Our American Revolution Round Table was joined by Dr. John Ferling, author of Shots Heard Round the World: America, Britain, and Europe in the Revolutionary WarDr. Ferling highlighted that while much is discussed about American politics during the war, there were significant political divisions in Britain as well. A large minority faction, primarily the Whigs, opposed the British policies that led to the war, such as taxation and tightening trade regulations. Many Whigs felt a kinship with the American protesters, viewing them as compatriots who were also offended by the monarch's policies, and feared King George III was becoming too powerful. They also doubted Britain's ability to win the war, arguing that the vast territory of the colonies would make suppressing a widespread rebellion very difficult. A significant concern for the Whigs was the fear that the Bourbon powers, France and Spain, would eventually enter the war on the side of the colonists, which they believed would leave the British with very little chance of suppressing the American rebellion. Prominent figures opposing the war included Lord Chatham (William Pitt), and Edmund Burke, part of the Rockingham faction within Parliament. They had consistently opposed new colonial policies since the Stamp Act and Townshend Duties starting around 1765.
While there was initially some effort to unite behind the war effort once it began, dissent in England began to grow significantly, particularly from around 1777. Factors contributing to this included growth in taxation, fear of driving Britain into bankruptcy, damage to British shipping, a depression in some industries (especially textiles) leading to considerable unemployment, and sinking morale. Many unemployed workers even joined the British army as their only means of support. This discontent arguably came to a head in the Gordon Riots in the summer of 1779, which were initially sparked by anti-Catholicism but likely had an anti-war and anti-government dimension. These riots caused significant property destruction in London, with Lord North's residence damaged and Edmund Burke having to seek shelter. Following the riots, American Secretary Germaine stressed to British generals like Sir Henry Clinton the urgency of ending the war quickly due to growing opposition and declining morale in Britain. The administration had even considered arming Irish Catholics for the war, which contributed to the anti-Catholic sentiment that spurred the Gordon Riots.
By 1779, the war had become a costly war of attrition and a stalemate, leading to sinking morale not only in Britain but also in America. American civilians faced scarcities, deprivation, and heavier taxes than they had before the war. Opinion in America was also divided from the beginning, with a significant portion remaining loyal to England (historians often estimate around 20% of activists were loyalists). By 1780, many American leaders were growing tired of the war. Arthur Lee, returning to America in 1780, was surprised to find that even leaders in Massachusetts, considered the "head of the snake" by the British, expected a negotiated settlement short of independence. The British, by 1780, believed that time was on their side, hoping that economic problems and sagging morale would eventually lead the colonists to accept a settlement short of full independence.
Initially, the British North ministry was convinced the war would be short, believing the navy could handle it and that American militia would not stand against regular soldiers. However, dissenters within the ministry warned that a prolonged conflict could bring France and Spain into the war. The British were right that they had time before France's entry, which occurred in February 1778, almost three years after the war began in April 1775. Dr. Ferling suggests it was conceivable Britain could have suppressed the rebellion militarily early on if they had followed the advice of General Thomas Gage, who recommended sending a large army before using force to quickly overwhelm the rebels. The North Ministry did not do this, starting the war with only 5,000 troops in America, leading to early British losses at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill.
France began sending secret agents to America almost immediately after the war started. One key agent was Bonvouloir, a French army officer posing as a businessman, who met with the Continental Congress's secret committee in Philadelphia. Bonvouloir reported back to French Foreign Minister Vergennes that the Americans had an army and militia but lacked crucial supplies like weapons, uniforms, and tents. He recommended France provide secret assistance. Vergennes advocated for this secret aid to King Louis XVI's council, emphasizing secrecy to avoid war for the moment. Despite fears from finance ministers that this would lead to bankruptcy (which it eventually did), the young King Louis XVI agreed to provide secret assistance and consistently supported Vergennes's plans throughout the war.
France's motivations for getting involved were twofold: revenge against Britain for losses in the Seven Years' War (Canada, territory in India, Africa, and west of the Appalachians) and the desire to weaken Britain by stripping it of its wealthy American colonies. Vergennes was the driving force behind this policy, which the French foreign ministry had considered since the Stamp Act a decade before the war. Dr. Ferling noted that Vergennes played a pivotal role in America's victory and is arguably a "forgotten founder" compared to figures like Lafayette, who became the public face of French support.
Initially, France's covert aid strategy may have been constrained by the need to rebuild its navy, which was decimated in the Seven Years' War and not expected to be ready until 1778. France was impressed by Washington's leadership and believed their assistance could help the Americans prolong the war until Britain granted independence. The American victory at Saratoga in October 1777 was a turning point. Vergennes feared that the British North government would offer peace terms that the Americans might accept, which would keep the colonies within the British Empire. To prevent this, Vergennes felt compelled to propose an open alliance and entry into the war. Louis XVI agreed, and the Franco-American alliance was quickly negotiated and finalized in February 1778. Washington believed the alliance assured American independence. France's greatest fear was that the Americans might make a separate peace with Britain, leaving France to face Britain alone. After the alliance, France provided crucial economic support to America.
Vergennes secured the king's sanction to send a large naval squadron under Admiral d'Estaing to America, hoping for a quick victory through cooperation with Washington. However, d'Estaing's efforts in America were unsuccessful due to issues like shallow harbors, weather, and heavy casualties in assaults. After d'Estaing's failures, opposition to the war grew in France, with some advocating withdrawal or shifting focus to other theaters like the Mediterranean.
Vergennes sought to bring Spain into the war, and Spain formally entered in 1780. Spain's demands in the negotiations with France were described as "extortionate," including regaining Gibraltar, Minorca, and Florida. The treaty committed France to staying in the war until Spain achieved these goals; Spain eventually gained Minorca and Florida but not Gibraltar. Spain's motivation was to take advantage of Britain's weakness and isolation, as Britain lacked its traditional European allies in this conflict. Spain never formally allied with the Americans but fought separately against Britain.
Following France's entry, Britain began retracting forces (like pulling out of Philadelphia) and adopted a defensive strategy, shifting their focus to the Southern states. This Southern Strategy, starting in 1778, aimed to capitalize on perceived loyalist support in the South after failing to suppress the rebellion in the North. The British hoped to hold Florida (which they had gained in the Seven Years' War) and conquer Georgia, the Carolinas, and potentially leave a smaller, surrounded independent America that might eventually return to the British Empire. The British considered this a wise strategy "on paper".
France and Spain planned a joint invasion of England in 1779, raising large armies and navies. However, this invasion attempt failed due to delays and widespread disease within the fleets. After the failed invasion, France opted against trying again in 1780, leading to the idea of sending a French army to America. Louis XVI agreed to send an army under General Rochambeau, which landed in Rhode Island in July 1780. Vergennes also pushed for a large French fleet, and in 1781, Admiral de Grasse was appointed commander of a major squadron (over 20 ships) that eventually sealed off Chesapeake Bay with nearly 30 ships, trapping Cornwallis at Yorktown. De Grasse's move to the Chesapeake was initially at Rochambeau's request, unknown to Washington, although Washington later approved.
Holland also played a role, initially funneling supplies to the Americans even before the war. As the war progressed and neutral trade suffered, Holland showed interest in joining the League of Armed Neutrality. Britain declared war on the Dutch once they did, and Holland suffered significant losses, with Britain continuing the war against them for a year after making peace with the other belligerents.
The war was costly and bloody, leading to significant deaths on all sides. The victory at Yorktown allowed the Americans to end the war on favorable terms. Peace negotiations began shortly after Yorktown. The American negotiating team initially included Benjamin Franklin, later joined by John Jay and John Adams. They achieved a "splendid treaty" that secured not only independence but also extensive territory west to the Mississippi River, which was more than stipulated in the alliance with France. To secure this western territory, the Americans signed a separate preliminary treaty with Britain in November 1782, violating the terms of the alliance with France, which angered Vergennes. The Americans justified it as a preliminary agreement contingent on France also making peace. This separate treaty undercut France and Spain's bargaining power. Spain was particularly upset about the Americans gaining western territory. Spain itself focused on regaining East and West Florida from Britain, which it did through military action during the war.
Dr. Ferling's book covers the scope of the war beyond the fighting in the 13 colonies, including naval engagements in the Caribbean, Mediterranean, English Channel, and on the high seas. It also examines the military forces of the belligerents and the experiences of civilians on the home front, including deprivation, atrocities, and the role of slaves seeking freedom. He also touched on **Baron de Kalb**, a French army officer and secret agent who came to America before the war in the late 1760s to assess the likelihood of war and American capability. Kalb reported war was not imminent and Americans lacked capability for another generation. Kalb later served with the Continental Army but was killed at the Battle of Camden in 1780.
Finally, the discussion briefly touched on the War of 1812, noting that weaknesses in the Treaty of Paris, particularly the unresolved border dispute with Canada, contributed to the later conflict. This border dispute remained unresolved until the 1840s. For about 100 years after the Revolution, there was considerable animosity between the US and Britain, fueled by issues like the impressing of American sailors. Relations improved later, partly due to Britain's concerns about Germany. Dr. Ferling is currently working on a new book about baseball from his childhood era, a departure from the American Revolution.
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