Sunday, July 10, 2022

ARP250 Mohawk Valley Raids


We last looked in on the Indian warfare in upstate New York back in Episode 230.  

The Iroquois under leaders like loyalist John Johnson and Mohawk Chief Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea), had been terrorizing settlers in New York who had sided with the patriots.  These patriots had forced all loyalists to flee to Niagara, or further north into the Quebec territory, or face arrest and property confiscation if they failed to swear allegiance to the new independent state government.  

Postcard depiction of Mohawk Valley Raid, 1780
In addition to the Iroquois, many loyalist New Yorkers of European descent also fled to Canada. Many of these formed loyalist units, including Butler's Rangers, under the command of John Butler and often led by his son Walter Butler.  The Rangers, the Iroquois and loyalists waged a campaign attempting to destroy food and property, as well as capture or kill patriots, in an attempt to get the patriots to cede the region.  These raids had already resulted in numerous massacres, including the Wyoming Valley Massacre and the Cherry Valley Massacre. 

In response, General Washington ordered an equally harsh response by the Continental Army.  He ordered General Sullivan to take an army through the heart of Iroquois territory and visit devastation on all the Iroquois villages, other than the Oneida and a few others who had cast their lot with the patriot sides.  Many of the Iroquois had attempted to remain neutral.  But these neutral villages provided support to fellow Iroquois who were raiding patriot homes and villages.

The Continentals hoped that by burning Indian villages and destroying their food, that they would have no choice but to abandon the region entirely.  The Sullivan Campaign did exactly that.

Hard Winter

As I’ve mentioned in other episodes, the winter of 1779-80 was an exceptionally cold and snowy one.  The Continental Army clung to bare survival at Morristown, New Jersey.  To the north things were at least as bad, if not worse.

Native Winter Encampment
The Sullivan Campaign had wiped out grain stores in New York and sent thousands of Iroquois refugees to the Niagara area, desperate to feed their families and find shelter in the harsh winter.  These joined thousands of other loyalist refugees who had already fled New York and also needed assistance.

More than 5000 Iroquois, more than half of them women and children, had fled to Niagara with little more than the clothes on their backs.  By October of 1779 these refugees were already consuming the food rations that would not have supported even a smaller number of people over the winter.  As fall pushed into winter, food became even scarcer. 

Mary Jemison - a former white captive who lived with the Senecas, wrote down her recollections of that hard winter years later: 

The snow fell about five feet deep, and remained so for a long time, and the weather was extremely cold; so much so indeed, that almost all the game upon which the Indians depended for subsistence, perished, and reduced them almost to a state of starvation through that and three or four succeeding years. When the snow melted in the spring, deer were found dead upon the ground in vast numbers; and other animals, of every description, perished from the cold also, and were found dead, in multitudes. Many of our people barely escaped with their lives, and some actually died of hunger and freezing.

Frederick Haldimand

The British Governor General Frederick Haldimand complained regularly to London over the winter that everyone was starving and that grain was almost impossible to find.  Heavy snowfall and ice made it impossible to get any supplies to the refugees.  In addition to the lack of food, there was nowhere to shelter all of the people.  There were not enough tents, which even if their were would have been inadequate for the brutal Canadian winter where witnesses reported snow drifts of over eight feet.  Many refugees attempted to build crude shelters from wood or stone, or dig holes into the earth in order to avoid the brutal winds.  These shelters were not close to adequate protection.

Many hundreds died over the winter.  Some simply starved or died from diseases related to the lack of food, such as scurvy.  Many others literally froze to death, living outside in the elements without winter clothing.  Dr. James McCauseland of the King’s Eighth Regiment made futile attempts to assist the many dying around him every day, but could do little more than report on the wide array of diseases that were killing the people.  By the time the first signs of spring thaw came around, there were not even enough healthy people to bury all the dead. Soldiers simply poured quicklime on the bodies and buried them in shallow mass graves in order to prevent the rotting corpses from killing even more people.

Plans to Recapture Upstate New York

Loyalist and Iroquois leaders, however, only saw the suffering as an incentive to redouble their efforts to take back Iroquois lands in New York the following spring.  Of course, the leadership did not suffer nearly as much as the warriors or civilians.  Many war chiefs lived as guests in the home of Johnson, Butler, or other prominent men.  

Brant, who owned his own farm near Niagara, even found time to get married that winter.  His new wife, Catherine, had a white father named George Groghan, a Pennsylvanian who lived on the frontier and who had been with Washington when he made his first forays as a young man into the Ohio Valley.  Catherine knew none of that, having been born years later.  The 20 year old woman had been mostly raised by her Mohawk mother and spoke little English.

John Johnson had his own regiment drawn from local Tories, New York loyalist John Butler still commanded Butler’s rangers, composed primarily of New York loyalists.  Walter Butler, his son, had led the Rangers in the Field.  Joseph Brant worked with several other war chiefs to keep the Iroquois prepared for a new offensive into New York.  Also in late 1779 Guy Johnson returned from London.  Britain’s Indian agent for the region, Johnson also had authority to provide gifts to native warriors to encourage an active campaign against the New York patriots.

One of the targets would be Oneida homelands.  The Oneida had solidly backed the patriots.  Their fellow Iroquois felt a particular betrayal by this and wanted to send a message.  Even in late 1779, Brant was planning a raid on the Oneida villages.  As he organized his raiding party, he captured three Oneida warriors near his camp near Niagara.  Under interrogation, the Oneida revealed that they had been made aware of the planned attacks from a Cayuga refugee living near Niagara and that Oneida war chiefs had sent them to spy on the attackers.  Realizing that he had lost the element of surprise, Brant called off the attack for the fall.

Brant’s Spring Raid

While the fierce winter storms limited any military activity over the winter, Tory and Iroquois leaders were determined to do something.  By February, some of the worst snows had subsided.  Brant and several hundred warriors held a war dance at Guy Johnson’s home.  Johnson supplied the warriors with snowshoes, blankets, and other supplies, in hopes that they might conduct a winter campaign.

Guy Johnson
The warriors set off, but the poor weather and difficult conditions led to much of the force falling ill. It also didn’t help that there were no friendly villages along the way to provide supplies.  The work of the Sullivan Campaign the previous year had succeeded in that.  Brant reported several weeks into the winter march that more than half of his war party was too sick to continue but that he was continuing with about 200 warriors.

Marching through the snow was slow going.  One of their targets had been three forts near Schoharie, just south of Oneida lands.  Brant’s warriors took all of March, arriving in Harpersfield, a few miles away, in the beginning of April.  There, the attackers encountered a group of twelve local militia.  They killed three and captured the remainder.

The warriors wanted to kill their prisoners, but Brant prevailed on them to send the captives back to Niagara.  The prisoners told Brant that there was a garrison of 300 Continental soldiers at Schoharie.  This was not true, but it dissuaded Brant from launching an attack.

The warriors then burned Harpersfield and captured several more civilians.  Brant released one of the prisoners with a letter, saying that he had heard that the patriots were mistreating loyalist prisoners, and that he would return similar treatment on his prisoners if this did not change.

The warriors built canoes to travel down the Delaware River, looking for food and looking to help any local Tories who remained in the region.  They passed through Oquaga, which had been obliterated by the Sullivan Campaign, with no people or buildings remaining there.

Brant divided his already small force into raiding parties that could attack or capture isolated homes or villages in the region.  One raiding party returned with only two of its members, saying they had captured prisoners, but that the prisoners escaped at night and killed the rest of the raiding party.  The warriors hearing this then wanted to kill their own prisoners, but once again, they were talked out of it.

On April 24, a war party of 79 Iroquois and two Tories once again attacked the village of Cherry Valley, the scene of the 1778 massacre that had been a key trigger for the Sullivan Campaign. The attackers killed eight settlers outright, and captured another fourteen.  They burned all of the buildings that had survived the earlier attack, or had been rebuilt, and left no one living in the community.

Unable to find sufficient food to survive, the warriors began marching back to Niagara with their prisoners.  One account says that one of the prisoners was unable to keep up.  They killed and scalped the prisoner, leaving his body for the wolves.  One of the killers teasingly dangled the man’s scalp to some of the other prisoners, including his two grandsons.

After a nearly three month campaign, Brant’s warriors returned to Niagara.  Brant had to send word to Haldimand that he was returning with prisoners. Haldimand used a pretext to get most of the Indians out of the area.  Otherwise, he knew they would attack the prisoners.  Sentiments were so hard after the devastating winter that even women and children would attack prisoners being marched into camp.

Johnson Raids Johnstown and Caughnawaga

Brant was not the only active loyalist raider that spring.  While Brant’s campaign was still marching toward its targets, a loyalist scout returned from Johnstown with word that the patriots were planning to force all men of military age to enlist in militia companies to fight for the patriots, or be sent to jail and have their homes confiscated.

Sir John Johnson
Haldimand suggested to Sir John Johnson that he should send a small contingent into the region and lead loyalists still there back to join loyalist regiments, before they could be taken prisoner or forced to fight for the rebels.  Johnson opted to take a much larger force of about 300 Regulars and loyalist militia from Montreal, down Lake Champlain to Crown Point, near the ruins of Fort Ticonderoga.  He also sent scouts ahead of his main force to warn local loyalists to be ready to move when he arrived.  In doing so, he managed to recruit more than 120 men for his battalion.

With a force growing to nearly 500 men, including a fair number of Iroquois warriors, the force marched south, picking up recruits and burning the homes and farms of any patriots they encountered.  

Johnson’s force arrived at a small village just north of his boyhood home of Johnstown on May 21.  There, he divided his force, leading a portion to his boyhood home in Johnstown, with the other force moving east toward Caughnawaga.  

At around midnight on May 23, the two divisions entered Johnstown and Caughnawaga.  The raiders looted and burned the homes of known patriots.  They killed three patriot militiamen.  One of the men killed was a militia captain, according to local lore, killed by an Indian that he knew and to whom he had shown great kindness in earlier times.

Another nearby home, that of militia Colonel Frederick Visscher.  The colonel was in his home with his mother and two brothers.  The men were determined to defend their home to the last.  After a brief but determined struggle, the raiders entered the home.  They killed and scalped the men and tied their mother to a chair.  

Colonel Visscher had survived the initial attack and scalping, but had tried to play dead.  An Indian warrior noticed he was still alive and slit his throat with a knife.  After a brief ransacking, the attackers set the home on fire, leaving Mrs. Visscher tied to the chair inside the burning home. Amazingly, Col. Vissher managed to survive having his throat slit.  After the attacker left, he managed to pull his mother, and his brothers’ bodies, from the burning home.  He also recovered from his wounds, which is the only reason we have this story to tell.  Similar attacks took place in many other homes in the town, often leaving no survivors.

The devastation would have been even worse had not militia Major Van Vrank managed to ride ahead of the raiders and warn many of the locals to flee their homes and escape into the woods.  The raiders burned every building in Caughnawaga except for the church, killing many of the inhabitants, including nine elderly men over the age of 80.  They did take some prisoners.  As they continued their march, they looted and destroyed every building they encountered, taking what they could, and killing any livestock or burning any property that they could not carry. Marching through a four mile arc south of Caughnawaga, the attackers burned an estimated 120 buildings and burned tons of food.

In response to these raids, Governor George Clinton quickly called out the militia, which joined up with a force of Continentals under the command of Colonel Goose Van Schaik.  The 800 man force quickly assembled and set off to capture Johnson’s raiding parties.  Johnson managed to slow the enemy by leaking the fact that Joseph Brant and Butler’s Rangers were about to launch their own raid south of the Mohawk River.  Several prisoners escaped and alerted the patriots.  This was a ruse, Brant and Butler were still back in Niagara. But this gave Johnson’s raiders time to march north and avoid an encounter with a much larger enemy.

The loyalist raiders managed to make it back to Crown Point and embark on ships before Schaik’s army and a second army from New Hampshire which had been assembled to cut off their escape, could arrive.  A combined patriot force of 1700 men might have turned the raid into a British defeat.  But the quick escape ahead of this force up Lake Champlain gave Johnson a great success.

Raid on the Oneida

The loyalists were far from finishing their attacks.  In July, Joseph Brant, in cooperation with British regulars, launched a raid on the Oneida who had remained allied with the patriots.  Brant had convinced a small number of Oneida and Tuscarora to join the refugees at Niagara, threatening them with destruction if they refused.  Some of these natives sought refuge at Fort Stanwix.

Butler's Rangers

In June, a delegation of Mohawk Warriors and Butler’s Rangers arrived at Oneida Castle, an entrenched area with high walls, deep in Oneida territory.  They attempted to get the Onondaga, Tuscarora, and Oneida still their to abandon their alliance and join the rest of the Iroquois at Niagara.  They managed to convince about 300 warriors to leave, by 90% of these were Onondaga and Tuscarora.

One July 11, Brant’s Iroquois warriors and a small number of British regulars marched against those who had refused to join them.  Among the raiders were several dozen warriors who they had just forced to return to Niagara.  These warriors were forced to show penance for their rebel tendencies by joining the punishing force that would lay waste to those who did not surrender.  

Brant’s force came across about 400 Iroquois taking refuge near Fort Stanwix.  Most were able to flee into the fort, although some were captured and forced to return to Niagara.  Brant’s forces laid siege to the fort for a few days, but were not prepared for a longer siege.  The warriors continued on, laying waste to any abandoned Oneida homes and villages they encountered.  They drove off horses and cattle, and burned crops.

In early August, the raiders destroyed the Oneida village of Canowaraghere and also the settlement at Canajoharie.  Alert settlers became aware of the attack and managed to escape to Fort Plank.  Brant’s raiders could not take the fort and were not prepared to besiege it.  They destroyed the homes in the area, but were not able to kill or capture many of the inhabitants.  They poured through the Schoharie Valley, largely unopposed, laying waste to isolated farms and small villages, including the town of Vrooman, where they burned more than twenty homes.

By the end of August, Brant returned to Niagara with another devastating and successful raid complete.

Loyalist and Iroquois raids into New York were far from over.  The raids would become even worse in the fall of 1780, but we will have to leave those for a future episode.  Many of the Oneida who survived the raids became refugees among the patriots, settling on land closer to Schenectady, where they hoped to remain out of range of future raids.  The Mohawk Valley remained an armed encampment, where small forts dotted the region every few miles.  Nervous locals remained on edge, ready to seek the protection of the forts at a moment’s notice.  But they remained determined to defend the region.

Next week: we return to South Carolina for the battle of Waxhaws.

- - -

Next Episode 251 Waxhaw Massacre


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Further Reading

Websites

Refugees of Niagara 1779-1780: The Winter of Hunger: https://www.sullivanclinton.com/texts/articles/archives/refugees-niagara

Aikey, Michael “Ballston Raid of 1780” Journal of the American Revolution, Dec 6, 2017 https://allthingsliberty.com/2017/12/ballston-raid-1780-military-operation-time-settle-old-scores

Horton’s Historical Timeline for 1780: http://threerivershms.com/timeline1780.htm

Raid on Johnstown: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1780/raid-on-johnstown

Frederick Visscher https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Visscher-79

History of the Mohawk Valley: Chapter 68: 1780, Raids at Cherry Valley, Johnstown, Fort Plain, Vrooman's Land http://www.schenectadyhistory.org/resources/mvgw/history/068.html

Tiro, Karim M. “A ‘Civil’ War? Rethinking Iroquois Participation in the American Revolution.” Explorations in Early American Culture, vol. 4, 2000, pp. 148–65. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23549298.

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Cruikshank, E. A. The Story of Butler's Rangers and the Settlement of Niagara, Welland, Ont: Tribune Printing, 1893. 

Efner, William B. (ed) Warfare in the Mohawk Valley; Transcribed from the Pennsylvania Gazette 1780, 1781, 1782 and 1783, Schenectady, NY: self-published, 1948. 

Seaver, James E. A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison: De-he-wä-mis, The White Woman of the Genesee, New York ; London : G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1910 (originally published 1824).

Stone, William L. Life of Joseph Brant-Thayendanegea, Vol. 2, New York, A. V. Blake, 1838. 

Swiggett, Howard War out of Niagara: Walter Butler and the Tory Rangers, Columbia Univ. Press, 1933. 

Walker, Mabel Gregory “Sir John Johnson”  The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1916. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Graymont, Barbara The Iroquois (Indians Of North America), Chelsea Press, 2005 (Borrow on archive.org).

Kelsay, Isabel Thompson, Joseph Brant, 1743-1807, Man of Two Worlds, Syracuse Univ. Press, 1984 (Borrow on archive.org). 

Watt, Gavin K. For Want of His Silver Plate, Sir John Johnson's Raid of May 1780, Dundurn, 1997. 

(Buy at Fort Plain Bookstore)

Watt, Gavin K. The Burning of the Valleys: Daring Raids from Canada Against the New York Frontier in the Fall of 1780, Dundurn, 1997 s_tl

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, June 26, 2022

ARP249 Saint Louis


In our last episode, we covered the fall of Charleston, which began the southern campaign that would occupy most of the fighting for the rest of the war.  It’s important, however, to remember that fighting remained a constant danger all over the continent, and even in other parts of the world.  Once Britain was battling France and Spain, colonies and territories of all combatant countries were up for grabs whenever the opportunity presented itself.

Cumberland Compact

The war also presented an opportunity for Americans to push westward once again.  Under the King, the Proclamation of 1763 prevented colonists from moving west of the Appalachian Mountains.  Not only would pioneers have to contend with angry Indian tribes who objected to encroachments on their land, London could opt to send in regulars to clear out illegal squatters on western lands.

St Louis attack as portrayed on Mo. Capitol
Recall that back in Episode 102, I discussed efforts by colonists to establish claims in what would later become Tennessee.  In 1772, the Watauga Association had negotiated a ten-year lease with the Cherokee, and in 1775 made an outright purchase of the land in what became known as the treaty of Sycamore Shoals.  Many Cherokee chiefs refused to recognize the treaty and argued that the other chiefs had no authority to sell this land.

British officials in London did not recognize the legality of this purchase, and still required colonists to remain east of the mountains.  But since the purchase took place about a month before the battle of Lexington, British attention was focused elsewhere.  The British did encourage Cherokee attacks led by Dragging Canoe.  The colonists defeated the Cherokee, who were forced to accept the sale of lands from the treaty of Sycamore Shoals in another treaty in 1777.  

James Robertson
A group of North Carolinians under the leadership of James Robertson traveled into what is today central Tennessee and established Fort Nashborough along the Cumberland River.  It was named after Francis Nash, a Continental general from North Carolina, who had just been killed at Germantown.  Robertson had lived in western Tennessee.  He had made earlier trips over the Appalachians to explore the region.  In 1769 he had made such a trip with Daniel Boone.  Robertson was not a fan of the North Carolina government, having fought at the Battle of Alamance in 1771. 

It was after Alamance that Robertson moved his first group of families over the mountains, with the hope of settling outside the reach of the colonial government.  In 1779 after North Carolina had its independent patriot government, Robertson briefly took on a post as the state’s agent with the Cherokee, but he soon resigned that post.  

With others, Robertson formed the Watauga Association as a somewhat informal governing body. These early settlers, along with others who had violated the British prohibition on settling west of the mountains, later became known as the Overmountain men.

Robertson’s community at Fort Nashborough was one of several tiny outposts in the region, still surrounded by Cherokee, many of whom were hostile to their presence.  In May of 1780, these families agreed to the Cumberland Compact.  Signed by 256 colonists, the Compact established a governing council of 12 judges, elected by free men aged 21 or older.  It allowed voters the right to remove judges at any time.  It also paid the judges and a few other officials in animal skins.  The primary purpose of the Compact was to establish a system of defense.  All males 16 or older were obliged to be members of the militia.  Crimes that could involve the death penalty would require the accused to be transferred to the east, where he could be judged by North Carolina Courts.

The Cumberland Compact created a relatively simple government, but it remained in place until Tennessee became an independent state many years later.  The British army never sent any regulars into the region during the war, but many of the militia would later march east and participate in the Battle of King’s Mountain.

Saint Louis

Of greater interest to the British was control of the Mississippi River.  In earlier episodes, I noted that the land west of the Mississippi was under the control of Spain.  France had turned over this territory to Spain at the end of the Seven Years War.  Although Spain had nominally taken control of the Louisiana Territory in 1763, St. Louis was founded within that territory by French settlers from Canada and named in honor of a former King of France.  Although Louis XV was king at the time, the city was named after King Louis IX, who had led France during the Crusades and who had been declared a saint in the Catholic Church.  

Much like the American settlers in Tennessee, the French settlers at St. Louis were mostly left to fend for themselves.  They established their own government and ran the area under French legal traditions. Spanish officials did not bother to arrive in the city until 1770. Even after they did, the town mostly spoke French and retained much of its French culture, giving only a nominal nod to Spanish rule.  The Spanish sent Don Pedro Piernas to be the lieutenant governor of upper Louisiana.  Piernas established residency at St. Louis with a small garrison of Spanish soldiers.

In 1775, Piernas was replaced by Francisco Cruzat, another Spanish military officer.  He, in turn, was replaced by Fernando de Leyba in 1778.  Governor de Leyba was aware of fighting between British and American forces on the other side of the river, and wanted to be prepared for the war to spill over into Spanish territory.  

Fort San Carllos
He began to build up defenses at St. Louis including Fort San Carlos - named in honor of King Carlos III of Spain. The plans for the fort included four large stone towers, and a large trench around the entire village perimeter.  Although Spain declared war on Britain in June 1779, de Leyba did not receive word of this until February of 1780, only a few months before the attack began. He realized Saint Louis would not have time to build the entire stone fort that he wanted.  He had one of the towers ready and put up log walls.  He distributed five canons at various points to discourage any direct land attack.

Several weeks before the attack, de Leyba received intelligence that a raid was coming soon, but he never got detailed information about exactly when it would strike or how large a force he would face.

British Plan of Attack

In the early years of the war, both Americans and British did all they could to respect Spanish authority along the river.  Neither side wanted to push neutral Spain into joining the enemy. With Spain’s entry into the war in 1779, that drastically changed British attitudes toward Spanish possessions.  Britain hoped to take control of the Mississippi River, although since Spain controlled the mouth of the River at New Orleans, the British never devoted much resources to this goal.

Up until this time, British efforts along the Mississippi had not gone very well.  Recall back in Episode 210, I talked about British Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton’s efforts to secure the region from his base in Detroit.  Hamilton had contended with Virginians under the command of George Rogers Clark during the winter of 1778-79, and had ended up being taken prisoner that spring.

After Hamilton’s capture, another British Lieutenant Governor, Patrick Sinclair of Michilimackinack assumed responsibility for retaking the region.  Sinclair was also an experienced military officer, having served under Amherst in America during the French and Indian war.  He remained in Canada after the war, gaining experience as a young officer exploring the wilderness areas around the Great Lakes.

Peacetime, however, was not a time for advancement.  At age 36, Sinclair retired from service as a captain in 1772.  His career took on a new chapter three years later when in 1775, he was appointed lieutenant governor and superintendent of Michilmakinack, then part of the Quebec territory.  He attempted to travel to Canada soon after his appointment, but several failed voyages left him still in England in 1778.  He finally managed to make it to Halifax, but then took another year getting to Quebec.  He did not present his credentials to Governor Haldimand until late 1779, over four years after receiving his commission.  He spent the next couple of years relocating a poorly positioned fort onto Mackinac Island.

As a civilian officer, Sinclair was not in command of military forces in the area.  That fell to Major Arent Schuyler DePeyster, who outranked Captain Sinclair in the British army.  DePeyster was soon transferred to Detroit, giving Sinclair command authority over the small military garrison.

Following Spain’s entry into the war, London dispatched orders to the British leadership in Canada from Secretary of State Lord Germain.  The instructions called on local leaders to plan and execute attacks on Spanish possessions.  Sinclair focused his sites on St. Louis.

Sinclair only had command of a tiny garrison at Michilimackinac, and he was not going to get any reinforcements.  An attack by regulars was out of the question.  Instead, it would consist of local volunteers supplemented by native warriors.  Sinclair offered local fur traders opportunities to control the fur trade along the territory as an incentive to participate in the campaign.  Native warriors were always up for the opportunity for plunder and also received generous gifts from Sinclair to encourage participation.

Command of this local military force was given to Emanuel Hesse, an experienced fur trader who had good relations with the native tribes and also had some experience as a militia captain.  There seems to be little in the way of exact numbers or written records for this campaign, but it appears that Hesse was joined by about two dozen other fur traders, lured by opportunities to control the fur trade in the captured territories.

Wahpasha
The bulk of the fighting force would be native warriors.  About 200 Sioux (aka Dakota) warriors commanded by a war chief named Wahpasha made up the largest single contingent.  The Sioux, however, were not really British allies.  They had been staunch allies of the French for many years and had been rather stand-offish once the British took control of Canada.  It’s not clear exactly why they joined this campaign, but likely it was based on the relationships they had with the French speaking fur traders who recruited them.

Warriors from quite a few other tribes also joined the campaign.  Warriors from the Chippewa, Menomminee, Winnebago, Sac, and Fox nations all participated.  Because the British did not entirely trust the Sioux, their Chief Wapasha had to cede overall command of the Indian force to Matchekewis, a Chippewa Chief.  The Sioux and Chippewa were traditional enemies, but the two chiefs managed to establish an understanding during the course of the campaign that allowed the warriors to remain on good terms.  In total there were probably around 1000 native warriors from at least ten different tribes joined together on the campaign.

St. Louis Raid

The mostly native force marched for a little over three weeks before reaching the vicinity around St. Louis.  Captain Hesse sent out scouts to get a look at the Spanish defenses, but could not get close enough.  He wanted to maintain the element of surprise, and there were too many farmers in the area for a group to get close enough to the village undetected.

On May 26, Hesse deployed his warriors.  He opted to divide his warriors in order to attack the American controlled town of Cahokia on the eastern bank and St. Louis on the Western Bank.  Cahokia was under the command of George Rogers Clark.

Raid on St. Louis
Despite wanting the element of surprise, the attackers launched their raid around mid-day.  The Spanish defenders fired a warning shot from their stone tower to let them know they had been spotted.  The Sioux and Winnebego warriors led the attack, backed up the Sac and Fox warriors. The French fur traders, including Captain Hesse, made up the rear.  The battle raged over several hours. 

The Spanish defenders were well outnumbered, with only about 200-300 men to defend the village, most of them inexperienced militia.  The attacking warriors attempted to draw out the Spanish defenders into open combat.  This included executing some captives in front of the enemy.  The natives hoped the defenders would rush to the aid of their friends and family, so that they could be attacked by the warriors in an open field.

Some of the defending militia asked to make a sortie and rescue the captives, but de Lebya refused, knowing it was a trap.  The defenders remained behind their defenses.  They used their cannons effectively to discourage a frontal attack by the enemy.

The Spanish commander later reported that the defenders took about 100 casualties, the majority of whom were captured as prisoners by the attacking force.

Cahokia Raid

At the same time Hesse launched the raid on St. Louis, one of his other associates, Jean-Marie Ducharme launched the raid against Cahokia, with a force of about 300 warriors.  Cahokia did not have cannons but had set up defensive barriers in anticipation for an attack.  Clark had traveled to St. Louis to coordinate with Spanish authorities over a defense strategy ,and lobby for a joint offensive against the British.  Clark and his officers rushed back to Cahokia after receiving word that the enemy was close.  They arrived shortly before the attack began.

The defenders stood their ground, behind defensive barricades.  Clarke’s arrival with reinforcements shortly after the attack began discouraged the attackers.  Clark’s combined force was about 400 men.  The attack did not last long.  Clarke reported the loss of only one Virginia officer, three soldiers, and five of his men taken prisoner.  The attack was poorly organized and was quickly repulsed.  The attackers gave up and began to retreat north.

Aftermath

The attackers gave up on taking either town and moved back toward British lines to the north in a rather scattered and disorganized movement.  Native raiders sacked all the farms and isolated homes they came across, murdering the inhabitants.  In some stories, those captured were burned alive.  Warriors stole what they could and burned whatever they could not take with them.

George Rogers Clark

A few weeks after the attacks Clark organized an offensive raid with about 350 men, mostly Virginians.  They attacked Indian villages at Rock River and Prairie du Chien, burning crops and homes, and paying back the same sort of devastation that the warrior force had inflicted on their people.  The Spanish, who had relied almost entirely on local militia for defense, opted to remain in St. Louis, and did not conduct any retaliatory raids by land.  The Spanish did, however, later send gunboats up the Mississippi, raiding villages of natives who were friendly with the British they seized furs and other valuable supplies, 

The Sac  tribe, which was within the Spanish sphere of influence, tried to make up for participation in the raid.  In June, they sent a delegation to St. Louis, bringing six prisoners, three French-speaking militia and three slaves.  The Fox would also soon try to repair their relationship with Spanish authorities.  Other tribes, particularly the Sioux, remained in active warfare against the Spanish.

Because of the hostile environment, de Leyba sent letters to Governor de Galvez in New Orleans, stating that unless the Spanish could complete a defensible fort at St. Louis with a garrison of at least 200 regulars, they might have to abandon the region as too dangerous.  This threat to leave was probably more of an attempt to get the military support he wanted.  

Death of de Leyba

We don’t know if de Leyba would have made good on his threat to withdraw, because he died in late June from an illness.  The King sent congratulations for his defense of St. Louis, and granted him a promotion to lieutenant colonel, but those honors did not arrive until after his death.

His successor, Lieutenant-Governor Cartabona took a different tact, blaming much of the losses on de  Leyba’s inability to build proper defenses quickly enough.  This was during a period of panic since the Spanish defenders had pretty much used up all their available ammunition and were receiving reports that the Sioux might launch an even larger raid on the city very soon.

Governor Galvez was too busy with his campaign against West Florida to provide much of anything to St. Louis.  He did send Fransisco Cruzat back to take command of St. Louis. Cruzat had been de Leyba’s predecessor in command of the region.  He would take command by September.  Fortunately, none of the rumors of a second major Indian attack proved true before his arrival.

Cruzat spent most of his time trying to secure alliances with all of the local tribes, to ensure they would hot join another attempted raid on the region, and perhaps would be part of any Spanish attempt should the British instigate another raid from northern tribes.  He also continued construction of a better fort at St. Louis.

Despite receiving continued rumors that the British might encourage another Indian attack, St. Louis would never again face a large-scale attack on the city.

Next Week: John Johnson and Joseph Brant lead attacks into the Mohawk Valley.

- - -

Next Episode 249 Mohawk Valley Raids 


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

James Robertson: https://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entries/james-robertson

James Robertson: https://www.ncpedia.org/biography/robertson-james

Dick, Jimmy “The Battle of St. Louis” Journal of the American Revolution, February 10, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/02/the-battle-of-st-louis

Battle of St. Louis: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1780/battle-st-louis

Battle of St. Louis: https://www.myrevolutionarywar.com/battles/800525-st-louis

Battle of Fort San Carlos: https://www.distilledhistory.com/battlefortsancarlos

Drumm, Stella M. “The British-Indian Attack on Pain Court (St. Louis).” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984), vol. 23, no. 4, 1931, pp. 642–51. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40187703

Nasatir, A. P. “The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution 1779-1783.” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984), vol. 21, no. 3, 1928, pp. 291–358. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40187598

Peterson, Charles E. “Notes on Old Cahokia: Part Two: Fort Bowman (1778-1780).” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1908-1984), vol. 42, no. 2, 1949, pp. 193–208. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40188370

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

James, James Alton (ed) George Rogers Clark Papers, Springfield, Ill., Trustees of the Illinois State Historical Library, 1912. 

Matthews, Thomas E. General James Robertson, Father of Tennessee, Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1934.  

McDermott, John Francis (ed) Old Cahokia: a narrative and documents illustrating the first century of its history, St. Louis : St. Louis Historical Documents Foundation, 1949. 

Putnam, A.W. History of Middle Tennessee; or, Life and Times of Gen. James Robertson, Nashville: self-published, 1859. 

Snyder, Ann E. On the Watauga and the Cumberland, Nashville, M.E. Church, 1895. 

Spencer, Thomas E. The Story of Old St. Louis, St. Louis: 1914. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bays, Bill, James Robertson, Father of Tennessee and Founder of Nashville, West Bow Press, 2013. 

Goodstein, Anita S. Nashville, 1780-1860: From Frontier to City, Univ. Press of Florida, 1989. 

Harrison, Lowell H. George Rogers Clark and the War in the West, Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1976. 

Kling, Steven L. Jr. (ed) The American Revolutionary War in the West, THGC Publishing, 2020.

Kling Stephen L. Jr., Kristine Sjostrom & Marysia T. Lopez The Battle of St. Louis, the Attack on Cahokia, and the American Revolution in the West, THGC Publishing, 2017. 

Nester, William R. George Rogers Clark: I Glory in War, Univ. of Okla Press, 2012. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.




Sunday, June 12, 2022

ARP248 Charleston Falls


In our last episode, we left the British having positioned themselves around Charleston.  General Henry Clinton, along with General Cornwallis and Admiral Arbuthnot, had positioned their forces around the city - ready, by the end of April 1780 to blast the American defenses and take Charleston for the king.

Monck’s Corner

The American Commander, General Benjamin Lincoln, remained in Charleston, awaiting the British attack.  Lincoln had assigned Lieutenant Colonel William Washington to command the light infantry forces outside of the city, to skirmish with the advancing British and Hessians.

William Washington
Colonel Washington was from Virginia, a distant cousin of the Commander-in-Chief.  He had some combat experience, one of the few Americans wounded at Trenton during a daring cavalry charge.  In 1780, Washington was still in his late twenties.  General Lincoln believed he would serve as an effective commander of the light infantry around Charleston.

Also outside of Charleston was Brigadier General Isaac Huger.  Although Huger was a Continental General, he was given command of about 500 South Carolina militia who had been called up to oppose the British attack. 

With these forces, Huger secured a position at Monck’s Corner, a crossroad along the Cooper River, a little more than 30 miles north of Charleston.  American control kept supply lines and communications lines from Charleston open to the north.  

Despite the importance of this position Huger found that his militia were woefully inadequate to face any attack.  He reported that two of his companies did not even have muskets.  A third company had muskets but no ammunition.  These men were largely untrained and untested in battle.  Huger put his militia in reserve on the far bank of the river, relying on Colonel Washington to engage with the enemy with his Continentals, and on the militia as backup.  

British General Clinton wanted to take Monck’s Corner, as a way of further isolating the American defenders inside Charleston.  He deployed Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton, still in command of a loyalist cavalry that did not have enough horses for all of the men.  With them was a loyalist infantry regiment commanded by another regular officer Major Patrick Ferguson.  Both men were experienced combat officers. Tarleton had gained a reputation during the fighting around New York and Philadelphia as an aggressive commander.  Ferguson, inventor of the Ferguson rifle, had been badly wounded at Brandywine, but had returned to service.  With them Lieutenant Colonel James Webster led two regiments of British regulars.  Although Colonel Webster was the senior officer, he kept his regulars in reserve and gave Colonel Tarleton order to lead the strike on the enemy.

On the evening of April 13, Tarleton’s legion and Ferguson’s volunteers moved forward in a night march, planning to attack the Americans before dawn.  During their advance, they captured an American courier with a letter from Huger to Lincoln, which described the deployment of the American defenses at Monck’s Corner.  Tarleton moved quickly, advancing 18 miles in a five hour night match. At around 3:00 AM, the British reached the American Camp.

Isaac Huger

The Americans were taken completely by surprise.  General Huger and Colonel Washington fled into the nearby swamps with some of their men, abandoning their horses and equipment.  One French officer with the Americans, Chevalier Pierre-Francois Vernier attempted to surrender but was struck down by the British attackers and killed.  The Americans put up almost no defense as they fled in terror.  One company of Americans simply fell in line behind the British and pretended to march along with them as allies until they had an opportunity to flee into the swamps before first light.

The British managed to kill or wound thirty-three Americans, and captured another 63, with the remainder fleeing into the swamps.  The British suffered only three wounded among the attackers.  It was a complete route. The British captured the camp and all of its contents.  Charleston was now cut off from the north.  Colonel Tarleton also happily reported that he had captured enough horses that he could finally mount his entire cavalry regiment.

Tarleton, never one to rest on his laurels, moved his cavalry back toward the coast, along the eastern side of Charleston, where he managed to capture nine sloops carrying patriot supplies, including twenty canons.

Defense of Charleston

The British had spent months slowly encircling Charleston, giving its defenders time to react.  Up until this time, General Benjamin Lincoln, commander of the southern army, had been frustrated by the lack of cooperation that he had received from the local political leaders. But with the threat of British invasion literally staring at them from across the river, the political leaders finally fell in line and gave the Continental general the support he needed to defend the city.  I’m joking of course.  The political leadership in South Carolina continued to bicker with the military commander and even with disaster on the horizon, refused to make certain compromises.

Gov. John Rutledge

South Carolina leaders had repeatedly rejected any plans to arm slaves for defense of the state. Lincoln had called on state leaders to raise 2000 white militia.  But if they could not, then fill the ranks with black soldiers.  The response was… nothing.  The President of South Carolina, John Rutledge, refused even to respond to the request.  Allowing blacks to use guns, even if they were freed afterwards, would put a dangerous element in the state that could eventually harm them. Those soldiers could form the core of a future slave uprising to liberate their fellow laborers.  So with armed blacks off the table, Lincoln suggested at least created a pioneer force from slaves.  Pioneers would handle the dirty work of digging tunnels and entrenchments.  It was common labor that slaves were used for all the time.  These men would not learn to fire guns, or even touch combat weapons.  Again, the answer was no.  Even training black people to work as a unit and giving them any sort of training was simply unacceptable.

A frustrated Lincoln told officials that if he could not get support of local militia, either black or white, that he would have to abandon the city to the British.  Rutledge’s response was that Lincoln was bluffing.  Charleston was too important to the cause of the United States and he would never abandon the city.  The state could not raise enough white soldiers, would not provide any black soldiers, and Lincoln would have to find a way to make the defense of the city work anyway.

Rutledge was correct.  Lincoln had direct orders from Congress to hold Charleston at all costs.  Any attempt to abandon the city without a fight would have meant an ignominious end to this military career, much like it did for Generals Phillip Schuyler and Arthur St. Clair, who had abandoned Fort Ticonderoga without a fight a few years earlier.  Beyond that, Lincoln has spent a year building up the defenses around the city.  The British force outnumbered his by about two to one. If Lincoln retreated now, he would likely have to face the British in the open field. It was better to engage from behind their entrenchments.  The arrival of 750 Virginia Continentals in April had boosted spirits, but that only gave Lincoln about 2500 regulars, supplemented by another 3000 or so militia and sailors from the wrecked ships.

British General Clinton commented on the arrival of American reinforcements as good news - more prisoners when the Americans surrendered.  The British navy had established itself in the inner harbor.  British artillery was poised to decimate the city, and British infantry and cavalry was well on its way toward surrounding the city.  

Lincoln advised Governor Rutledge to leave the city with the rest of the civilian leadership.  Rutledge left town with three councilmen, but Lieutenant Governor Christopher Gadsden and others remained in Charleston.  Gadsden, you may recall, had been appointed a brigadier in the Continental Army, but resigned his commission when he grew frustrated at his inability to give orders to major generals in his state.  As acting governor, however, Gadsden believed could use his civilian leadership to instruct the army on the defense of Charleston.

Lincoln called a council of war to discuss an attack on a relatively isolated post of 750 enemy soldiers near Wappetaw.  His officer unanimously opposed the action, and instead suggested consideration of evacuating the city.  General Lachlan McIntosh argued for immediate evacuation of the Continental Army, so that it could survive to fight another day, preferably further inland - once the British army was more spread out and unsupported by its navy.  Delay meant the likelihood that they would be surrounded.  Lincoln, however, could not bring himself to abandon the city without even a fight.

A few days later, on April 18, 2600 British and Hessian reinforcements arrived from New York, only increasing the imbalance of forces.  Lincoln gathered a council of war a few days later on April 20, to once again consider their options.  McIntosh still believed that evacuation was possible.  Other officers believed Lincoln should simply ask for terms of surrender.  

Christopher Gadsden

Gadsden joined the council for a time, asked that they not take any action until he could discuss the situation with South Carolina’s Privy Council, and left. As the officers continued their discussions, Gadsden returned with several Privy Council members.  The exact words exchanged were not recorded but one witness noted that the civilians “used the council rudely” and insisted that they not try to abandon the city.  They claimed that the South Carolina militia, most of whom had never stood in battle before, were willing to fight to the last man, and that the Continentals should be willing to do so as well.  One member of the Privy Council even threatened that if the Continentals attempted to abandon the city, that Charleston would throw open the gates to the British and help them capture the Continentals.

Lincoln did not make any final decision that night.  But the next morning, he summoned his officers once again.  They agreed to ask the British for terms of surrender.  The Army would be slaughtered if it attempted to retreat across waterways that the British had already blocked.  On April 21, Lincoln ordered a soldier to go to the British lines under a flag of truce to request a six-hour cessation of hostilities so that the Americans could propose terms of surrender.  

Lincoln proposed that the Continental Army be permitted to leave the city with its arms and equipment, and march north for at least ten days unmolested, that Continental ships be permitted to depart the harbor, and that all citizens be protected in their persons and property.  Clinton countered with the proposal that they all surrender unconditionally, so that the British would not have to kill them and level the city.  Unable to agree on terms, the two sides continued the siege.

Both sides kept up fire on each other day and night.  On the morning of April 24, two hundred Continentals attacked a Hessian work party that was digging advanced works close to the enemy lines.  The Americans managed to kill about 15 of the enemy with bayonets, and take almost as many prisoners.  However, General Moultrie’s brother Thomas was killed in the attack.

General Louis Duportail arrived from Washington’s headquarters the following day.  The experienced French engineer who had taken a commission in the Continental Army years earlier.  He had arrived too late, however, to assist with the Charleston defenses.  He also arrived with the bad news that Washington would not be sending any more reinforcements.  The Continental leaders once again considered a risky evacuation, but decided against it.

The siege continued for another couple of weeks.  The Americans had to slow their rate of fire to conserve ammunition.  The British pounded away at the American defenses and slowly moved their lines closer together.  The Americans could no longer bring food into the city and could not even send couriers.

Surrender

On May 7, Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan’s Island, surrendered to the British. The following day, Clinton called on Lincoln, once again, to surrender, adding that failure to do so would mean that any “vindictive severity” that fell on the city after its capture, would be Lincoln’s fault.  In further discussion, the Americans requested, while the Continentals would be prisoners of war, they be allowed to keep their baggage and side arms, and that the militia be allowed to go home on parole. Clinton refused the terms.

Charleston, SC
Inside the city, the situation only grew more desperate.  Food and ammunition was running out.  The British began firing hot shot into the city, setting dozens of houses on fire.  The South Carolina militia still in the city, petitioned General Lincoln to accept any terms of surrender.  Many militia simply abandoned their posts and tried to slip away.  Even Gadsden agreed it was time to negotiate a surrender.

On May 8, General Lincoln informed General Clinton that he would accept the term Clinton had offered in his last letter, and the guns fell silent on both sides.  On May 12, the defenders marched out of Charleston.  Clinton had denied them the honors of war and prohibited them from flying their regimental flags.  The defenders stacked the muskets and marched off to their fates as prisoners of war.  Only 500 militia surrendered with the army. The remainder had fled or hid inside the city, hoping to blend in with the civilians.  

Clinton appointed General Alexander Leslie to serve as military governor of Charleston.  Leslie’s threat to have grenadiers search private homes encouraged many more militia to turn out and surrender their arms.  Moultrie noted that it seemed more militia surrendered than had ever appeared under arms during the siege. Apparently, many older or infirm residents surrendered as militia in order to protect younger men.

In total, more than 5000 Americans surrendered in the city, the largest American loss of the entire war.  Roughly half were Continental soldiers, many of whom were doomed to die in British captivity.  The Americans also surrendered 391 artillery pieces, 6000 muskets, and 33,000 rounds of ammunition.  During the siege, the Americans had suffered 89 killed and 138 wounded.  The British suffered 76 killed and 189 wounded.  The surrender had kept the battle deaths rather light, but the loss of the army was devastating to the American cause.

Aftermath

Charleston’s fall to the British was seen as a great victory in London and among loyalists in America.  Even if there were still difficulties in the northern states, the fall of Charleston seemed to foretell that at least the southern colonies would return to crown authority.  

Unlike the fall of northern towns, where the capture of a city seemed to have little impact on the surrounding countryside, the fall of Charleston seemed to mean that the fall of all of South Carolina was close at hand.  Garrisons in other parts of the state surrendered without a fight.  Ninety-six, Camden Beaufort, and Georgetown all surrendered without a fight.  South Carolina General Andrew Williamson gave his soldiers the choice of surrendering, or retreating to the mountains to continue the struggle.  His men opted for surrender.

Under the terms of surrender, militia were given immediate parole and permitted to return home.  They only had to promise never again to take up arms against the king. Clinton attempted a carrot and stick policy in a series of decrees after the fall of Charleston.  Anyone who continued to bear arms against the king’s troops, or convince others to do so, would suffer imprisonment and confiscation of all property.  On the other hand, a separate decree declared that anyone taking an oath of allegiance would receive a full pardon, despite any past participation in the rebellion.  The offer of a pardon and fear of losing property led many in South Carolina to return to the fold as loyal colonists.

Several leading citizens of around Georgetown even sent a note to  to General Cornwallis stating 

that as the original cause of the disputes between Great Britain and her colonies was our being taxed without being represented -- and by a Proclamation of the 1st June last issued by His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton Knight of the Bath General and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Forces in America, and Mariot Arbuthnot Esquire Vice Admiral of the Blue and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Ships, We are assured that we shall not be taxed but by our representatives in General Assembly, We are therefore desirous of becoming British Subjects in which capacity we promise to behave ourselves with all becoming fidelity and loyalty.

General Clinton wrote confidently to Lord Germain in London that South Carolina had been secured.  He stated that “there are few men in South Carolina who are not our prisoners or in arms with us.”  Within a few weeks General Clinton granted parole to General Lincoln allowing him to report to Philadelphia to brief Congress on the loss. Then, under the terms of his parole, he would be restricted to New England until properly exchanged.  Other top generals, including Georgia native Lachlan McIntosh, remained in custody.  North Carolina General James Hogan refused parole, preferring to stay in prison with his men, ostensibly to prevent them from joining loyalist regiments in an attempt to get out of prison. Hogan would die in prison a few months later.

Clinton himself returned to New York, leaving Charleston in early June.  He turned over command to General Cornwallis. Although the two men did not really get along, Cornwallis’ rank and experience made him the obvious choice for the command. Clinton had accomplished his goal of taking Charleston.  Any remaining campaign would be left up to subordinates.

Clinton had not gotten along well with Cornwallis ever since he found out that Cornwallis had betrayed his confidence by telling then-commander General Howe that Clinton had expressed frustration at serving under Howe.  Clinton left Cornwallis with instructions to keep South Carolina secure, but also gave him authority to move into North Carolina if he could do so without putting South Carolina at risk.  Clinton also took more than a third of the army he had brought south, back to New York, along with Arbithnot and the bulk of the naval fleet.  Cornwallis had his independent command to do with it what he could.

Next Week: we head west as the war comes to St. Louis, in present day Missouri

- - -

Next Episode 249 Saint Louis Raid


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites





Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Lincoln, Benjamin Original papers relating to the siege of Charleston, 1780,  Charleston, S.C., Press of Walker, Evans & Cogswell Co. 1898.

Peck, John Mason Lives of Daniel Boone and Benjamin Lincoln, Boston : C.C. Little and J. Brown, 1847. 

Smith, Paul Hubert, Gephart, Ronald M. Letters of delegates to Congress, 1774-1789, Vol 14, Washington: Library of Congress, 1987. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Buchanan, John The Road to Guilford Courthouse: The American Revolution in the Carolinas, Wiley, 1999. 

Edgar, Walter B. Partisans and Redcoats: The southern conflict that turned the tide of the American Revolution, New York: Morrow, 2001 (or borrow on archive.org).

Ferling, John Winning Independence: The Decisive Years of the Revolutionary War, 1778-1781, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021.

Mattern, David B. Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution, Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1998  (borrow on archive.org)

Russell, David Lee. The American Revolution in the Southern Colonies, McFarland & Company, 2000.

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan Company, 1952 (borrow on archive.org). 

Willcox, William B. Portrait of a General; Sir Henry Clinton in the War of Independence, Knopf, 1964 (borrow on archive.org). 

Wilson, David K. The Southern Strategy: Britain’s Conquest of South Carolina and Georgia 1775-1780, Univ. of S.C. Press, 2005. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.