended the war.  If they were reluctant to come up with money while the enemy was an active threat to the states, they were even more reluctant now that the immediate threat seemed to be on the wane.

Washington used Morris to push an agenda that would get the army what it needed.  Always cautious about being seen as infringing on civil affairs, General Washington did not want to push Congress directly, but used Morris as his attack dog.  Morris pushed hard for direct taxes that would fund the army.  Congress refused.  

Congress did place requirements on the states to provide funds to the Bank of North America.  In that case, the States refused.  When the first quarterly payment was due in April of 1782, the bank received nothing.  After a few weeks, New Jersey sent a fraction of what it owed.  Morris noted that the amount sent was enough to fund the government for about ¼ of a day.

British Spies

Meanwhile the British in New York remained active in their efforts to undermine the Congress in Philadelphia.  Earlier in 1781, the British had captured a clerk named Thomas Edison.  Under interrogation, Edison convinced his captors that he could give them access to Congress’ private records.  As an assistant to Charles Thomson, secretary of Congress, Edison had access to documents related to the recent Silas Deane debates, internal arguments over western territories, problems between Congress and the French Ambassador.  

Captain George Beckwith had become the head of British intelligence in America after the capture and execution of Major John André.  He agreed to release Edison on the promise that Edison would help to gain access to Congressional records in Philadelphia.

James Moody
Beckwith assigned the project to James Moody, a loyalist officer.  When the war began, Moody was a New Jersey farmer who attempted to remain neutral.  When he refused to take the patriot loyalty oath, he was branded a traitor and suffered harassment and threats.  In 1777, a group of patriots attempted to shoot him.  Shortly after that incident, he fled to New York and became a lieutenant in a loyalist regiment.  Over the next couple of years, he spent most of his time performing intelligence operations in New Jersey, recruiting soldiers for the loyalists, and even leading several raids against patriot outposts.  In 1780, he led a failed attempt to kidnap New Jersey Governor William Livingston.  A little later, he helped rescue another loyalist from prison who was facing execution.  He also took prisoner several patriot officials and militiamen during his raids into the state.

As his reputation became more prominent, patriot leaders focused on his capture.  In August of 1780, while returning from a raid, Moody made it to the British fort at Bull’s Ferry in New Jersey. While he was there, a troop under General Anthony Wayne captured the fort and took him prisoner.  Because he was in uniform when captured, he was initially treated as a prisoner of war.  But when Governor Livingston learned of his capture, he demanded Moody be tried for espionage and treason.  

This was about the same time that Benedict Arnold had fled to the British, so the Continental mood toward spies was particularly hostile at the time.  Moody was held in chains at West Point.  He learned that Governor Livingston planned to prosecute the case against him personally, and that he also stacked the court that would hear Moody’s case, pretty much ensuring a guilty verdict. 

Moody realized that the way this was playing out meant that he would probably be dangling from a gallows in the very near future.  Despite the fact that officials posted a guard inside his cell to watch him 24/7, Moody worked on an escape.  He found a post half buried in the ground.  After asking for a coat to stay warm, Moody used the post to break off his hand cuffs, using the coat as cover from the guard.  He waited for a moment when his guard was not paying attention, then dashed out the door, grabbing the musket from a second guard outside the door.

He found himself outside and in the middle of a Continental Army camp, with alarms raised about the escaped prisoner. Rather than run for it, he simply shouldered the musket that he had taken from the guard and marched through camp like any other soldier.  He managed to make it out of camp and spent the next few days carefully making his way back to British lines.

Despite this close call, Moody spent the next couple of years continuing to go back into New Jersey on intelligence missions.  Several times, he was able to take out couriers carrying messages between Washington and Congress.

When the British learned of the opportunity to obtain embarrassing papers from the Continental Congress, they called on Moody to carry out the plan.  The plan itself was brazen, but quite simple.  Edison would be released and allowed to return to Philadelphia.  At an agreed time, he would let the British agents into the State House (what we call today Independence Hall) providing them the agreed documents.  The men would bring them back to New Jersey and smuggle them back to the British in New York.

Moody did not go himself to Philadelphia.  He remained just across the river in New Jersey while his brother John and a third loyalist named Lawrence Marr picked up the documents.  Moody had rented a room where the men could stay for the night.  While there, he overheard a conversation in the tavern.  A man said that there had been a plot to break into the Continental Congress’ records but that one of the conspirators had betrayed the conspiracy.

It turns out that Edison blew the whistle on the action.  According to Moody, Edison lost his nerve at the last minute and informed authorities.  According to Edison, it was his plan all along to lure the agents in and then get them captured.  I think Moody’s story makes more sense since Edison did not reveal anything until the last minute.  But authorities believed Edison’s story and later rewarded him for his actions.

Moody’s brother John and Marr were both captured.  Both were sentenced to hang as spies, but only Moody’s brother went to the gallows.  James Moody managed to escape the tavern just before a large patriot patrol arrived in search of him.  According to Moody’s later account, he threw himself in a ditch then crawled into a hay rack to avoid deduction.  The next day, he stole a canoe on the Delaware River and paddled upriver more than 100 miles to northern New Jersey.  From there, he was able to make his way back to New York City.  This final close call was the end of Moody’s career as a spy.  Shortly afterward, he left America and sailed for London.

Next Week: General Washington returns to New York and approves an attempt to kidnap a future King of England.  Continental General Alexander McDougall faces a court martial.

- - -

Next Episode 308 McDougall Court Martial 

Previous Episode 306 War in India

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

The John Hanson Story: https://www.constitutionfacts.com/us-articles-of-confederation/john-hanson-story

Nuxoll, Elizabeth M. “The Bank of North America and Robert Morris’s Management of the Nation’s First Fiscal Crisis.” Business and Economic History, vol. 13, 1984, pp. 159–70. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23702711

The Debt Problem: 1781 to 2014 https://www.siue.edu/~rblain/debtproblem.html

The Wartime Adventures of Lt. James Moody https://www.royalprovincial.com/military/rhist/njv/njvmoody2.htm

Lawrence Marr Jr. and John Moody https://www.angelfire.com/az/MarrHollow/LawrenceMarrJr.html

Conn, Kevin A. “Contingencies, Capture, and Spectacular Getaway: The Imprisonment and Escape of James Moody” Journal of the American Revolution, Nov. 24, 2020. https://allthingsliberty.com/2020/11/contingencies-capture-and-spectacular-getaway-the-imprisonment-and-escape-of-james-moody

Continental Congress Amendment to Report on Thomas Edison:  https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-03-02-0160

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol 21, Washington: Gov’t Printing Office, 1912. 

Moody, James Narrative of the Exertions and Sufferings of Lieut. James Moody, in Cause of Government Since the Year 1776, New York, Privately Printed, 1865 (original, London, 1782). 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Dangerfield, George Chancellor Robert R. Livingston of New York, 1746-1813, Harcourt, Brace, and Co. 1960 (borrow on archive.org).

Fleming, Thomas The Perils of Peace: America's Struggle for Survival After Yorktown, Harper Collins, 2007.  

Fowler, William H. Jr. American Crisis: George Washington and the Dangerous Two Years after Yorktown, 1781-1783, Walker & Co. 2011. 

Glickstein, Don After Yorktown: The Final Struggle for American Independence, Westholme Publishing, 2015. 

Mattern, David B. Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution, Univ. of S.C. Press, 1995 (borrow on Archive.org). 

Rappleye, Charles Robert Morris: Financier of the American Revolution, Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, April 7, 2024

ARP306 War in India


Last week we looked at the Spanish takeover of Menorca in the Mediterranean Sea.  While we, in America, think of the Revolutionary war in terms of the fighting in America, that fighting launched a larger war worldwide.  When European powers went to war, that meant open season on all of their colonies and outposts around the world.  By 1781, Britain was at war with France, Spain, and the Netherlands.

While Britain had lots of colonies and outposts to defend, it was not just fighting a defensive war.  The government was always looking for vulnerable enemy real estate that it could seize.  By the 1780’s the Indian subcontinent provided many such targets.

Indian Colonization

Hyder Ali
By this time, India had been a target of European colonization for nearly three centuries.  The Portuguese established their first trading posts there in 1498.  India, at the time, was made up of several kingdoms that were often at war with one another.  Europeans took advantage of these divisions to establish alliances and build a system of control.  By the early 1600’s both the Dutch and the English had established themselves on the subcontinent.  Within a few decades, the Danes and the French also established themselves.  Later, Sweden and Austria also carved out areas of control.  As they did in other parts of the word, these European powers battled both locals and each other for greater control.

Dutch power centered around Ceylon a large island near the southeast coast, as well as along the coast of the continent nearby.  The British East India Company held large areas of influence throughout India, but was particularly strong in the northeast area known as Bengal.

After France and Britain went to war in 1778, Britain attacked French colonies that were allied with the local kingdom of Mysore. Its first target was the French Indian capital of Pondicherry, which the British captured after a two month siege in 1778.  This was just north of the Dutch area of control. At that time, however, Britain was not at war with the Dutch, so it proceeded no further. Shortly afterward, the British also took Mahe on the west coast.

Second Anglo-Mysore War

The French were not able to put many resources into their defenses in India, but the local French ally the Kingdom of Mysore was not simply ready to submit to British rule.

Hyder Ali ruled Mysore at the time.  He had allied himself with the French after the British, in his view, had betrayed him in an earlier war.  Before the British took Mahé, Ali warned them that the area was under his protection and to stay out.  The British ignored the warning and took it anyway. This kicked off what is known as the Second Anglo-Mysore War. The first one had been fought a decade earlier when Ali also tangled with British forces.

Southern India
In July, 1780, Ali assembled an army of 80,000 and invaded the British-controlled Carnatic region of south India.  The Mysore Army burned villages and laid siege to several British forts in the area.  This led to a major battle in September of 1780 against a British army of about 5000 under the command of Colonel William Baillie.  The Mysore cavalry broke the British defensive lies and decimated the army.  At the time, it was one of the worst British defeats in India.  The British retreated to Madras, leaving the Mysore to take control of the Carnatic.  

In July, 1781, a British force of about 8000 attacked the coastal city of Porto Novo, where Ali defended the city with a force of about 40,000.  The British commander, General Eyre Coote had spent decades fighting in India and was an effective officer.  I haven’t been able to find much information on the battle itself, but the much smaller British force was able to capture Porto Novo, inflicting about 9000 enemy casualties while taking about 300 of their own.  My suspicion would be the use of British navy cannons and the lack of effective weapons by the Mysore army led to the rather lopsided British victory.  This was followed up by another British victory at Sholinghur in September, and several other battles.

In the summer of 1781, Lord George Macartney arrived as the new Governor of Madras.  You may recall that we discussed Macartney before when he was Governor of Grenada in the West Indies when the French captured the island in 1779.  Macartney had become a French prisoner of war, but was exchanged and sent back to London.  Two years later, he was on his way to his next post at Madras.

Macartney brought with him the news that Britain had declared war on the Netherlands six months earlier.  Apparently, no one among the Dutch or British leadership had received the news until Macarntey’s arrival in July 1781.  Governor Macartney ordered the capture of any Dutch controlled outposts in India.  

Siege of Negapatam

The first British target was the Dutch controlled city of Negapatam.  The Dutch Governor Reynier van Vlissingen had been unaware of the declared war with Britain until word arrived in late summer of 1781.  Up until that time, the Dutch had been fighting with the Mysore under Hyder Ali.  

British Camp by Rock of Sholingarh
Earlier that year, Mysore soldiers had raided several villages under Dutch protection.  The governor sent emissaries to meet with Ali and demand damages for the attacks.  Instead, Ali took the emissaries hostage and demanded a ransom. The Mysore also threatened to take several other Dutch outposts.  

In response, the Dutch commander, Vlissingen, was in discussions with the British about forming an alliance with  Mysore.  When word arrived of war between Britain and the Netherlands, all that changed.  Despite having to pay a ransom to get the return of his emissaries, Vlissingen reached out to Ali once again, hoping to form an alliance with Mysore against Britain.  Ali was amenable to such an arrangement once he learned that the Dutch were at war with his main enemy, Britain. 

Initially Vlissingen sent 600 Dutch soldiers, along with gunpowder and ammunition, to Hyder’s camp in Tanjore.  When they learned that British forces were going to move against Negapatam, the Dutch soldiers returned to the city, along with about 2100 Mysore soldiers. There, the armies were supplemented by another 5500 local Indian militia.

Because the British were fighting with Mysore all over the region, they could not simply focus all their forces on the Dutch target.  In fact, the British commander, General Coote, did not want to make much of any of his army available for what he regarded as a sideshow to the main fight for Carnatas.

Hector Munro
After some effort, Governor Macartney convinced General Hector Munro to take command of the force to be called up against Negapatam.  Munro was an experienced officer.  He came from an aristocratic Scottish family.  He got his start in the military in the 1750’s capturing Jacobite rebels during the rising.  By 1760, he was a major in the 89th Regiment of Foot, which was deployed to India.  He spent nearly a decade there, fighting against Ali in the first Mysore war in the 1760’s. He returned home in 1768 and was elected to Parliament.  Munro made some big investments in a bank that failed in the financial crisis of 1772.  This may have been part of the reason that he decided to return to active duty in India in 1778.

By late 1781, Munro had spent nearly two years of his return in active combat against the Mysore Army.  Once again, he had had enough and was ready to return home.  That was when Governor Macartney tapped him to command the attack on Negapatam.  To support Monroe, Coote agreed to deploy an army under the command of Colonel John Braithwaite.  Although Braithwaite had been injured in a recent battle, his soldiers under the command of Colonel Eccles Nixon marched to Negapatam.

On October 20, the British under Colonel Nixon, who were marching overland, seized two Dutch outposts at Karaikal and Nagore. General Munro sailed with additional forces carried by the British Navy commanded by Admiral Edward Hughes.

The following week on October 27, the British forces attacked the outer redoubts of the main Dutch defense at Negapatam.  The defenders repulsed the British.  The following day, the British brought more reinforcements for a second attempt, and were repulsed again.  Munro then attempted to attack the redoubts on the other side of the city.  There, he was more successful, forcing a rout of the Mysorean cavalry. By the end of October, the Dutch retreated behind their city walls and prepared for a siege.

Edward Hughes
The total British force consisted of about 4000 soldiers, while the defenders had about 6500.  But the bulk of the defenders were local militia who were not considered to be as reliable in battle.  Munro had his men begin digging siege trenches around the city, and bringing up cannons to take down the city walls.  The Dutch attempted several sorties out of the city to prevent the setup of enemy artillery, but were unsuccessful.

Even before the British arrived at Negapatam, the Dutch commander van Vlissingen sent word to Ali to send more Mysore soldiers to help lift the siege.  A Mysorean relief army was near the town by November 8.  However, they were reluctant to launch an attack given the size of the British lines, and the presence of British warships within cannon range of any attack.  The Mysore leaders paused and called for even more reinforcements so that they could attack with an overwhelming force.

As they waited, the British attacked the Mysore camp and forced the relief column to retreat on November 10.  Inside Negapatam, the Dutch were out of food and were surrounded by the British army and navy.  After a failed counter attack on the British lines on November 10, Vlissingen called a council of war.  The council agreed the Dutch should surrender the following day.

The Dutch came out under a flag of truce asking for terms.  The two sides reached an agreement and the next day, November 12, the Dutch garrison surrendered.  A day later a larger Mysore army arrived, only to discover that it was too late to provide relief.  It retreated back inland without engaging the British.

Trincomalee

Following the fall of Negapatam the Mysore pulled back from the coast where the British navy could provide the British with an advantage.  The main British fleet that was present at Negapatam moved on to the Dutch island of Ceylon.

Fort at Trincomalee, 1782
The British fleet carried several hundred volunteers, along with its marines to capture the Dutch colony at Trincomalee.  The fleet reached Trincomalee Bay on January 4, 1782. They landed an assault force several miles north of the Dutch Fort Frederick.  Marching at night, they managed to enter the fort before the enemy even knew of their presence, taking the small 43 man fort garrison prisoner.  

The larger Fort Ostenburg, however, controlled the harbor.  By January 8, the British took a hill above Fort Ostenburg.  Getting artillery onto the hill would prove difficult, so Admiral Hughes sent an emissary to call for the Dutch surrender of the fort.  

Dutch Governor Iman Willem Falck received the British officer, Major Geils, who demanded the fort’s surrender.  Falck refused the demand and sent Geils back to inform his commander.  Geils was also an engineer.  He used his time in the fort to observe its defenses and believed that the British could storm the fort instead of a siege.

The following morning, a force of 450, made primarily of British marines and seamen stormed the fort with scaling ladders.  After a brief battle Fort Ostenberg fell to the British. Admiral Hughes left a garrison, made up primarily of Indian soldiers, to retain control of Trincomalee while his fleet returned to Madras. 

The Dutch forces on the island were taken prisoner, Dutch Governor Falk was granted parole to travel to the Dutch East Indies and report the loss of Trincomalee.

Sadras

The British success in India meant that both sides would soon be sending more resources there.  Hughes had taken Trincomalee with six ships of the line.  When he returned to Madras, he found three more ships had arrived, bringing his fleet to nine. 

Admiral Suffren
About the same time Hughes was returning to Madras a new French fleet was on its way.  France had established its naval headquarters for the Indian Ocean at Isle de France, an island just off Mozambique, known today as Mauritius.  In late 1781, a French fleet left Isle de France headed for India. Initially, the French targeted Trincomalee, but then decided to head straight at the British fleet at Madras.

Admiral Thomas d'Estienne d'Orves commanded the French fleet. However, he became very ill during the voyage and turned over command of the fleet to Admiral Pierre André de Suffren.  The fleet included 11 ships of the line and six smaller fighting ships.  Along the way, the fleet captured a British ship of the line, the 50 gun Hannibal, which they also pressed into French service.

In early February, the French fleet reached Madras, and began raiding coastal towns and villages.  Shortly after their arrival Admiral d’Orves succumbed to his illness and died.  Admiral Suffren continued on with the campaign.

After discovering the British fleet at Madras, Suffren sailed further south.  He planned to land at Porto Novo, then march back up the coast and capture enemy villages along the way.  Near the landing point, Suffren discovered that the British fleet under Hughes had followed them down the coast and were prepared to do battle.  The British fleet was smaller, but managed to catch the French fleet out of position.

Initially the British took on five French ships of the line, eventually joined by two more.  The others inexplicably remained out of the battle, just watching.  Several of the British ships were badly damaged and close to sinking.  Again, inexplicably, the French ship ended their attack before sinking several enemy ships. 

Although the British were able to inflict considerable damage, Admiral Hughes realized he was outgunned and sailed away that night under cover of darkness.  His fleet sailed from Trincomalee to make repairs.

The battle losses, in what became known as the Battle of Sadras, were pretty even.  Both fleets lost about 130 killed and wounded.

Suffren did not immediately give chase.  He met with his ship commanders to scold those who failed to enter the battle, then went ashore to meet with Hyder Ali and to land his armies on the coast.  French soldiers joined with Ali’s Mysorean soldiers to begin a siege against Cuddalore

Providien

After both fleets had time to make repairs, they both set out in search of another battle.  The fleets spotted each other on April 8th.  Many of Hughes’ crew were sick with scurvy at the time, and hoped to avoid battle. But Suffren gave chase.  

Negapatem, 1782
On the morning of April 12, realizing he could not avoid a fight, Hughes formed his ships into a line of battle.  It took hours for both fleets to get into position.  The two lines joined in battle by around 1:30 in the afternoon.  Both lines blasted each other with broadsides, inflicting considerable damage.  The British took the heaviest casualties, suffering nearly 600 killed and wounded.  French casualties have conflicting reports, ranging from about 350-550 killed and wounded.

A rainstorm at about 5:30 PM finally forced the two lines to separate and withdraw.  For the next week, both fleets remained within a few miles of each other, but both were too badly damaged to renew the battle.  The French considered renewing the fight on April 19th, but after reviewing the condition of the enemy fleet, decided to sail away.

The British fleet might have looked formidable, but it was a bluff. Several British ships of the line were barely afloat and were maintained by skeleton crews because so many sick and wounded had been pulled off to hospital ships.

The French retreated to the Dutch port at Batacalo, in modern day Sri Lanka.

Negapatam

Once again, the two fleets separated for a time to make repairs and then set sail again in search of one another.  The French fleet departed Batacalo for Cuddalore, which had fallen to France’s Mysorean allies.  There, Ali asked the French Admiral Suffren to attack Negapatam, which was the same town that the British had captured eight months earlier, and which I discussed at the beginning of this episode. Suffren would not participate in a land attack, but agreed to engage the British Navy off the coast there.

Suffren meeting with Ali, 1782
On July 11, 1782, Hughes was anchored near Negapatam with his 11 ships of the line, when Suffren arrived with his 12 ships. Hughes had received intelligence that the French fleet was on its way and was prepared for battle.

The following day the two lines fought yet another destructive yet largely indecisive battle.  The British fleet was more aggressive this time

There was some dispute after the battle.  The British claimed that the Sévère had struck her colors during the battle, meaning she was a British prize.  The captain of the Sévère disputed this, claiming that the British had simply shot away the halyards, causing the colors to fall, and then be raised again.

The British left without their prize.  A court martial of the events later held in Paris determined that the captain had struck his colors, but that his subordinate officers refused to surrender and had the colors raised again.  Suffren actually sent three of his captains home for court martial. The other two avoided censure. The captain of the Sévère, however, was cashiered from the navy.

The war in India would continue, on land and at sea, for even a year after the American Revolution ended.  We’ll have to return for some further adventures in India in a later episode.  Next week, however, we return to America, as General Washington makes plans to kidnap a future king of England.

- - -

Next Episode 307 Congress After Yorktown (Available April 14, 2024)

Previous Episode 305 Siege of Menorca

 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

Plan of Action at Porto Novo: https://militarymaps.rct.uk/other-18th/19th-century-conflicts/porto-novo-1781-a-plan-of/the-action-near-porto-novo/on-the-1st-july-1781/in-which/the-army-of-hyder

Battle of Sadras – 17 February 1782 https://morethannelson.com/battle-sadras-17-february-1782

Battle of Providien – 12 April 1782 https://morethannelson.com/battle-providien-12-april-1782

Battle of Negapatam, 6 July 1782 https://www.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/rmgc-object-11940

Battle of Negapatam – 6 July 1782 https://morethannelson.com/battle-negapatam-6-july-1782

Capture of Fort Trincomalee by surprise https://www.royalmarineshistory.com/post/capture-of-fort-trincomalee-by-surprise

The Battle of Trincomale – 3 September 1782 https://morethannelson.com/battle-trincomale-3-september-1782

General Eyre Coote https://www.westminster-abbey.org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/eyre-coote

Sir Edward Hughes https://morethannelson.com/officer/sir-edward-hughes

Singh, Kumar Badri Narain. “THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE AND INDIA.” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 38, 1977, pp. 591–94. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44139119

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Malleson, G.B. Final French Struggles in India and on the Indian Seas, London: W.H. Allen, 1884. 

Mill, James The History of British India, Vol. 4, London: J. Madden, 1840. 

Mohammed, Gholam, The History Of Hyder Shah Aiias Hyder Ali Khan Bahadur And Of Son, Tippoo Sultaun, Delhi: Cosmo Publications, first published 1855. 

Sinha, Narendra Krishna Haidar Ali, vol.1,1721-1779, Calcutta Oriental Press, 1941. 

Wylly, H.C. Sir Eyre Coote, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1922. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cavaliero Roderick Admiral Satan: The Life & Campaigns of Suffren, I.B. Tauris, 1994. 

Haroon, Anwar Kingdom of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan: Sultanat E Khudadad, Xlibris, 2013. 

Van Lohuizen, Jan The Dutch East India Company and Mysore, 1762-1790, Brill, 1961. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.