Sunday, May 24, 2020

Episode 150 Howe leaves New York

In July 1777, General Howe remained in New York City after the Continentals and militia had pushed his army out of New Jersey six months earlier.  Everyone had expected him to begin to do something by this time.  Typically, campaigns began in the spring.  Most people expected Howe to capture Philadelphia, the largest city in American and the seat of the Continental Congress.  In June, the British had made a couple of feints into Northern New Jersey, resulting in the battle of Short Hills that I talked about back in Episode 140.

But all the real action was happening in upstate New York as General Burgoyne marched his army through the Hudson Valley.  In New York City, General Howe did not make any significant deployments anywhere, not toward Philadelphia, and not up the Hudson Valley toward Burgoyne.  He left everyone to wonder what he was waiting for, and where he would go?

Clinton Returns

On July 5, General Henry Clinton returned to New York from London.  Recall that General Clinton had sailed for London months earlier with the intent of resigning his commission.  General Howe had refused to make use of him and had him sitting in Rhode Island without sufficient forces to take any offensive actions.  When the King refused to accept his resignation, refused to give him the independent command that went to Burgoyne, and ordered him to return to serve as Howe’s second in command for another year, Clinton did as ordered, but was not happy about it.

Sir Henry Clinton
(from Wikimedia)
The day following his arrival in New York, Clinton met with Howe to discuss what he had planned.  Clinton had expected Howe to send a force up the Hudson Valley to support Burgoyne.  When he learned that there was no such plan, the two men argued over that and a range of other things.  Clinton accused Howe of bad mouthing him to people in London for incompetence in his Rhode Island command.  In response, Howe angrily accused Clinton of badmouthing him to people in London for the entire prior year’s campaign.

The two men went back and forth at each other for hours.  It ended with Clinton announcing that he still wished to resign once this campaign was over.  Howe responded that he would be happy to allow him to resign once Howe returned from Philadelphia.

In the meantime, Clinton would be left in command at New York City.  Howe would take the bulk of his army with him, leaving Clinton with a few thousand Hessians and loyalist militia.  Clinton was concerned that it was barely enough to defend New York City from an attack, let alone send any sort of relief force to assist Burgoyne’s army.  That, however, did not seem to be a concern for General Howe.

Heister Leaves

Another general who had clashed with General Howe was Lieutenant General Phillip von Heister, the commander of all Hessian Auxiliaries in America.  Heister had arrived a year earlier when the British were still in Newfoundland.  He had been part of the landing at Staten Island and the subsequent capture of New York City and the surrounding area.

Heister and Howe had never really gotten along well.  The 70 year old German general had performed well at the Battle of Long Island, but repeatedly clashed with Howe over issues of command and the use of the Hessians.  Heister thought that Howe mostly used the Hessians as cannon fodder, causing unnecessary casualties among his men.  The two generals also butted heads over how much independence the Hessians had over the command of British officers.

Phillip Leopold von Heister
(from Wikimedia)
After the capture of the Hessians at Trenton, Heister and Howe exchanged words and blamed each other over responsibility for the loss.  Howe sent word back to London that he could not work with the general and wanted him dismissed.

This was a touchy issue since the British most certainly did not want all of the Hessians to pack up and go home.  Dismissing their commander could have caused real problems.  Intead, officials in London conferred with the leadership in Hesse.  The Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel soon sent notice that General Von Heister was being recalled temporarily for reasons of his health and age.  In truth, despite the attempted face saving, everyone knew he was being blamed for Trenton and being removed from command as a result.

Heister boarded a ship for London in late June and eventually made his way back to Hesse-Cassel.  He would die later that same year a dejected and frustrated man.

The new commander of Hessian forces was General Wilhelm Von Knyphausen, who had been Heister’s second in command.  Von Knyphausen and much of his Hessian army would join General Howe on the Philadelphia Campaign.


On July 8, two days after his meeting with Clinton, Howe began boarding his army of somewhere between 16,000 and 18,000 soldiers, and another roughly 5000 civilians, aboard a fleet of 267 ships commanded by his brother, Admiral Richard Howe.  The army disembarked from Staten Island, where they had first landed almost exactly one year earlier.  Although the army began boarding ships on July 8, the fleet went nowhere.  Soldiers sat aboard ship for days in the sweltering July heat.  The temperature, the lack of fresh air or fresh food, and seasickness made the time aboard ship unbearable for the soldiers.

 General William Howe
(from Wikimedia)
A week later, on July 15, General Howe received word that General Burgoyne had taken Fort Ticonderoga.  To Howe, like many others, it seemed like the hardest part of Burgoyne’s mission was complete.  The Americans were scattering and Burgoyne should be well on his way to Albany.  Confident that Burgoyne would not need his help, Howe continued his preparations to set sale.  Two days later, he wrote Burgoyne to congratulate him on his success and to confirm that no one would be marching north to meet him.  Howe was confident that Burgoyne could complete his march without assistance.

Around this same time Howe also tried to send a little disinformation to the enemy.  He arranged for a letter to be captured by the Continentals discussing his plans to sail for Boston.  Howe figured that if they believed it, the enemy would move far away from both Burgoyne’s army and his own.  Washington believed none of it.  He was still certain that Howe would send a force up the Hudson river to assist Burgoyne.  Despite intelligence to the contrary, he did not think Howe was stupid enough to abandon Burgoyne in the wilderness of upstate New York with no support.
Finally, on July 20, after leaving his soldiers aboard ship for nearly two weeks, the fleet began to sail out of New York Harbor.  Over the next three days, foul weather and poor winds meant that the fleet went exactly nowhere.  By July 23, they still had not cleared Sandy Hook, New Jersey.  The fleet slowly made its way out to sea, trying to sail beyond the horizon so that no one on land could determine where they were headed.

Where did they go?

With the British fleet out of sight, the Americans had to figure out where they were going so that Washington could march his army to meet them.  Philadelphia remained the best guess for many, although Washington still was not convinced that the fleet was a ruse to get him to march south so that the fleet could return and sail up the Hudson river virtually unopposed.  The famous Culper Spy Ring would not be set up in New York for another year, so intelligence from the city was still sketchy.  Washington could not be sure that intelligence he did receive was genuine or disinformation from the enemy.

The Americans sent scouts to southern New Jersey to keep a lookout for the enemy fleet.  If they intended to sail up the Delaware River to Philadelphia, they should be sighted there first.  Watchmen set up posts at Little Egg Harbor, which is near modern day Atlantic City, and also at Cape May, New Jersey.  At the time, most of this area was uninhabited, except by Indians.  The pine barrens of southern New Jersey, or West Jersey as it was then known, were a largely impassable swampy forest full of dangerous wildlife and outlaws that made passage both slow and risky.  Even so, the teams maintained express riders ready to return to Philadelphia in the event that they sighted the fleet.

HMS Roebuck (from ArtNet)
Because of its remote and largely uninhabited location, Egg Harbor was a known port for smugglers to land goods.  This made it a dangerous area for members of either army.  In late July, a small heavily armed British expedition landed on one of the uninhabited barrier islands near Egg Harbor, where what is today Ocean City, New Jersey.  A couple of the British sailors took the opportunity to desert and found the Americans.  Alerted to the landing, local New Jersey militia captured the remainder of the landing party for interrogation.

It turned out the party was from the HMS Roebuck.  They had landed in search of rum smugglers.  The Roebuck was not part of the fleet, but rather an independent navy ship that had been assigned to the mouth of the Delaware River for many months.  The squad did not send any express riders.  However, rumors about the incident popped up in a Philadelphia tavern the following day. General Thomas Mifflin wrote to Washington that he heard a rumor that 70 ships had been spotted off Egg Harbor, headed for Cape May.  The rumor then metastasized to spread that the British fleet had already entered Delaware Bay.

Washington took the rumor seriously, but still waited for further confirmation.  He wrote back to Mifflin that it was still possible the British wanted to be seen there, then turn around and head back to New York to sail up the Hudson River.  By this time, Washington had moved his army to Flemington, New Jersey, about sixty miles from Philadelphia.  From there, he could still move north or south as needed.

Several days later, on July 30, the Americans at Cape May did spot part of the fleet and sent their express riders to Philadelphia.  Another group of sentries also reported sightings from Cape Henlopen, Delaware, and sent express riders to Philadelphia from there, alerting forces across Delaware as they rode.  Washington received notice the following day.

Alarm in Philadelphia

Philadelphia, of course, was focused on the potential invasion.  One delegate commented “Nothing is said or heard now except war and rumors of war.”  Congress voted to imprison and remove from the city several prominent city leaders who they thought would support the British occupiers.  Among those taken into custody were Governor John Penn and the Chief Justice of the colonial government.   The prisoners were taken west into the back country where they would be out of reach if the British occupied the city.  Congress also issued calls for the militia to turn out for all of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland

Late in the evening of July 31, General Washington arrived in Philadelphia with a small escort, riding ahead of his army.  He rented a room at City Tavern and consulted with members of Congress as to the defense of the city. It was at this time that he was first introduced to the Marquis de Lafayette, who would begin serving as his aide.

Of course, defenses had been well underway for months.  Because Philadelphia was not a coastal town, the only way for a ship to reach it was to travel up the Delaware River.  For the previous two years, patriots had been working to make the river impassable by the British Navy.  Naval ships had already threatened the city several times and been driven back.

Patriots had constructed two forts just below the city, Fort Mifflin sat on Mud Island, near the Pennsylvania side of the river, near where Philadelphia airport is located today.  Across the river in New Jersey, they constructed Fort Mercer at Red Bank.  Any ship passing up the river to Philadelphia would have to pass by the cannons of both of these forts. The Americans were also working on another fort with artillery at Billingsport, a few miles downstream of Fort Mercer.

Chevaux de frise (from Joel Campbell Blog)
The patriots also sunk rows of chevaux de frise into the river so that no ship could simply sail past the forts at full speed.  These were essentially large pointed sticks anchored below the waterline that would puncture the hull of any ship that did not steer clear of them.  There were safe paths through these traps that only local pilots knew.

Pennsylvania maintained a fleet of longboats with mounted cannons.  These boats hid in shallow waters behind islands.  They could row out and fire on ships, then row away before sailing ships could get in position to return fire.  There were a few larger ships as well, but nothing that compared to the larger British ships of the line.

The Americans also planned to use fire-rafts.  These were large wooden vessels, often older ships barely seaworthy or just wooden rafts built for this purpose.  They would be set on fire and set to float downstream.  They could bump into ships moving upstream and set them on fire.  That was the way the British had destroyed the Spanish Armada nearly two hundred years earlier.

As the river narrowed, larger warships had limited maneuverability and were at their most vulnerable.  With news of the fleet’s arrival, all defenses were activated and ready to go into action.

British Bypass the Delaware

Although the British fleet had been far out at sea for over a week, the Howe brothers wanted intelligence on American activities.  As I mentioned, the HMS Roebuck had been patrolling the Delaware Bay for months and actively collected intelligence.  The Roebuck sailed out to meet the fleet so that the ship’s commander, Captain Andrew Hamond could provide Admiral Howe and General Howe with information on the American positions. On the morning of July 30, Hammond informed the Howe Brothers that Washington’s Continentals had crossed the Delaware River and were marching to Wilmington Delaware.  This was not accurate.  Washington was still in New Jersey, miles north of Philadelphia.

Troop Movements 1777 (from Wikimedia)
Hamond did provide more accurate intelligence about the extensive Delaware River defenses that the fleet would have to defeat in order to reach Philadelphia by that route.  Even so, Hamond had a plan to land troops at New Castle Delaware, south of Wilmington.  From there, the armies could march up river, taking out the various river forts that were designed to attack ships, not withstand a land assault.  With the forts destroyed, the fleet could move up the river, take out the small ships and destroy the chevaux de frise and sail into Philadelphia.

Howe listened to the captain but then rejected the plan.  It seems clear that Howe, who knew about the river defenses long before he left New York City, had planned a different approach all along that he did not share with his officers.  Instead of fighting their way up the Delaware River, the fleet would continue to sail south into the Chesapeake Bay.  From there, the army could land in Northern Maryland and march overland to Philadelphia from the south and west.

Howe’s plan had the benefit of being unexpected and bypassing most of the long planned American defenses.  It was, however, unexpected because the plan had a number of problems with it.  First, it meant that the British Army would have to remain aboard ship for at least another couple of weeks.  The men were suffering miserably from their weeks at sea.  Man and animals were already getting sick and dying from the miserable conditions and quantity and quality of food available to them at sea.  This would only get worse if the voyage continued.

Also, it meant that the British would not land until at least the middle of August, and would have a much longer march to Philadelphia than if they had marched from New York City.  The overland march meant they would have to abandon their ships and not have the naval cannons for support.  The Americans would have plenty of time to call out the militia and and use natural defensive barriers to attack the army, just as was happening to Burgoyne’s army in upstate New York.  Even if successful, the campaign would certainly go well into September.  Having any time to help Burgoyne’s army in New York that fall would be completely out of the question.

British cartoon shows Howe Brothers plotting to get rich by
prolonging the war, Oct. 1777 (from British Museum)
Despite these concerns, Howe confirmed that would be his plan.  The fleet continued on its way further south, down the coast.  Except they did not sail directly south.  On August 1, American surveillance at Cape May reported seeing the ships sail away from the coast again, heading east, by northeast.  Washington feared that Howe had sprung his trap.  He had allowed his fleet to be spotted near the Delaware Bay so that Washington had committed most of his army to move south of Philadelphia.  Then, the fleet was going to dash back to New York and sail up the Hudson River to join up with Burgoyne.  Washington issued orders for all armies marching south either to halt, or reverse themselves and begin moving north again.

Much of the Continental Army had marched as far as Germantown, just northwest of Philadelphia. With word that the British might be headed back to New York, Washington ordered these men to march back to Coryell’s Ferry on the Delaware River, north of Philadelphia.  If the British were headed to New York, getting them across the Delaware into New Jersey again would be critical to marching his army north to confront them.

On August 10, Washington left Germantown himself, headed north, setting up his new headquarters in Neshaminy, a small village on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware River, near Trenton. It had been more than a week since the fleet was last seen and no one knew what direction it was headed.  That same day, locals reported seeing the fleet off the coast of Maryland, moving south.  But these were unconfirmed reports and Washington was not confident enough to act on them.  Washington remained in Neshaminy, waiting for further intelligence. On August 21, three weeks after the fleet had last been seen, Washington held a council of war with his officer to guess where the fleet might be.  The consensus was that Howe was headed for Charleston, South Carolina and that he planned to recapture the southern colonies.

The next day however, Washington received confirmation that the fleet was, in fact, in the Chesapeake Bay.  With this information, Washington finally committed his army to marching south to meet the enemy south of Philadelphia.  On August 23, he marched his army through Philadelphia, an event I discussed in more detail back in Episode 141.

A few days later, he received word that the British were disembarking at the Head of Elk, Maryland.  Washington finally understood Howe’s plan, and could prepare his defense.

But before we get to that, next week, we will head north again as the British and Americans do battle at Fort Stanwix in upstate New York.

- - -

Next Episode 151 St. Leger Expedition (Available May 30, 2020)

Previous Episode 149 Lafayette in America

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Further Reading


Mervine, William M. “Excerpts from the Master's Log of His Majesty's Ship ‘Eagle," Lord Howe's Flagship, 1776-1777.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 38, no. 2, 1914, pp. 211–226. JSTOR,

Sullivan, Thomas. “Before and after the Battle of Brandy-Wine. Extracts from the Journal of Sergeant Thomas Sullivan of H.M. Forty-Ninth Regiment of Foot.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 31, no. 4, 1907, pp. 406–418.

W. H. Moomaw. “The Denouement of General Howe's Campaign of 1777.” The English Historical Review, vol. 79, no. 312, 1964, pp. 498–512. JSTOR,

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Kauffman, Gerald J. and Michael R. Gallagher The British Invasion of Delaware, Aug-Sep 1777,, 2013 (Univ. Del. website).

Reed, John Ford Campaign to Valley Forge, July 1, 1777-December 19, 1777, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965 (borrow only)

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Harris, Michael C. Brandywine: A Military History of the Battle that Lost Philadelphia but Saved America, September 11, 1777, Savis Beatie, 2014.

Kauffman, Gerald J. and Michael R. Gallagher The British Invasion of Delaware, Aug-Sep 1777,, 2013.

McGuire, Thomas J. The Philadelphia Campaign Vol. 1, Stackpole Books, 2006 (book recommendation of the week).

Reed, John Ford Campaign to Valley Forge, July 1, 1777-December 19, 1777, Pioneer Press, 1980 (orig. Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965).

Taaffe, Stephen R. The Philadelphia Campaign, 1777-1778, Univ. Press of Kansas, 2003

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 17, 2020

Episode 149 Lafayette Comes to America

In late July 1777, the Continental Congress was worried about the northern British Army that had just captured Fort Ticonderoga and was marching southward toward New York City.  The main Continental Army was still waiting for the larger British Army in New York City to make its move, most likely against Philadelphia.  At this same time, a nineteen year old boy arrived in Philadelphia, speaking almost no English.  He asked Congress to commission him as a major general in the Continental Army.

I mentioned a few weeks ago that the Marquis de Lafayette had received a commission at the end of July.  But how this came to pass deserves a bit more background.  Lafayette is probably one of the most recognized names from the Revolution.  How a teenager not only gained such a high military command command and became one of the most famous men of the era needs some explanation.

Lafayette’s Early Years

Lafayette obtained his position in French society in the traditional way.  He was born into an important family with great wealth and power.  His family had served the King since at least the twelfth century.  One of his ancestors had been Marshall of France during the Hundred Years War and had served under Joan of Arc.

His father had served as a colonel, killed in 1759 at the Battle of Minden when his son was less than years old. Fun fact, the British general in charge of the artillery that killed his father, was General William Phillips, who was now marching south in New York with General Burgoyne.  In 1781, Philips would die in Virginia while being bombarded by artillery under the command of General Lafayette.

Marquis de Lafayette
(from Wikimedia)
Lafayette’s mother was from an even wealthier noble family and had come with a dowry including extensive land holdings in Brittany.  When her husband was killed, the family title and fortune fell to their only child.

The boy was raised with the best private education French nobility could provide.  He was also raised with stories of French military glory.  In 1770 his great-grandfather, uncle, and mother all died, leaving Lafayette with an even greater fortune.  His estate produced the inflation-adjusted equivalent of well over $1 million per year to support him.  The boy was still only twelve years old.

His great-grandfather, before his death, had arranged for Lafayette to receive a lieutenant’s commission in the Black Musketeers, the unit responsible for the King’s security.  He had also arranged for Lafayette to marry into another noble family with a direct blood relationship to King Louis.  The marriage did not take place until 1774 when the couple were a little older.  By the time of their marriage Lafayette was sixteen and his bride Adrienne was fourteen.  Adrienne’s father, the Duc d’Ayen, was not only a wealthy noble, but also a general in the French army.  As a wedding gift, his new father-in-law promised Lafayette command of one of his cavalry companies when the boy turned eighteen.

Lafayette lived with his wife’s family and became close to the royal family, particularly Queen Marie Antoinette.  Although he had been raised in wealth and luxury, Lafayette was not comfortable with court life.  He wanted to fulfill his dreams of becoming a military officer.

Marie Adrienne Francoise
de Noailles (from Wikimedia)
The thought of fighting for the colonies came from a very unlikely source.  In 1775 King George III’s younger brother, the Duke of Gloucester, had visited France.  The Duke and his wife attended a dinner hosted by the Comte de Broglie, who was at the time Lafayette’s commander.  Captain Lafayette attended the dinner where the Duke criticized his brother’s handling of the American colonies and numerous other things.  The two brothers had been at odds for years.  The King had disapproved of the Duke’s marriage years earlier.

At the time of the dinner, word had only recently reached Europe about the battles of Lexington and Concord.  Both the Duke and de Broglie were also masons, and spent much of the evening talking about masonic notions of equality and the rights of man.  Lafayette listened attentively and said later that it was that night he decided to fight for the American cause.

In June 1776, as part of a general military restructuring to save money, Lafayette was moved to the reserves, meaning he had no military duties.  His career in the French army was going nowhere.  This only increased his desire to go fight in America.  Because of his age, he could not leave without the permission of his father-in-law, who refused to let him go.  Adrienne had just given birth to the couple’s first child.  The Duc d’Ayen did not want to see the boy get himself killed on some military adventure before the family even got started.  Lafayette also sought the support of his old commander the Comte de Broglie, who also counseled against going to America.

Going to America

None of this deterred him though.  Lafayette received an audience with Silas Deane and somehow convinced him to grant a commission as a major general in the Continental Army.  At this time, Lafayette was only 19 years old, and held a commission as only a captain in the French Army.  That commission was only the result of his family’s wealth and social status, not any actual military experience.

Lafayette, Dekalb & Deane in Paris
(From Wikimedia)
Even so, Lafayette convinced Deane to grant him a commission.  Part of it was his willingness to serve with no pay.  Lafayette also convinced Deane that his service would increase French public support for the American cause. Lafayette would encourage the French government to become more involved in the American cause.  Deane also granted General Johann de Kalb a commision as a major general as well.

By the end of 1776, news of the British capture of New York had reached France.  Officials feared that the rebellion might be crushed and that sending French officers to their aid might only start another war with Britain.  Besides, Lafayette’s wife was now pregnant with their second child.  His father in law still had no interest in letting Lafayette abandon his new family.

Instead, the Duc d’Ayen convinced Lafayette to go to London and visit the Duc’s brother who was at the time the French Ambassador to Britain.  Lafayette complied, gaining an introduction to British society.  On his three week trip, he met General Henry Clinton, Lord George Germain, and even had an introduction to King George III.

None of this changed his mind though.  When he returned to France, he did not go home.  Instead, he planned to use the ship he had purchased, to sail to America with General de Kalb and a number of other French officers ready to join the Continentals.

At Bordeaux, the men boarded the ship, now named Victoire.  In signing papers with French emigration officials, he used his name, Gilbert du Mortier, thinking the use of his better-known title Marquis de Lafayette would set off alarms.  He did send a note to his wife letting her know what he was doing.  Rather than sail to America though, the ship first docked at a port in Spain.  By this time Lafayette’s wife had received his note and alerted her father.  The Duc d’Ayen went straight to the King who issued orders that all French officers, especially Lafayette, should not go to America and should return to France if they had already left.

le comte de Broglie
(from Wikimedia)
Lafayette received word of these orders while in Spain and returned to Bordeaux.  Lafayette wanted to go to Paris, but was instructed to go to Marseilles where his in-laws were staying at the moment.  Lafayette planned to obey, until he got a message from his old Commander, the Comte de Broglie.

De Broglie thought he might convince the Continental Congress to give him full command of the Continental Army.  Remember, I discussed back in Episode 115 that the French thought that the Americans, without any trained officers, might be willing to hand over command of the Continental Army to French officers.  The American colonies would come under France’s control and would possibly end up becoming French colonies.

The Comte de Broglie wanted de Kalb, who was on Lafayette’s ship, to go to America and see if this was a possibility.  De Kalb had instructions to negotiate such an agreement with the Continental Congress.  Lafayette was not a part of these negotiations.  He was just the rich kid who was providing the ship to take them to America.  In fact, it was de Broglie’s aide, de Kalb, who had introduced Lafayette to Deane and helped him to get his commission, obtaining a major general’s commission for himself at the same time.  Also joining the ship was the Viscount de Maury, who had also been promised a commission as major general.

Broglie sent an aide to Bordeaux to tell Lafayette that the government actually did want him to go to America, but had to forbid it publicly in order to avoid war with Britain.  It is not clear that this was true.  In fact, there were many within the government who held differing views on how France should get involved, and no one was certain about the true feelings of the King or Foreign Minister Vergennes.

Arrival in America

With Broglie’s assurance, Lafayette pretended to depart for Marseilles, then set sail for America on April 20, 1777.  During the voyage, Lafayette got to know the other officers planning to fight in America.  He realized that not all of them had particularly ideological motives.  De Maury in particular seemed relatively hostile to the idea of a republic that would be independent of Europe.  In one diatribe to his fellow passengers, de Maury summed up his view of the Americans:
Fanaticism, insatiable greed, and poverty, these are unfortunately, the three causes that incessantly drive to these shores masses of immigrants, who come to slay the natives and destroy in a wasteful spirit, forests as old as the world itself; they drench a still virgin soil with the blood of the aborigines and fertilize it with thousands of corpses scattered over fields seized by force.  In this picture, which is only too true, do you see fewer horrors than could be shown in the continent which we are leaving.
French ships ordinarily did not sail straight to America.  Doing so risked seizure by the British Navy.  Instead, they would travel to a French colony in the West Indies, then make a quick dash to the continent from there.  Lafayette, however, was having none of that.  He wanted to sail directly to America. He was in a hurry to arrive.  Besides stopping at a French colony would give only another opportunity for government officials to stop them and send them home.  The ship Victoire had no significant cannons as defense.  If they had been stopped, they would have no chance of defending themselves.

Memorial in Bordeaux where Lafayette left for America
(from Wikimedia)
The gamble paid off, as the ship made it across the Atlantic without incident. After two months, the party landed in South Carolina in mid-June, 1777.  The crew first encountered a group of slaves working to collect oysters along the shore.  These men guided them to the nearest plantation owned by Major Benjamin Huger.

The landing party was met with barking dogs and guns pointed at them.  Huger thought they were a British landing party.  Once they convinced him of who they were, he invited them into his home and welcomed them.  After obtaining local pilots, the ship then made its way to Charleston.  Lafayette, de Kalb, and a few other officers opted to travel overland, some on horseback, some walking.

The group reached Charleston on June 17.  When the group first arrived after their march, they probably looked rather scruffy.  Many other French would-be officers had passed through Charleston.  Many had been failures, without any real military abilities, looking for opportunities in America.  At first, Charleston gave this group the cold shoulder.  But after their ship arrived the following day, they realized these were men of substance who could be a real help to the cause.  The group enjoyed eight days of feasts and celebrations with the town’s elite.

There, Lafayette donated most of the supplies he had brought with him to the South Carolina militia.  The French officers  met with John Rutledge, then President of South Carolina.  They also inspected the defenses with General William Moultrie.  Both men, like Lafayette, were also freemasons, which helped to create an instant bond between the men.

After that, the French officers made their way overland to Philadelphia, a trip taking many more weeks.  Along the way, they stopped in North Carolina to meet with governor Richard Caswell.


On July 27, the group finished its 650 mile journey to Philadelphia.  They arrived on a Sunday, when Congress was not in session.  Still eager to make contact, they sought out President John Hancock at his home.  Hancock blew off the group and said they should seek out Robert Morris, who headed the committee that dealt with French relations.

Johann de Kalb
(from Wikimedia)
On Monday morning, the French delegation put on their dress uniforms and presented their credentials to Congress.  Their welcome was less than expected.  The three would-be major generals were, in Lafayette’s words, “treated like dogs.”  They were left standing out in the street in front of Independence Hall for some time.  Eventually two delegates, Robert Morris and James Lovell (who spoke French) came to speak with them outside.  Morris informed them that Deane had exceeded his authority in offering them commissions as major generals.  Congress was interested in getting a few officers with engineering experience, but that was it. They gave the group, who had expected to be greeted as heroes, a nice thanks but no thanks and asked to leave.

Congress was simply in no mood for more French officers at this time.  The two french officers who had already received commissions as generals in the Continental Army, de Borre and Fermoy had both proven disasters.  You may recall General Fermoy had run away from the enemy at first site near Trenton, leaving his regiment on its own, and had just recently set his cabin on fire at Mount Independence, thus revealing the secret retreat from Fort Ticonderoga.

A few months before Lafayette had arrived in Philadelphia, Charles Tronson du Coudray had come with another commission from Dean promising to make him a major general as well.  Courdray had proven arrogant and demanding, insisting that he be made commander of artillery, along with an expensive salary.  American generals, who by this time had combat experience and were leading their armies, were offended by the idea that a bunch of Frenchmen could be given command over them.  Several of them, including generals Knox, Sullivan, and Greene, threatened to resign.

Washington and Lafayette Meet (from Wikimedia)
In late July, Congress was still in negotiations with du Coudray over what position he could get.  They were not interested in his leadership, but also did not want to offend France by telling him to pound sand.  In the middle of all this, these three additional would-be major generals showed up on Congress’ doorstep demanding their promised commissions as well.  So this background explains the cold shoulder that Lafayette and his companions received.  Congress was in no mood to have its army led by a bunch of French adventurers.

Lafayette was not ready to take no for an answer.  He met with several delegates, including Robert Morris who was focused on building an alliance with France. Lafayette convinced them of his ardor for the cause, but also made clear he would serve as a volunteer, without pay.  Not only that, he would pay the salaries of the French officers who served as his aides.  It also helped that Benjamin Franklin had sent a letter to Congress saying that given Lafayette’s position and his family’s importance in France, this commission was important to America’s relationship with France.  On July 31, three days after his arrival in Philadelphia, Congress changed its tune and agreed to assign the new volunteer major general to Washington’s staff.

A few days later, General Washington came to brief Congress on the British army, then approaching Philadelphia.  Washington and Lafayette met at a dinner and hit it off immediately.  The commander invited new officer to inspect the city defenses that evening, which thrilled Lafayette.  The two men walked and talked that evening.  One could almost hear them say I think this is the beginning of a beautiful friendship.

Cont. Maj. Gen. Lafayette
(from Wikimedia)
For the other would-be generals, the beginning was not quite so smooth.  A few weeks after Lafayette’s appointment, Congress gave du Coudray a commission as Inspector General, which gave him his generalship, but left him outside the immediate command structure.  In doing so, Congress merely put off what was going to be a major confrontation for control of the Army’s artillery.  Du Coudray conveniently ended this potential confrontation a month later when his horse fell into a river and he drowned.

General de Kalb was offended not only by the rejection, but also the fact that Congress honored Lafayette’s commission despite the fact that Lafayette was a far lower ranking and less experienced officer.  De Kalb advised Lafayette to take his commission, even though the young man offered to resign out of protest for Congress denying a commission to de Kalb.  After his rejection, de Kalb simply asked that Congress pay for his return trip to France.

Over the next couple of months, Congress kept de Kalb cooling his heels.  During that time, de Kalb proved to be not quite so arrogant and argumentative as du Coudray.  Several members began to warm up to the idea of granting him a commission.  In mid-September, about the time du Coudray drowned and the British were moving in on Philadelphia, Congress offered a commission as major general to de Kalb. At that point, de Kalb put several conditions on his acceptance.  One being that he be given retroactive seniority to be ahead of Lafayette.  Another was an appointment of his aide as a major, and finally that his wife would receive a pension if he died during the war.  Finally, Congress accepted his terms.  By October, de Kalb joined Washington’s army in the field shortly before the army retreated to Valley Forge.

The Viscount de Mauroy never received his promised commission.  He returned to France, embittered by his experience and had nothing good to say about the Continental Congress or America generally.

Next week: General Howe begins his campaign to take Philadelphia.

- - -

Next Episode 150 Howe Leaves New York

Previous Episode 148 Murder of Jane McCrea

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Further Reading 


Continental Generals by Date of Commission:

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 1, 1934, pp. 1–32. JSTOR,

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire(Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 2, 1934, pp. 144–178. JSTOR,

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued).” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 3, 1934, pp. 212–245. JSTOR,

Kite, Elizabeth S. “LaFayette and his Companions on the Victoire (Continued)” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 45, no. 4, 1934, pp. 275–311. JSTOR,

Letter, John Adams to Abigail Adams, August 24, 1777, Founders Online, National Archives,

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Adams, John Quincy Life of General Lafayette, Napis & Cornish 1847.

Crow, Martha Foote Lafayette, The MacMillan Company, 1918.

Headley, P. C. The Life of the General Lafayette, Marquis of France, General in the United States Army, etc., C. M. Saxton, 1860.

Howe, Archibald Murray Colonel John Brown, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, the Brave Accuser of Benedict Arnold, Geo. H. Ellis Co. 1908.

Kapp, Friedrich The Life of John Kalb, Major-General in the Revolutionary Army, H. Holt & Co. 1884.

Lowery, Robert A Complete History of the Marquis de Lafayette, self-published, 1826.

Smith, John Spear Memoir of the Baron de Kalb, Maryland Historical Society, 1858.

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Beakes, John De Kalb: One of the Revolutionary War's Bravest Generals,  Heritage Books, 2019

Leepson, Marc Lafayette, Lessons in Leadership from the Idealist General, Palgrave-MacMillion, 2011.

Aurichio, Laura The Marquis: Lafayette Reconsidered, Knopf, 2014 (book recommendation of the week).

Unger, Harlow Giles Lafayette, Wiley, 2002.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, May 10, 2020

Episode 148 Murder of Jane McCrea

Over the last few episodes, we went through how Burgoyne’s army came down from Canada and took Fort Ticonderoga without even a fight. Many had called the fort the Gibraltar of North America because they had considered it invincible.  British and German forces then chased the Americans out to Fort Ann and Hubbardton where clashes once again left the British victorious and the Americans running for their lives.

Britain Celebrates Ticonderoga

For the British, their plans seemed to be going amazingly well so far.  When King George received word that Ticonderoga had fallen, he rushed to tell his wife, “I have beat them, beat all the Americans!”  General Burgoyne became the toast of London, promoted to Lieutenant General and offered the Order of the Bath.  For many officials and others in London, the fall of Fort Ticonderoga was supposed to be the hardest part of the campaign.  All that was left was the victory march to Albany and then linking up with New York City.

The Death of Jane McCrea,Vanderlyn 1804 (from Wikimedia)
For Burgoyne and his army in the field though, there was still a long way to go, through rough wilderness and with many unknowns about how the enemy would respond.  Burgoyne began to realize just how much he was on his own.  Burgoyne had left about ten percent of his force to occupy Fort Ticonderoga.  He sent word to General Carleton in Canada to request an occupation force from Carleton’s forces, so that Burgoyne’s Ticonderoga garrison could rejoin the main column in its march south.  Carleton refused.  He said he was under strict orders from Lord Germain to keep his Canadian force in Canada for the defense of Canada. Ticonderoga was in New York and would have to be defended with Burgoyne’s forces.  As Burgoyne moved south, he had to dispatch more of his soldiers to garrison places like Skenesborough, Fort Ann, Fort George, and other key locations between his army and Canada.  The further his army marched, the more of his soldiers had to be deployed and the longer the lines stretched.

Even so, Burgoyne was optimistic.  The capture of Ticonderoga would certainly be a blow to American morale.  The Americans seemed to be scattering and deserting.  Hopefully loyalist volunteers would turn out in greater numbers, as they had when Cornwallis took New Jersey a year earlier.  Burgoyne’s local Tory advisor, Philip Skene, who had happily recovered his home at Skenesboro, assured Burgoyne that the population of upstate New York supported the King by about five to one.

Following the Battle of Hubbardton, General Burgoyne halted the British advance as he regrouped his forces at Skenesboro.  This was at the bottom point where his larger ships would have to stop.  Only smaller bateaux could navigate the creeks that flowed further south.  Much of his army’s supplies, including most of his field artillery, were still at Fort Ticonderoga and needed to be brought to the army before they could continue.

John Burgoyne (from Britannica)
Years later, Burgoyne would lament that he was under strict orders to travel down the Hudson Valley to Albany and then New York City.  He said that he would have preferred to march into New England and link up with the British forces in Providence, Rhode Island.  It could be, though, that this option seemed better in hindsight after what happened to the campaign.

Burgoyne also considered the option of moving his army back up to Ticonderoga so that they could move down Lake George to Fort George.  This would have allowed his army to have a shorter overland march to Fort Edward on the Hudson River, where the Americans were, by this time, congregating and organizing their resistance.  There was also already a road between Fort George and Fort Edward, unlike the miles of wilderness between Skenesboro and Fort Edward.  But Burgoyne believed that moving his entire force back north to Ticonderoga to then move down Lake George would have meant too much backtracking.  Instead, he prepared his army for the overland march from Skenesborough to Fort Edward.  It would take him more than two weeks to reorganize his army and collect the necessary supplies before he left Skenesboro.  Once the British began moving, the column could move sometimes only a mile each day as  soldiers had to cut a trail through the forest and drag cannons over mountains and across streams and swamps.

Americans in Disarray

During that same time, the American forces had scattered.  General Philip Schuyler, who still had overall command of the theater for the Continentals, had already left Albany near the beginning of July to assume command at Fort Ticonderoga.  When he received word that the fort had fallen, he directed the Americans to meet at Fort Edward, a small fort about fifty miles south of Fort Ticonderoga, and about 23 miles south of the British forces at Skenesboro.

It took General St. Clair nearly a week to get to Fort Edward with the 1500 men who had escaped Fort Ticonderoga and stayed with the army during the march.  This, when combined with Schuyler’s army of nearly 2500, created an army of nearly 4000.  Even so, that was not nearly enough to challenge Burgoyne’s army, estimated to be twice that size.  Schuyler called on General Washington to send reinforcements.  Washington, however, was still preparing to defend against whatever General Howe was going to do once he left New York City.  He did not want to spare anyone.  He only sent General Nixon from Peekskill with another 600 Continentals.  He also sent Generals Benedict Arnold and Benjamin Lincoln in hopes that the popular New England officers would encourage militia volunteers to turn out.

Philip Schuyler (from Wikimedia)
The loss of Ticonderoga, however, was a blow to American morale.  Desertion became a major problem.  More soldiers were leaving than were arriving.  There was nowhere around Fort Edward to house all of the soldiers. Schuyler had to deploy units for miles around in the sparsely populated area, making it difficult to keep control of the men.  On July 27, General Schuyler wrote to Connecticut Governor Jonathan Trumbull, pleading for more troops.  Schuyler noted that he had only about 2700 continental soldiers who were “indifferently armed, ragged, and without blankets.”  One third of them were “aged men, boys or negroes.”

The militia forces were fading even faster.  Thousands of militia had answered the call, but by the time of Schuyler’s July 27 letter, the General noted that of the Connecticut militia, all but seven officers and eleven men had deserted.  Only 200 of 1200 militia from Berkshire County Massachusetts remained.  Half of the 2100 Albany militia who had accompanied Schuyler less than a month earlier had already abandoned the army.  A mere ten or twelve New Hampshire militiamen remained with the army around Fort Edward.  When newly promoted General John Glover arrived in early August with a small brigade of Continentals, he described the army as “weak & shatter’d” with less than three thousand men, powerless to make a stand against an enemy advance.

Jane McCrea

The greatest source of concern for many locals was not the British or even the Germans.  Those they feared most were the Indian allies.  For several weeks, warriors had been all through the forest, attacking remote homes and villages, killing and scalping anyone they found.  Many American soldiers wanted to be home to protect their families from such attacks.  For the British, these Indian allies assured them that no Americans would be able to sneak up on them through the woods to set up an ambush.  It allowed the regulars to cut a path through the wilderness without fear of attack.  By July 26, General Burgoyne reached Fort Ann, about twelve miles from Fort Edward.

That evening, an Indian scouting party returned to the fort with several scalps.  One of them was the long dark hair of a woman.  Loyalists immediately recognized the scalp as that of Jane McCrea, a young woman in her early twenties who was the fiance of Lieutenant David Jones, an officer in the loyalist militia.

McCrea had been born in New Jersey, but had been living with her brother on a farm near Saratoga for some time.  Her brothers were in the patriot militia, but as with the divisions in many families, Jane was engaged to a Tory officer.  The Joneses and McCreas had been neighbors in New Jersey.  The Jones family remained loyalist while the McCreas generally supported the patriots.  Jane, however, still wanted the man she had known all her life and was not going to be dissuaded by the ideological differences between their families.

David Jones had fled to Quebec after being threatened for his Tory leanings.  He had taken commission in a loyalist regiment and was now returning with Burgoyne’s army to retake his home for King and country.  Jane had traveled north to meet up with Burgoyne’s army and reconnect with her fiance.

She had been staying at a cabin with an older woman named Sarah McNeil, who was a cousin of British General Simon Fraser.  The apparent idea was that from there she would be able to get to the British Army, and reconnect with the love of her life.  That was her apparent reason for remaining in this dangerous territory and away from her patriot family.

Currier & Ives Print, 1846 (from Britannica)
The actual events leading to her death are a matter of dispute.  The generally accepted story is that earlier that day, two Indians had raided a nearby cabin with two women, McCrea and McNeil.  In other versions, McCrea and McNeil were already on the road when the Indians captured them. The captors were Wyandot Indians from Canada who had joined with Burgoyne’s invasion and were among the hundreds of Indians wreaking havoc all over the region. By other accounts, these were scouts who had been hired by Lieutenant Jones to retrieve his fiance and bring her to camp for her own safety.

The Indians, who did not speak English, captured both women and were in the process of bringing them back to the British camp.  They got into an argument.  The details of the dispute are in question.  By some accounts it was over which of them would get to keep McCrea for themselves.  In other accounts, it was over which of them would collect a reward for taking her to the British camp.

As the dispute got heated, one of the warriors shot and killed the young woman.  He then scalped her, stripped her, and, by some accounts, mutilated her body.  The Indian accused of this act reported that she had been shot by Americans and he simply took the scalp from her dead body.  But it does not appear that anyone believed that story.  Jane and Sarah had been separated at the time of Jane’s death.  One warrior had carried Jane away on his horse while Sarah had been forced to walk.

This was not the first Indian massacre of innocents.  Since the campaign had begun weeks earlier reports from all over, as far north as the Canadian border, down to Albany, and even in western Massachusetts, Indian raids had struck, killing men, women, and children while also burning and looting property.  There were also stories of rape and torture.

As bad as things got, they could have been worse.  Most of the Indian raiders were a few hundred men from Canada, mostly members of the Ottawa, Wyandot, and other Algonquin tribes.  The thousands of Iroquois living in upstate New York remained neutral thanks to the efforts of Indian agents sent by the Continental Congress, and through negotiation with General Schuyler.  Most of the Iroquois who had joined the British were not out on their own, but were marching with Barry St. Leger’s army, a topic I’ll address in a couple of weeks. Two tribes, the Oneida and Tuscarora, which were part of the Iroquois Confederation, supported the patriots.  So raiding parties, as terrifying as they were, usually remained rather small and could be defensible if the locals were organized and prepared for them.

This latest threat of Indian attacks had a long tradition going back through several wars when the French unleashed Indian allies on the colonial frontier.  Older colonists had lived through these previous attacks.  Younger ones had heard the horror stories.

Many frightened locals abandoned their homes and left for larger towns to stay with friends or family.  In other cases, small communities all slept in one defensible home so that they could fight together if a night raid came.  Farmers worked in the fields with a gun strapped to their backs.  Women were left with firearms and knew how to use them.  Local towns built lookout towers and used guard dogs as early warning systems against raiders.  What became known as the Wilderness War of 1777 totaled dozens, if not hundreds of small raids and attacks.  It is likely that patriot papers exaggerated some of the atrocities and their numbers, but there is no doubt it was happening and that Burgoyne knew about it and did nothing.

The defenses that locals had organized were not just for Indians.  British and German foraging parties also had to secure food since supply lines back to Canada were becoming increasingly long and difficult. Many locals hid their food and prepared to defend whatever they had.  Some foraging parties not only came back empty, but also with wagons full of casualties, the result of firefights with locals.  The region was both armed and hostile to the invading army.  This meant that Burgoyne relied on his Indian allies to keep the locals from organizing against the British.  He could also pay for horses and other items of value that Indian raiders brought back to camp.

Jane McCrea, 1912 (from JSTOR)
Burgoyne had lectured the native warriors fighting with his army to avoid killing women and children, especially not to kill loyalist allies in the region. By British accounts, the Indians had largely shown restraint, with only a few isolated incidences.  Likely British officers ignored the occasional violations of orders against the massacre of civilians.  But the murder of a beautiful young woman Jane McCrea, who was the fiancee of one of his officers was too much to ignore.

Burgoyne held an inquest into McCrea’s murder.  The British determined that the Wyandot had murdered McCrea and that he should be punished accordingly.  Bugoyne summoned the chiefs and ordered that the murderer be given up for punishment.  After considerable discussion, Indian agents warned that punishing the killer would result in a mass desertion of Indians.

In the end, Burgoyne relented on trying to punish the killer and instead ordered that a British officer accompany all raiding parties going forward.

The native warriors responded to the incident with a common response: screw you guys, I’m going home!  Over the next couple of days, most of the native allies deserted the army and returned to Canada.  Most of them already had more booty than they could carry.  Additional restrictions and other limitations on their movements meant this was a good time as any to call it quits and return home.  In addition, several loyalist officers, including McCrea’s fiancee, also attempted to resign their commissions, and when refused, also deserted.

McCrea’s death also became a rallying cry for the Americans.  Newspapers up and down the continent carried exaggerated stories about her death.  It played into the story that the British were unleashing savages who were killing anyone, loyalist and patriot alike, as part of the British plan to crush the spirit of the people.  American General Horatio Gates would later write a letter to Burgoyne complaining about her murder, to which Burgoyne responded.  The letters were published across the continent in newspapers, spreading the story of how the British unleashed savages on the Americans, killing anyone who fell into their hands.  While some of these stories were certainly one sided and often exaggerated, they had the intended effect of increasing public support against the British invaders.

Meanwhile locals began hunting down Tories and native warriors in the woods and shooting them down.  For years afterward people would find these bodies, left to rot where they fell.  In some cases, the killers left a note attached to the body saying something to the effect of in memory of Jane Mccrea.

British Advance

About this same time, Burgoyne finally received word from General Howe in New York City.  Burgoyne expected some of Howe’s army to be pushing up the Hudson Valley to meet up with Burgoyne.  Instead, Howe informed Burgoyne that he intended to take his army south to take Philadelphia.  Howe expected Burgoyne to defeat the Americans in New York on his own.

Despite the loss of his Indian allies, and despite the fact that Howe had apparently abandoned the northern army to fight on its own, Burgoyne pushed forward.  The British found that the Americans had felled large trees and redirected creeks and rivers to make the route even more difficult.  But such measures only slowed the British progress.  They could not stop it.

Burgoyne's March (from Rev War US)
The British had to build about forty bridges, clear hundreds of trees, as well as the rotting corpses of dead horses and oxen left in their path by the Americans.  Flooded forests left them with little good land to camp during the night.  As food became harder to obtain, smaller rations led to hunger.  Scurvy, dysentery, and other diseases began to take a toll on the army.  Mosquitos and other biting insects were another constant nuisance for the men both day and night.

By July 29th Fraser’s advance force reached Fort Edward, or at least the burned out remains of where Fort Edward once stood.  The Americans had completely destroyed the fort before abandoning it.  They were camped about four miles further south at a place called Moses Kill.  The British confirmed the American position, but were in no condition to attack until they had consolidated their forces and had time to rest.

The British had reached the Hudson River and planned to continue down river toward Albany and eventually New York City.  That was the goal anyway.  But reaching the river did not make marching any easier.  The British could not carry their ships from Lake Champlain.  They would still have to march through hostile land that was mostly wilderness.

General Burgoyne found himself in a situation that should have been more of a concern. He was mostly cut off from his supply lines.  General Howe had abandoned him.  He had lost most of his Indian auxiliaries.  He had failed to recruit many loyalists.  He faced another fifty miles of wilderness marching before he reached Albany. He had failed to capture significant prisoners or discourage the growing militia armies preparing to meet him. 

Despite these concerns, Burgoyne believed that his mission was a success so far.  His army was advancing and the rebels had shown no ability to stop him.  He would continue his advance toward Albany.

Next week: a young and idealistic teenager arrives from France to participate in the American cause, the Marquis de Lafayette.

- - -

Next Episode 149 Lafayette in America

Previous Episode 147 Kidnapping General Prescott

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Further Reading


Edgerton, Samuel Y. “The Murder of Jane McCrea: The Tragedy of an American Tableau D'Histoire.” The Art Bulletin, vol. 47, no. 4, 1965, pp. 481–492. JSTOR,

Engels, Jeremy, and Greg Goodale. “‘Our Battle Cry Will Be: Remember Jenny McCrea!" A PrĂ©cis on the Rhetoric of Revenge.” American Quarterly, vol. 61, no. 1, 2009, pp. 93–112. JSTOR,

Holden, James Austin. “INFLUENCE OF DEATH OF JANE McCREA ON BURGOYNE CAMPAIGN.” Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association, vol. 12, 1913, pp. 249–310.

Stites, Karen A. “Murder Most Foul” in the North Country: The Legend of Jane McCrea

Letter from Gates to Burgoyne re: McCrea, and Burgoyne's reply.

Free eBooks
(from unless noted)

Anbury, Thomas Travel through Various Parts of North America, Vol. 1, William Lane, 1789.

Bird, Harrison March To Saratoga General Burgoyne And The American Campaign 1777,
Oxford Univ. Press, 1963

Brandow, John H. The Story of Old Saratoga; the Burgoyne Campaign, to which is added New York's share in the revolution, Brandow Printing, 1919.

Clay, Steven E. Staff Ride Handbook for the Saratoga Campaign, 13 June to 8 November 1777, Combat Studies Institute Press, 2018 (US Army Website):

Digby, William The British Invasion from the North: The Campaigns of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1887.

Eelking, Max von, (translated by Stone, William L.) Memoirs of Major General Riedesel, Vol. 1, J. Munsell, 1868.

Hadden, James Hadden's Journal and Orderly Books, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1884.

Hudleston, Francis J. Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne: Misadventures of an English General in the Revolution, Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1927.

Luzader, John Decision on the Hudson, National Park Service, 1975.

Nickerson, Hoffman The Turning Point of the Revolution; or, Burgoyne in America, (Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1928 (

Riedesel, Friederike Charlotte Luise, Freifrau von Letters and journals relating to the war of the American Revolution, and the capture of the German troops at Saratoga, Joel Munsell, 1867.

Stone, William Leete, The Campaign of Lieut. Gen. John Burgoyne  and the expedition of Lieut. Col. Barry St. Leger, Albany, NY: Joel Munsell, 1877.

Walworth, Ellen H. Battles of Saratoga, 1777; the Saratoga Monument Association, 1856-1891, Joel Munsell’s Sons, 1891.

Wilson, David The Life of Jane McCrea: With an Account of Burgoyne's Expedition in 1777, Baker, Godwin & Co. 1853.

Books Worth Buying
(links to unless otherwise noted)*

Furneaux, Rupert The Battle of Saratoga, Stein and Day 1971.

Ketchum, Richard M. Saratoga, Turning Point of America’s Revolutionary War, Henry Holt & Co, 1997.

Logusz, Michael O. With Musket and Tomahawk, The Saratoga Campaign and the Wilderness War of 1777, Casemate Publishing, 2010.

Luzader, John F. Saratoga: A Military History of the Decisive Campaign of the American Revolution, Casemate Publishers, 2008

Mintz, Max M. The Generals of Saratoga: John Burgoyne and Horatio Gates, Yale Univ. Press, 1990.

Taylor, Alan The Divided Ground: Indians, Settlers, and the Northern Borderland of the American Revolution, Alfred A. Knopf, 2006 (book recommendation of the week).

Troiani, Don and Schnitzer, Eric Campaign to Saratoga - 1777: The Turning Point of the Revolutionary War in Paintings, Artifacts, and Historical Narrative, Stackpole Books, 2019.

Ventor, Bruce M. The Battle of Hubbardton: The Rear Guard Action That Saved America, Arcadia Publishing, 2015.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.