Sunday, January 9, 2022

ARP233 Bonhomme Richard vs Serapis


Last week we left John Paul Jones leading a small fleet of ships against the British coast.  The main purpose of the raids, at least as far as the French were concerned, was to distract the British from the armada that France and Spain planned to use to begin a massive invasion of Britain.  After smallpox decimated the French and Spanish crews, the allies cancelled the invasion.  But by that time Jones was well into the North Sea, looking to cause whatever disruption he could.

A Mutinous Crew

Jones’ fleet left in mid-August.  The French Armada had left France nearly six weeks earlier. After a shakedown cruise in June, Jones ran into some delays, falling ill for several weeks.  He was also still trying to recruit more sailors. About the same time Jones sailed into the English Channel, the combined French and Spanish fleets were also moving into the Channel in search of battle. 

Bonhomme Richard & Serapis
Jones had to collect a crew of mostly European sailors and marines.  Some of the sailors were British prisoners, eager to escape jail - not exactly what you would call dedicated to the cause.  Other sailors were similarly poor men, looking for opportunities to make some money.  They were not idealists looking to join a cause either.  Some of his crew were ideologically inclined.  Among Jones’ crew of about 380 men, he took with him 140 French marines, a large number for a fleet his size, but necessary if he wanted to conduct coastal raids.  Many of the marines were part of the French Navy, but were from an English speaking Irish regiment that always enjoyed an opportunity to shoot at the English.  Another hundred or so were American seamen that Jones had obtained through a prisoner exchange with Britain.  Many of these sailors were also eager to get back into the fight.

The voyage did not begin particularly well.  As the Bonhomme Richard left port, a sailor fell from the rigging above Captain Jones.  If he had fallen on the captain, he likely would have killed him.  As it was, the fall was close enough to knock off Jones’ hat.  The unfortunate sailor hit the deck with a thud and died instantly.  Jones did not flinch.  He reached down, picked up his hat, and returned to his duties without comment.

The Bonhomme Richard was the largest of the ships in the small fleet, but also the slowest.  The Alliance, Pallas, Vengeance, and Cerf continually had to slow down and wait for the flagship to catch up with them.  Two other privateer ships, the Monsieur and Grandville also joined the fleet.

One evening off the Irish coast, the current threatened to push the Bonhomme Richard onto the rocks.  Jones sent out his captain’s barge, with oarsman, to tow the ship back out to safer waters.  The man in charge of the barge was one of the sailors that Jones had lashed for abandoning the barge while they were ashore. He and the other oarsman decided to make a break for it.  They cut the tow line and rowed for the Irish shore.  

Jones fired cannons at the escapees into the dark but had no good chance of hitting such a small target at such a distance.  He ordered a longboat to be lowered and go after the barge.  Not only did the barge disappear, but the longboat chasing after them also vanished.  Jones spent several days sailing up and down the coast, looking for signs of his deserters. He sent the smallest ship in his fleet, the Cerf, closer to the coast to look for the sailors. To Jones’ frustration, the Cerf also disappeared.

Jones and Landais

Jones captained the Bonhomme Richard, while Pierre Landais commanded the second largest ship in the small fleet, the Alliance.  As I explained last week, Landais was an experienced French naval officer who had left the service several years before joining the Continental Navy in 1777.

Jones aboard ship

By the time the fleet left, Jones and Landais had spent months getting to know each other and working together.  They were not, however, what you would call a good match.  Rather, they were two incompatible officers who were thrown together.  Landais was not particularly happy with his assignment.  He would have preferred to be ferrying VIP’s like John Adams back to America, and keeping an eye out for valuable merchant prizes that would improve his bottom line.  Like most of the crew, Landais did not share Jones’ interest in gaining glory and furthering the war effort against the British.  Not only did Jones have very legitimate trust issues about his crew, he did not trust his second in command either.

Normally, a military chain of command should be very clear.  As commodore of the fleet, Jones should be able to expect that his orders would be obeyed.  That might not always be the case, as Jones discovered during his previous mission, when Lieutenant Simpson simply abandoned Jones and sailed off aboard his prize ship.  In some ways, this mission was even worse.  French officials had forced Jones to sign a concordat just before leaving France.  The primary purpose of the document was to spell out how prize money would be divided.  But the document also contained language that essentially said that the fleet strategy should be based on consensus, rather than giving Jones the final word on everything.  Writing years later, Jones ruminated that, under other circumstances, he never would have signed such a document, but that the French official had the ability to replace him as commodore if he proved troublesome, and he did not want to have any further delays.  So Jones signed the agreement in hopes of finally getting to sea.  

Once at sea, his officers were testing just how deferential they would have to be.  As Jones was searching for his escaped crew along the Irish coast, Captain Landais came aboard, upset that Jones had prevented him from chasing a prize ship into rocky waters that Jones deemed too risky.  Landais announced to the Scottish-born Jones that since he, Landais, was the only American captain in the fleet (having been granted Massachusetts citizenship during his last voyage) that he planned to make his own decisions going forward.

According to Jones’ later account of the matter, he took Landais to his cabin and tried to work out their differences.  He told Landais that Jones had supported Landais continuing to captain the Alliance, despite having spawned two mutinies on his last two voyages.  Landais rejected the idea that Jones had anything to do with his command.  Jones tried to change the subject, turning to the deserters that he had been trying to recover.  Landais said that Jones was to blame for their loss, by allowing the boats to go out during a fog.  

Landais later reported that Jones’ response to that comment was to mutter “that’s a damn lie.”  Accusing a gentleman of a lie was fighting words, and usually led to a duel.  Landais challenged Jones.  According to Landais’ account Jones locked the cabin door and the two men drew swords.  However,  the two men agreed that, for the good of the service, such a confrontation would have to wait until the mission was over.  

Landais returned to his ship, but after that time, simply ignored any of Jones’ orders, badmouthed the commander to other officers and men, and refused to set foot again on the Bonhomme Richard.

Ransom of Leith

Because Jones’ ship was so slow, the chances of capturing prizes with it were not very good.  Landais began sailing the Alliance away from the fleet, looking for prizes.  Jones had to give up on efforts to catch several prize ships because he was always struggling to catch up with the Alliance.  The announced purpose of the fleet’s actions was to disrupt merchant traffic and capture prizes.  But Jones had other goals as well.  He had told Franklin that he planned to attack British towns and ports, as he had attempted with Whitehaven on his earlier cruise. Franklin let him know that the French expected him to go after shipping, but that people probably wouldn’t be upset if he also attacked some coastal areas as well.

Edinburgh & Leith, 1779
As the fleet sailed on, the deserters who landed in Ireland began to spread word that the Pirate Jones was on the prowl again.  Coastal towns built up their defenses and set out night watchmen.  The Admiralty dispatched two frigates to patrol the waters off Whitehaven, just in case Jones returned to finish the job he started a year earlier.

Jones, however, avoided those familiar waters.  Instead, he sailed his fleet up the west coast of Ireland, avoiding contact with land, and simply looking for merchant ships.  The fleet made it up to the North Sea and turned east toward Scotland.  

On September 14, the fleet was in the waters off Edinburgh. Jones called aboard the Captains of the Pallas and the Vengeance.  The two privateer ships had left the fleet.  The Cerf had disappeared during the search for the deserters, and Captain Landais of the Alliance still refused to come aboard.  Jones revealed plans to his remaining captains to capture the port town of Leith, just outside Edinburgh.  They would force the town to release American prisoners to avoid having their homes put to the torch.  The captains were hesitant to go along until Jones sweetened the pot by calling for a ransom of £200,000.

British defenses at Leith consisted of a small twenty-gun ship and a couple of smaller cutters.  The attacking fleet would be far enough away from the cannons of Edinburgh Castle to prevent them from becoming a threat.  

Jones planned to overwhelm the British vessels, send ashore a landing party to capture the city leaders, and hold them for ransom.  Instead, things seemed to go awry from the beginning.  During his discussions with the captains, the fleet had drifted south and needed to sail back to the mouth of the waterway, known as the firth of Forth, where the Forth River emptied into the sea.  By the time the fleet returned, it was daylight.  Jones decided on another tact.  He put on the uniform of a British naval officer and sailed in plain sight, appearing to be a friendly ship.

Jones' Raiding Voyages

The Bonhomme Richard soon encountered a small British cutter, which mistook the enemy for a British ship that was in the area. The cutter warned them that the “Pirate Jones” was thought to be in the area, and asked if they had a cask of gunpowder to spare.  Jones played into the mistake and sent over a cask, asking the cutter to send over a pilot to help guide them upriver.

The cutter sailed away, unsuspecting.  The pilot who came aboard repeated the warning that the Pirate Jones was in the area and that he deserved to be hanged.  Jones then revealed that he was, in fact, the “Pirate Jones” at which the shocked man dropped to his knees, fearing death.  Jones assured him that he was quite safe, as long as he helped to navigate the ship, but that he was a prisoner.

The ruse did not work for long.  As the Americans struggled to get upriver, against the currents and wind.  The alarm went out across the land.  Families and businesses fled inland with whatever valuables they could carry.  Men scrambled to find arms for a defense.  But since Scotsmen were forbidden from possessing firearms since the battle of Culloden, it was hard to come up with much of a defense.

As Jones tried to approach Leith, the winds grew stronger, and blew against him.  It began to rain hard.  The storm put an end to any hope of landing a force at Leith. The fleet was blown out to sea.  With the element of surprise now gone they had to abandon the raid entirely.

Jones was not ready to give up completely.  He suggested a different raid, down the coast, on Newcastle to destroy the coal ships there.  The other captains, however, refused to go along.  The alarm was spreading.  The enemy knew their location and would almost certainly be sending ships to capture them.  They were leaving, and Jones should too.  Jones later said he considered going in on his own, but that his crew was equally reluctant to participate in such a plan.

The Pallas and the Vengeance had already sailed off - moving south down the English coast.  Jones struggled to catch up to them.  His slow ship was even slower after the storm damaged his main topmast.  After a couple of days he managed to catch up with his fleet, which had once again joined up with the Alliance.

By this time it was the evening of September 22.  Jones had orders to be in Texel, a Dutch island off the coast of the Netherlands, to escort a French merchant fleet.  Feeling defeated at the few prizes he managed to collect, Jones saw his mission coming to a disappointing end.  The following morning, all that changed.

The Serapis

On September 23, the Serapis and another smaller sloop were escorting 44 merchant ships from Scandinavia to England.  The fifth-rate ship normally carried 44 cannons but had recently taken on several extra, bringing her armament to 50.  Not only did this outnumber the 40 gun Bonhomme Richard, but most of the cannons aboard the Serapis were much larger and in better condition.  She was a faster ship, with far more firepower, and an experienced crew.

When the Serapis Captain Richard Pearson spotted the small American fleet, the thirty year veteran of the navy had every reason to believe he could defeat them.  However, he also had to worry about the merchant fleet that he was protecting.  

Flamborough Head  

The two opponents did not see each other until early afternoon.  It then took several hours for each to maneuver into position.  The ships met in the waters just off an outcropping of land near Yorkshire, known as Flamborough Head.  Pearson ordered the merchant fleet to sail for the shore where they could find safety, while he moved the Serapis to intercept the strangers.

Bonhomme Richard & Serpais
Jones ordered his ships to form a line of battle.  Instead the three other ships simply sailed away, trying to cut off the merchant fleet, and leaving the Bonhomme Richard to face the Serapis on its own.  Through his looking glass, Jones spotted his counterpart, Captain Pearson, nailing his flag to the staff, to ensure that no one would be able to lower the flag and surrender the ship.

It was dark by the time the two ships got within range of each other.  Captain Pearson identified the Serapis and demanded to know who he was facing.  Jones called out, claiming to be a merchant ship, hoping to get the enemy captain to hold off firing until he drew closer.  When a sailor on the Bonhomme Richard rigging fired his gun, the nervous crew on both ships immediately fired their broadsides. 

This was the first time that Jones had the opportunity to fire his large 18-pound cannons with live ammunition.  The older guns were not up to the task. One or two of the guns exploded, killing the gun crews and taking a chunk out of the starboard side of his ship.  The loss of his larger guns also meant that the firepower advantage of the Serapis was that much greater.  

After the first broadside, the Serapis sailed behind the Bonhomme Richard and used its working 18 pound cannons to fire massive volleys through the ship’s stern.  The faster Serapis then circled around to fire another broadside into the bow of its enemy.  Jones, however, managed to get some speed out of his ailing ship and rammed into the Serapis.  He then tried to turn to fire a broadside into the British ship, but Pearson rammed him during the attempt.

Over the course of the next hour, the two ships fearlessly launched volley after volley at each other at near point blank range.  The fatalities on both sides exploded.

The Bonhomme Richard had taken more damage to its hull, while American marines, firing from the rigging, managed to decimate the sailors on the deck of the Serapis.  

Jones realized that he was sinking.  His ship had far less firepower and was moving at about half the speed of the Serapis.  Much of his surviving crew was below decks trying desperately to plug holes and keep the ship afloat.

Marines boarding the Serapis
Jones’ only chance was to storm the Serapis.  Taking advantage of a lull in the wind, the Bonhomme Richard slowly drifted up to the Serapis.  American sailors and marines used grappling hooks to pull the ships together and crossed onto the enemy deck.  The British, however, managed to cut the lines, and push back the attackers.  As the Serapis pulled away, it fired another point blank broadside into the enemy’s hull.  

Remaining barely afloat, Jones managed to move in front of the Serapis leading to another slow motion collision.  Once again, his crew tried to tie the ships together and board the enemy.  With many of the British sailors and marines on deck killed by the American marines firing from the rigging, the American boarding crew was able to get aboard and begin hand to hand combat.  Pearson tried to drop the Serapis anchor in order to stop it from drifting along with the sinking Bonhomme Richard, but by this time the ships were too well tied together.  As the Americans began to take control of the Serapis’ deck, the British cannons below deck continued to fire into the Bonhomme Richard’s hull.

As both ships were locked together in a death grip, Captain Landais returned aboard the Alliance.  He fired a volley into both ships, killing a number of Americans aboard the Bonhomme Richard.  

As Jones struggled to assist one of his cannon crews, he heard one of his men call for quarter.  Apparently, the man thought Jones and first officer Dale were both dead.  Jones immediately called from another deck for someone to shoot that man.  He pulled his own pistol and tried to fire at the frightened sailor, but his gun misfired.  He then threw his pistol at the man.

British Captain Pearson heard the call for quarter and called out to Jones to confirm if he was surrendering.  It was then that Jones allegedly responded “Sir, I have not yet begun to fight!”

The fighting continued for another hour, during which time the Alliance made another pass, firing grapeshot at the men on both ships.  The Americans firing from the rigging were still able to maintain deadly fire against the Serapis.  A little after 10:00 PM, one of the men carried up a bucket full of grenades, small baseball sized bombs with 20 second fuses.  The Americans tried throwing several into the open hatch of the Serapis.  After several attempts, they succeeded.

Below decks, the British gunners had gotten sloppy, leaving powder and shells sitting out in the open near their cannons for faster loading.  The grenade set off a chain reaction of explosives below decks on the Serapis, killing many and horribly burning more of the crew.  By this time, it was nearly 10:30.  The Serapis had suffered a 50% casualty rate, had multiple fires aboard ship, and was threatened with being pulled under by the sinking Bonhomme Richard.  Captain Pearson finally called for quarter.

Jones ordered Lieutenant Dale to take a boarding party and secure the Serapis and asked Pearson to join him in his quarters for a glass of wine.

After a short time Jones had to concede that the Bonhomme Richard was sinking.  A fire had nearly blown up the powder magazine.  Men below decks could not patch the massive cannonball holes.  Despite efforts over the next 24 hours, Jones had to order both crews aboard the Serapis and cut loose the Bonhomme Richard to sink below the surface. The Alliance, Vengeance, and Pallas also returned to assist with the survivors.  

Of course the Serapis, now commanded by Jones, was also seriously damaged.  At least eight British frigates were storming toward the area in search of the Pirate Jones. The American fleet managed to sail to Texel in the Netherlands and put into the neutral port for repairs.

Jones’ capture of a British ship of the line would lead to celebration throughout Europe and America and make Captain Jones a celebrity.  The British made it an even greater priority to capture the Pirate Jones.

Next week, the French fleet cooperates with the Continental army to besiege British-held Savanna, Georgia.

- - -

Next Episode 234 Siege of Savannah 


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Further Reading

Websites

“To Benjamin Franklin from John Paul Jones, 3 October 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-30-02-0366

Excerpts from John Paul Jones’ Memoirs https://www.americanrevolution.org/jpj.php

Landais, Pierre https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/landais-pierre-de

Norton, Louis Arthur “The Battle between Bonhomme Richard and SerapisJournal of the American Revolution, August 20, 2019. https://allthingsliberty.com/2019/08/the-battle-between-bonhomme-richard-and-serapis

Norton, Louis Arthur “The Revolutionary War’s most Enigmatic Naval Captain: Pierre Landais” Journal of the American Revolution, July 17, 2018. https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/07/the-revolutionary-wars-most-enigmatic-naval-captain-pierre-landais

Battle of Flamborough Head https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/battle-flamborough-head

I have not yet begun to fight https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2019/09/23/bonhomme-richard-vs-serapis

Schellhammer, Michael “The Real Immortal Words of John Paul Jones” Journal of the American Revolution, January 19, 2015. https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/01/the-real-immortal-words-of-john-paul-jones

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Abbott, John S. C. Life of John Paul Jones, New York, Dodd, Mead and Co. 1898. 

De Koven, Anna The Life and Letters of John Paul Jones, Vol. 1, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913. 

Honeyman, A. Van Doren Admiral Paul Jones, Plainfield, N.J. Honeyman & Co. 1905. 

Morison, Samuel Eliot John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography, Boston: Little, Brown, 1959. 

Paullin, Charles Oscar The Navy of the American Revolution: Its Administration, Its Policy and Its Achievements, The Burrows Brothers Co. 1906. 

Tooker, L. Frank John Paul Jones, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916. 

Walker, George Benjamin Life of Rear-Admiral John Paul Jones, Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1876. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Boudriot, Jean & David H. Roberts John Paul Jones and the Bonhomme Richard: A Reconstruction of the Ship and an Account of the Battle With H.M.S. Serapis, Naval Institute Press, 1987. 

Bowen Hassell, E. Gorden, Dennis Conrad, and Mark Hays Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, Univ of the Pacific Press, 2004.

Fowler, William M. Jr. Rebels Under Sail: The American Navy During the Revolution, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1976.

Lardas, Mark Bonhomme Richard vs Serapis: Flamborough Head 1779 (Duel), Osprey Publishing, 2012. 

McGrath, Tim Give Me a Fast Ship: The Continental Navy and America's Revolution at Sea, Caliber, 2014.

Thomas, Evan, John Paul Jones: Sailor, Hero, Father of the American Navy, Simon & Schuster, 2003.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, January 2, 2022

ARP232 Jones and the Armada


This week, we return to Continental Navy Captain John Paul Jones.  We last left Jones’ story in Episode 180.  In 1778 Jones had raided the British coast, captured numerous merchant ships as prizes and eventually returned to France, where he lost his ship and was stuck on land for nearly a year.

A Year in Paris

The French celebrated Jones for his earlier exploits against the British.  At the same time, they seemed in no hurry to give him a new ship to continue those exploits.  Jones spent his time meeting with French officials, as well as the American Commissioners in Paris.  

John Paul Jones

Jones still hoped to get command of L’Indien, a ship built in the Netherlands for the American Commissioners.  This was the ship that Jones had been promised back in 1777.  The British got word of the project and protested a ship being built by an ally for their enemy.  In the end, the French Navy had to purchase the ship.  At the time, France and Britain were still at peace, and Britain could not object to the purchase.

French officials dangled L’Indien to the Americans, suggesting possibly making Jones its captain, but it never happened.  The French were building up their own navy and did not want to give away such a valuable ship of the line to an American.

Jones also continued to feel the effects of his disputes with Lieutenant Thomas Simpson, with whom he had argued constantly on the prior voyage.  In France, Jones had Simpson thrown into prison for disobeying orders while at sea.  John Adams had taken Simpson’s side in the matter, and against Jones, believing that Jones was just trying to take all the credit for the voyage and slandering the good name of this New England officer whose family was related to that of Adams. 

After a few months, Jones, under pressure, agreed to drop the charge against Simpson and allow him to captain the Ranger on its return to America.  Franklin and other French officials hinted that he needed to do this before getting another command.  After Simpson sailed for America aboard the Ranger, Jones remained without a ship.

He spent time with Lafayette, as the two men schemed to put together a substantial invasion of about 1500 men in England.  French officials put the kibosh on those plans as they were planning a much larger invasion.  They transferred Lafayette to a command on the other side of France, where he could not be as much trouble.

comte d'Orvilliers

Jones also met with French Admiral the comte de Orvilliers, who had fought the Battle of Ushant against British Admiral Keppel in 1778 (see Episode 194).  Jones suggested that he be given a ship or small fleet.  He could destroy the coal fleet at Newcastle in order to cause a fuel shortage in London.  He could destroy the fishing fleet of Greenland in order to cause food shortages, or perhaps more disruption of trade by picking off some of the longer distance trade ships.  While his ideas intrigued de Orvilliers, Jones still could not get a ship.

Jones spent the summer of 1779 trying anything to get back to sea, but was continually frustrated. His prize ship, the Drake was plundered and sold for a pittance, meaning his crew was out of much of their hoped-for prize money.  

He did almost get a small fleet to take into the Irish Sea.  He worked out his plans with Edward Bancroft, who was Benjamin Franklin’s secretary.  In the end, the plans fell through when, once again, he was not given the ships promised. In this case, it was probably a good thing since Bancroft was a British spy and had forwarded Jones’ plans to London.  Had he set sail, he probably would have sailed right into a British trap.  Jones was never aware of that.  He continued to express frustration at his inability to get a new ship.

Bonhomme Richard 

In September of 1779, Jones finally received a new ship - well, new to him.  The Duc de Duras was a thirteen year old merchant vessel that had made several trips to China before being converted to more local trade.  

The French Navy purchased the ship in February 1779 and assisted the Americans with outfitting it as a naval vessel.  They added 44 guns, which was a fairly impressive number, although all but six of those were 12 pounders or less.  Larger guns were critical to sinking an enemy ship.  It was an impressive armament to take merchantmen, but not for taking on a British ship of the line.  It was not a particularly fast ship and not one that the French wanted to use.  So they were happy to make it available to the Americans.

Bonhomme Richard

Because the ship had been built as a long distance merchant ship, it had a large and luxurious captain’s quarters.  This appealed to Jones, who liked to present himself as a gentleman of substance.  He even had a set of plates bearing his family crest made for himself so that he could entertain his guests aboard ship in style.

That said, he was wary of the ship.  Early test voyages proved that it was very slow.  That did not matter much for a merchant ship in peacetime.  It mattered very much for a military ship that needed to chase down targets and escape from pursuing naval vessels.

Jones, of course, had been lobbying to get the ship for months.  He would take anything he could get.  Jones renamed the ship the Bonhome Richard, an honor to Benjamin Franklin whose Poor Richard’s Almanac sold in France under the name Les Maximes du Bonhomme Richard

The Bonhomme Richard ready to sail in the fall, Jones received a fleet to sail with him.  It included the 36 gun Alliance, the 32 gun Pallas, the 18 gun Cerf, and the 12 gun Vengeance.

Captain Landais

Commanding the Alliance was the fleet’s second-in-command, Captain Pierre Landais.  He was a French officer of 30 years.  He had been wounded in action during the Seven Years War and had spent time as a British prisoner.  He had also accompanied Captain Louis Antoine, Compte de Bougainville on a voyage around the world after the war. 

Pierre Landais
By 1775, Landais was discharged from the service for his reputation as an incompetent officer.  Two years later, he was one of many down-on-their-luck officers who went to Silas Deane looking for work. In 1777, Deane gave Landais a captain’s commission and command of the newly converted merchant ship, the Alliance, full of covert French military aid for the Continental Army. 

Why did Deane give a disgraced terminated officer a commission? Well, the American commissioners did not exactly do any due diligence in checking the backgrounds of their officer applicants.  Landais appeared to have been able to present himself well, and he did have decades of experience.

Landais would prove to have a rather poor record with the Continental Navy. As one historian put it “If he was not the worst of the frigate captains, it was only because, with a few notable exceptions, so many of them were incompetent.” 

During Landais’ voyage from France to America, he had to put down a mutiny, but arrived in Portsmouth, New Hampshire with his cargo intact.  The captain met with top officials in America and received praise from Samuel Adams.

Based on his successful mission, and his very high view of himself, during interviews Congress affirmed his captaincy and his command of the Alliance.  He also became a citizen of Massachusetts during his visit. In January of 1779, he was given the honor of returning the Marquis de Lafayette to France.  During the return voyage, he had to put down another mutiny, but manage to complete his voyage successfully once again.

Landais was supposed to bring the Alliance back to America, returning John Adams home.  Benjamin Franklin, however, countermanded those orders and assigned Landais to the squadron under Captain Jones to sail into the North Sea and harass British shipping.

Jones and Landais did not seem to get along, despite efforts to spend some bonding time together before the voyage.  During a shake-down cruise, the Bonhomme Richard crashed into the Alliance, causing some minor damage.  At the time, Jones was asleep in his cabin. Landais was on duty, but rather than attempt to avoid the ship, he ran down to his cabin to grab his pistols.  He later said that he thought the crew on the other ship had mutinied and was deliberately trying to ram him.  Captain Jones dismissed Lieutenant Robert Robinson who had the con on the Bonhomme Richard during the collision, but also began to doubt Landais’ abilities as a captain.

Commodore of a fleet

The crew of the fleet was pretty problematic.  Most of them were European sailors, who mostly wanted rum and money, and cared about little else.  A fair percentage of the crew were English sailors who had been taken from French prisons.  Landais’ fear of a mutiny was not without cause.  Many of the men would have happily overthrown their officers and sailed for England if given the chance.

Jones had to resort to repeated lashings to keep control of his crew.  He broke a mutiny plot among the English sailors and sentenced the ringleader to 250 lashes.  On another occasion, he had a crew take him ashore for some business.  While he was away, the crew abandoned their boat and went off to get drunk.  Jones had to find a local fisherman to get back to his ship.  When the crew returned with the launch, he sentenced each man to twelve lashes.

Richard Dale

Captain Jones did have a few good men among his crew.  After he fired Lieutenant Robinson for crashing into the Alliance, Jones appointed Lieutenant Richard Dale as his new second in command.  The 22 year old Virginian had seen his share of difficulties before his assignment on the Bonhomme Richard.  

Dale had gone to sea in 1769, at age 12. His father, a merchant and shipwright from Norfolk, Virginia, had died two years earlier, and the boy needed to support himself.   His uncle gave him his first position aboard ship.  Dale traveled to Liverpool, England as he learned the trade of a seaman.  After five years as an apprentice, the 17 year old Dale was serving as chief mate on colonial merchant vessel.

Richard Dale
In 1776, Dale joined the Virginia Navy, but was captured almost immediately by a British ship, the Liverpool, at that time still fighting under Lord Dunmore to take back Royal control of Virginia.  Dale knew many of the men serving on the British vessel.  They persuaded him to sign on with the British crew.   A short time later, Dale was wounded while fighting for the British as they tried to capture several smaller American ships.  While traveling to Jamaica, an American ship, the Lexington, under the Command of Captain John Barry, captured the British ship on which Dale was serving.  Dale agreed to return to switch sides again and took a position as a midshipman in the Continental Navy.  He remained aboard the Lexington after Captain Barry transferred to a larger ship.

Once again though, the fates were against him.  The British ship Pearl captured the Lexington and Dale was taken aboard as a prisoner.  Although a storm soon allowed the Lexington to escape, Dale remained a prisoner aboard the Pearl.  A prisoner exchange returned Dale to the Lexington, but it was only January 1777, and he had already been a prisoner of war twice.

The Lexington then sailed for France, where it joined a small fleet under the command of Lambert Wickes, raiding the Irish coast, a raid I discussed back in Episode 137.  The raiders took many merchant ships and returned to France.  There, however, British diplomats forced France, which was still at peace with Britain, to expel the American ships from its ports.  The Lexington attempted a return voyage to America, but was captured at sea in September of 1777.

Dale and the rest of his crew were sent to Mill Prison in Plymouth, England.  There, the crews of a number of ships were being held under horrific conditions.  Charged with treason, the men were often held in irons, and almost never fed.  Malnutrition threatened their lives. At one point the prisoners killed and ate a dog.  Other desperate meals included cats, rats, and grass.  Some of the locals even took pity on them and raised funds to provide a bit of food, disgusted that the British government was simply allowing the prisoners to starve to death.

The prisoners managed to dig a tunnel under the prison wall, allowing several dozen men to escape.  I mentioned this incident once before as one of the successful escapees was Gustavus Conyingham, another Continental Navy captain.  Dale managed to get away from the prison, but was arrested as he attempted to board a ship in London that was headed for France.  He was returned to Mill Prison, where he spent 40 days in the black hole as punishment.

After about a year at the prison, Dale managed to obtain the uniform of a British officer, and simply walked out the front gate of the prison.  This time, he managed to get aboard a ship and make his way to France in February 1779.  This was about the time that John Paul Jones had received word that he would get command of the Bonhomme Richard.  Desperate for crew members, Jones happily signed on Dale as an officer.

French-Spanish Armada

The reason that the French government provided Jones, not only with a ship, but a small fleet, at this time, was that it was part of a larger plan by French officials.  France and Spain’s combined fleet, along with the British Navy’s distraction in America, provided the best opportunity for an invasion of Britain in centuries.  

Armada off the British Coast, 1779
The plan was for the French fleet to sail down to Spain and combine with the Spanish fleet.  The combined fleet would sail into the English Channel and defeat the smaller British fleet.  Once in control of the channel, troop transports would carry 40,000 soldiers from France to the coast of Britain.  They would then force a battle with the British army and capture London.

The numbers seemed to favor the would-be invaders.  France had 30 ships of the line to combine with 36 Spanish ships of the line, along with many more smaller ships.  Britain had less than 40 ships of the line to defend the island, commanded by Admiral Charles Hardy, who had not had a sea command in twenty years.  The rest of the officers and ships were away, defending other parts of the empire.

The British army had only about 20,000 soldiers in Britain.  It could supplement these with militia.  But the English militia had even less training and experience than colonial militia.  The English militia had not seen combat in generations.  It had not seen combat in generations.  If the French and Spanish could clear the Channel with their larger fleet, then land a larger army in England, they had a real chance of repeating William the Conqueror's success of 1066.  

Britain was completely unprepared for such an invasion.  Coastal defenses had already proved ill-equipped to handle small coastal raids, let alone a full invasion.  Fortunately for the unprepared British, the invasion fleet ran into problems from the outset.

In an attempt to throw off British spies in France, the French fleet, under the command of Admiral d'Orvilliers, left Brest quickly and without taking on rations for an extended tour.  The fleet set sail on June 3, 1779 to meet up with the Spanish off the northwest coast of Spain.  Where they awaited the arrival of the Spanish Armada. They waited and waited and waited.  June turned into July with no Spanish fleet in sight.

French sailors and marines suffered through terrible heat below decks during the Spanish summer.  Without proper rations, the men began to show signs of scurvy.  On top of that smallpox and typhus spread through the fleet.

Finally, after about six weeks of waiting, the Spanish fleet, under the command of Don Luis de Córdova, arrived.  By this time, it was late July.  It was not until mid-August that the combined fleet could get underway and reach the English Channel.  The fleet made it to the British coast with no opposition.  They encountered only one British naval vessel, the Ardent, which was sailing to join the British fleet.  The captain mistook the French and Spanish Armada for the British fleet, sailed toward it, and was promptly captured.

British Defensive Encampment in Kent
The sight of the enemy fleet off the coast of Plymouth set off alarms all over Britain.  But the Armada was not the invasion force.  It was looking for the British Navy in order to clear the way for the invasion force.  The British had received word that the French and Spanish had sailed out into the Atlantic and had sailed after them, thus leaving an open path in the English Channel. But until the Allied French and Spanish defeated the British Navy, they could not launch the invasion fleet of troop transports.  Otherwise, the British Navy could show up at the wrong time and destroy the troop transports.  So, the French and Spanish continued to sail around the channel, looking for their enemy.

A storm blew the armada out into the Atlantic.  At the same time, the British fleet used foggy conditions to sail back to Plymouth, where the smaller fleet could be supported by many smaller ships and coastal defenses.

Meanwhile, all of these many weeks of delay meant that thousands of French and Spanish soldiers, sailors, and marines were dying.  Typhus and smallpox in the French fleet has spread to the Spanish ships as well.  Hundreds of men were dying each day.  Further, it was already September, meaning a land campaign in Britain, even if launched successfully, would probably be fought into the winter, which French and Spanish leaders thought would put them at great disadvantage. 

In the end, the allied fleet simply returned to Brest and gave up without a fight.  The armada had not fired a single cannon shot in battle, but lost over 8000 men to disease.  Admiral d’Orvilliers resigned his command shortly after returning in failure.  The British, now on high alert, began improving their coastal defenses all over Britain.

It was in the context of this planned invasion that John Paul Jones embarked on the raid that led to one of the most famous naval battles in American history. We will get to that next week, when the Bonhomme Richard takes on the British ship Serapis.

- - -

Next Episode 233 Bonhomme Richard vs. Serapis 


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Further Reading

Websites

“To Benjamin Franklin from John Paul Jones, 3 October 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-30-02-0366

Excerpts from John Paul Jones’ Memoirs https://www.americanrevolution.org/jpj.php

Landais, Pierre https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/landais-pierre-de

Norton, Louis Arthur “The Battle between Bonhomme Richard and Serapis” Journal of the American Revolution, August 20, 2019. https://allthingsliberty.com/2019/08/the-battle-between-bonhomme-richard-and-serapis

Norton, Louis Arthur “The Revolutionary War’s most Enigmatic Naval Captain: Pierre Landais” Journal of the American Revolution, July 17, 2018. https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/07/the-revolutionary-wars-most-enigmatic-naval-captain-pierre-landais

Battle of Flamborough Head https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/battle-flamborough-head

I have not yet begun to fight https://emergingrevolutionarywar.org/2019/09/23/bonhomme-richard-vs-serapis

Schellhammer, Michael “The Real Immortal Words of John Paul Jones” Journal of the American Revolution, January 19, 2015. https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/01/the-real-immortal-words-of-john-paul-jones

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Abbott, John S. C. Life of John Paul Jones, New York, Dodd, Mead and Co. 1898. 

De Koven, Anna The Life and Letters of John Paul Jones, Vol. 1, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913. 

Honeyman, A. Van Doren Admiral Paul Jones, Plainfield, N.J. Honeyman & Co. 1905. 

Morison, Samuel Eliot John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography, Boston: Little, Brown, 1959. 

Paullin, Charles Oscar The Navy of the American Revolution: Its Administration, Its Policy and Its Achievements, The Burrows Brothers Co. 1906. 

Tooker, L. Frank John Paul Jones, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916. 

Walker, George Benjamin Life of Rear-Admiral John Paul Jones, Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1876. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bowen-Hassell, E. Gordon, Dennis Conrad, and Mark Hays Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, Univ. of the Pacific Press, 2004.

Fowler, William M. Jr. Rebels Under Sail: The American Navy During the Revolution, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1976.

McGrath, Tim Give Me a Fast Ship: The Continental Navy and America's Revolution at Sea, Caliber, 2014.

Thomas, Evan, John Paul Jones: Sailor, Hero, Father of the American Navy, Simon & Schuster, 2003.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

 

Sunday, December 26, 2021

ARP231 Paulus Hook

Last week I discussed the Sullivan Expedition against the Iroquois, which turned out to be the major Continental initiative for 1779.  The bulk of the Continental Army, however, remained near New York City, in North Jersey and southern New York.

Washington at West Point

The main source of contention in the area that spring had been the British capture of Stony Point in May, then the Continental recapture in July, which I discussed a few weeks ago.  In June, while the British had still occupied Stony Point, George Washington left the main Continental encampment in Middlebook, New Jersey, and traveled to West Point in New York.  He left command of the main army at Middlebrook with his most senior Major General Israel Putnam.

Paulus Hook
Washington established a new headquarters at a large home in New Windsor, about sixteen miles north of West Point.  It was from there that he directed the attack by General Anthony Wayne on Stony Point, while at the same time keeping tabs on the Sullivan Expedition to the north.  He was also in a good position to receive reports about the Connecticut raids by British General William Tryon that took place in July, and which I discussed a few weeks ago.

Overall, Washington seemed to have a good position.  If he did not have the resources to attack the British garrisons at New York or even Newport, Rhode Island, he also felt comfortable that the British would not be engaging in any major offensive operations either.  Through Colonel Benjamin Talmadge he was receiving good intelligence from the Culper spy ring about British activities in New York.

In late June Washington participated in the festival of St. Johns at a local Masonic Lodge. On July 4, he ordered celebratory fire for the third anniversary of independence, and also pardoned all Continental soldiers who were then sitting under a sentence of death.  

After the Continentals took back Stony Point in mid-July, Washington ordered the destruction of all fortifications on the Point and abandoned it.  Washington believed that the Point was too isolated and could be subject to a British counter-attack. 

Instead, Washington moved from his headquarters north of West Point, and established himself at another home only a mile from West Point.  There, the general personally oversaw the improvement of the defenses.  He wanted to be sure that if the British attempted to move up the Hudson River again, that West Point would be an impregnable fortress that would block any further movement into the Hudson Valley.

Queries: Political and Military

By the summer of 1779, Washington had put the Conway Cabal more than a year behind him.  He had the solid support of the army, as well as in Congress and the public generally.  This is not to say that everyone was happy with him though.

On July 6, the Baltimore Journal & Public Advertiser published a front page anonymous article entitled “Some Queries: political and military, humbly offered to the consideration of the Public”.  The article consisted of a series of “questions” which were designed to lead the reader to a conclusion.  

The article began by noting that the ascension of King George I had brought to power a Tory influence, which had led to rebellion and the limitations of rights in Britain.  These included a greater influence of the crown in government, establishment of large standing armies, and restrictions on the liberties of Englishmen.

The article went on to suggest that states were taking away the liberties and even the voting rights of dissenters, leading the new patriot governments down the same road to tyranny that Britain was already travelling. It also noted a similar concentration of power was taking place in America, with power concentrating on one man: George Washington.  

It noted that military victories were primarily due to the leadership of men like General Gates and General Arnold, while General Washington seemed to get all the credit.  It noted that General Lee had warned Washington of his errors during the New York campaign of 1776 and that Washington’s incompetence led to those losses as well as the loss of an army at Fort Washington.

The article queried that perhaps Washington, rather than General Sullivan, should be blamed for the loss at Brandywine.  Washington also bore blame for the loss at Germantown, and it was only luck that the British did not bother to finish off the army at Valley Forge.

It implied that General Lee was forced out of the army using a stacked court martial, that Washington had put his thumb on the scales of justice, and that the removal was all based on lies.

In short, the article reiterated all the attacks that had been made on Washington over the prior three years.  The response to this attack, however, made clear how much the political situation had changed in the prior year.  To the extent the public read the article at all, people generally condemned it.  Washington, of course, did not speak about it publicly. In private letters, he essentially said people were already well aware of these complaints and that his public support spoke for itself.  President of Pennsylvania, Joseph Reed had a letter published in the same newspaper attacking the premises of the queries.  The editor of the paper ended up publishing an apology for publishing the article in the first place.

Eventually, the anonymous author was outed as General Charles Lee, at this time still on his one year suspension following his court martial.  In the end, the article only lowered public opinion toward Lee, while confidence in Washington remained high.

Paulus Hook

Not letting himself get distracted by these political attacks, General Washington remained focused on the British in New York City.  Following the British withdrawal from Philadelphia, the British had also evacuated all of its outposts in New Jersey, except for a very few toeholds right along the coast which could be protected by the British Navy.  One of those toeholds was at Paulus Hook.

Paulus Hook
The fort at Paulus Hook sat on the New Jersey side of the mouth of the Hudson River, directly across from lower Manhattan.  It was a particularly strong position for the British to hold because the Hook formed a peninsula jutting out into New York Harbor.  The only approach to the fort was through a swampy area that was impassible at high tide.  Only a single path avoided the swampy area approaching the fort.

The Continentals had built the fortifications there in 1776. After the British took New York and the Americans retreated, the British army occupied the abandoned Paulus Hook and continued to occupy it through 1779.

Following the successful attack on the British outpost at Stony Point, the Continentals looked around for other similar outposts to attack.  Paulus Hook looked like a viable target. To lead the raid, Washington turned to Major Henry Lee.

Light Horse Harry Lee

It is not clear if Lee had yet received the nickname of “Light Horse Harry”.  Lee came from one of the most prominent families in Virginia.  He was of no relation to disgraced General Charles Lee.  His father was the first cousin to Richard Henry Lee and Francis Lightfoot Lee, both delegates to the Continental Congress.

Light Horse Harry Lee

Henry was still a teenager when the war began.  Even so, because of his family’s status, he received a commission as a captain in the Virginia cavalry regiment that was formed in 1775.  Captain Lee arrived at Boston by the beginning of 1776 when his regiment was absorbed into the Continental Army.  

Lee’s cavalry company quickly began operating as an independent unit, apart from the larger regiment, with Lee in command.  He provided scouting and reconnaissance support to General Benjamin Lincoln and General Lord Stirling in New Jersey during the Forage Wars of 1777.  His company carried out raids against British patrols and outposts.

General Washington took notice of this young officer’s abilities and began issuing orders directly to the captain as an independent cavalry commander.  Washington also offered to bring Lee onto his personal staff.  Lee declined, wishing to remain in the field.

The following year, while the army was at Valley Forge, Lee continued his services as a scout and a forager.  His men lived off the land during a time when the army could not provide for them, and even captured food supplies headed to the British in Philadelphia, which they sent to Valley Forge.  During this same winter, Lee had multiple encounters with British cavalry units, including one commanded by Captain Banastre Tarleton.  

By the spring of 1778, after the British evacuated Philadelphia, Washington requested that Lee receive a promotion to major and that he be given command of three cavalry troops.  Lee continued his work with the Continental Army in northern New Jersey and southern New York, providing reconnaissance and foraging for the main army.

When Washington ordered General Anthony Wayne to attack Stony Point, Lee’s soldiers provided the intelligence on the fort’s defenses.  Following the success of Stony Point, Major Lee proposed to General Washington that he be permitted to launch a similar attack on Paulus Hook.

The Plan

Lee first wrote to Washington about his plan.  Washington invited Lee to West Point where the two men spoke in person.  Washington thought the plan needed more work and sent Lee back to draw up a more detailed plan.  

Lee sent his best scout, Captain Allen McLane to surveil the defenses at Paulus Hook.  McLane had done the surveillance for Stony Point, even entering the fort dressed as a civilian and speaking to one of the officers about the fort’s defenses.

Allen McLane

McLane and Lee did not seem to get along well personally.  McLane was a decade older than Lee.  He had raised his own cavalry troop in Delaware when the war began.  His precise involvement in the early years of the war is a matter of dispute, but his cavalry troop was one of those who were put under Major Lee’s command in 1778 when Lee’s command grew to those three cavalry units.  

Lee and McLane immediately ran into confrontations when Lee ordered McLane’s troop to give up its horses and travel on foot.  McLane had not agreed to that when he had joined under Lee’s command, but had no choice but to obey orders.

After conducting surveillance on Paulus Hook, McLane recommended against an attack. He had seen the fort’s defenses for himself and had also spoken with a deserter from the fort’s garrison, who gave him detailed information on the number of men and internal defenses.

As I said, the reason the British had maintained this outpost in New Jersey was that it had a great many natural defenses.  The only land approach was over a narrow path through a salt marsh.  The British had placed several cannons behind a defensive enclosure to cover the path leading to the fort.  British combat engineers had added abatis and other defensive entrenchments to make any approach even more difficult. To access the fort, the garrison had installed a drawbridge over a water-filled ditch.  Inside the fort there was another redoubt with more abatis, along with even more cannons that could be brought to bear on any attack.   To back up the fort, British frigates patrolling New York Harbor could come to the fort’s aid if the fort raised an alarm.

Major William Sutherland of the 64th regiment commanded the fort.  His garrison consisted of more than 250 men, a mix of regulars, Hessians, and NJ loyalists.  There were also a sizable group of noncombatants, wives and children of the soldiers, inside the fort.

The Raid

Despite the risks, Lee proceeded with the attack.  On the morning of August 18, 1779, Major Lee set out from his base in Paramus.  He took empty wagons with him so that it would seem to anyone watching that he was leaving on a standard foraging mission.  With him were two companies of Marylanders under the command of Captain Levin Handy.  He met up, as planned, with about 200 Virginia infantry as well as McLane’s dismounted cavalry.  The total force of about 400 men left New Bridge by 4:00 PM for the sixteen mile march to Paulus Hook.

The night march did not go well.  Major Clark, who was senior to Major Lee, was annoyed that Lee had command of the brigade.  The two men had words about it during the march.  Although Clark remained with the attack, about 100 of the Virginia soldiers abandoned the mission and disappeared.  It took nearly twelve hours for the men to arrive near the fort.  By that time, it was nearly dawn, which would ruin the element of surprise.  The tide was also rising, making it more difficult to get across the swampy terrain and ditches that impeded passage to the fort.  

Paulus Hook
In spite of all this Lee ordered the attack to proceed.  The men were ordered to fix bayonets and not to prime their muskets, in order to prevent a shot from alerting the garrison.  The men broke into three columns for the final two-mile approach to the fort.  As the Continentals had done at Stony Point, Lee had a “forlorn hope” of soldiers sent ahead of the main column to cut down the abatis and make a passage for the main columns.  The British spotted the attackers and began firing as the men worked to cut down the abatis.  Men reported marching through water as high as their breast.  Most of them had their powder damaged by the water, meaning they could not fire their guns, even if they had a chance to load them.

Without firing a shot, the attackers ran forward, threw themselves over the walls of the parapet and entered the central redoubt.  They killed or wounded about fifty of the enemy in hand-to-hand combat.  The fighting was over in a matter of minutes, with 158 of the enemy taken prisoner.  The Americans suffered only two killed and three wounded.

The British commander, Major Sutherland, was not among the prisoners. Sutherland still held a small blockhouse in the fort, supported by forty or fifty Hessians.  The Americans were unable to take the blockhouse without taking great casualties.  The sounds of alarm shots across the river in New York City made clear that the British were alerted to the attack and that soon British ships would be at the fort, ready to attack.

Knowing this, Major Lee opted to leave with what he had already achieved.  He left Major Sutherland and the Hessians in their blockhouse.  He did not bother to spike the fort’s guns.  He had planned to burn the fort’s wooden barracks, but learning that there were invalids, as well as women and children in the barracks, he demurred, not having time to evacuate the building before he could destroy it.

The Escape

Instead, Lee formed his columns and began retreating with his prisoners.  The plan was to march west to the Hackensack River, where General Lord Stirling had left 300 men in support, along with boats to take the raiders upriver.  Lee’s men arrived to find -- nothing.  As it turned out, the officer had been at the rendezvous point, but had expected Lee to arrive hours earlier, while it was still dark.  The officer in charge of the boats, seeing no sign of Lee or his men, and not wanting to hang out in daylight in sight of the enemy, had sailed back up to Newark.

The Continentals’ situation was becoming desperate.  The men had been on the march for over thirty hours, with no meal breaks, and had fought a major battle.  They were soaking wet from their assault on Paulus Hook.  Their ammunition was damaged by the water.  They could only move slowly because the prisoners were dragging their feet, hoping for rescue.  There was an enemy foraging party in the region that could attack them at any time, and there was no telling if the British were sending out a large rescue party that could descend on the retreating army at any time.

They had no choice but to continue on foot and hope for the best.  Lee divided his three columns to begin the march to the north, dividing the prisoners to march with each column as well.  As they began their desperate escape from British territory, they finally had some good news.  About half of the Virginians that had abandoned the attack the previous day, showed up for duty.  Since these men had working guns and dry powder, Lee divided up the 50 reinforcements to serve as a rearguard for each of the three columns.

 A short time later, the columns encountered a larger group of 200 Continentals, sent by Lord Stirling to search for them.  The reinforcements arrived just in time because shortly afterward, a group of loyalists attacked the column.  

The attackers were loyalists under Lieutenant Colonel Abraham Van Buskirk.  These loyalists had left Paulus Hook on a foraging mission before Lee’s attack.  They came across the retreating columns on their return and engaged.  

Fortunately for the Americans, the reinforcements from Lord Stirling exchanged a few volleys before the attackers withdrew from the superior force.  The column continued its march to New Bridge, with their prisoners.  Once back to safety, within American lines, the men collapsed and got some much-needed rest.

Aftermath

The Continental celebrated the raid as a great victory.  The Continental Congress sent a commendation to Major Lee, and struck a gold medal in his honor.  Lee was the only officer below the rank of general to receive such a medal during the Revolutionary War.  Congress also granted a reward of $15,000 to be distributed among the men who participated in the mission.  Of course, $15,000 in depreciated continental paper money in 1779 was not as much as it once was, but still a nice gesture.

Lee Medal
Lee’s dispute with Major Clark later resulted in Lee being court martialed for usurping command from a superior officer.  However, since Lee had taken the command pursuant to direct orders from General Washington, the court martial acquitted him with honor.

Since Lee did little damage to the fort itself, other than capturing most of the garrison, the British sent reinforcements to reoccupy the fort at Paulus Hook.  They would continue to garrison the fort until the end of the war.

Next week, John Paul Jones raids the British coast.

- - -

Next Episode 232 Jones and the Armada


 Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

 Follow the podcast on Twitter @AmRevPodcast

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Further Reading

Websites

Queries: Political and Military https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/evans/N18813.0001.001/1:15.13?rgn=div2;view=fulltext;q1=Memoirs

Queries in Newspaper: https://www.loc.gov/resource/mgw4.059_1078_1080/?sp=1

Hickman, Kennedy American Revolution: Major General Henry "Light Horse Harry" Lee, 2019: https://www.thoughtco.com/major-general-henry-light-horse-harry-lee-2360601

Henry Lee: https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/henry-lee

Schenawolf, Harry “Captain Allen McLane: Death Defying Spymaster of the American Revolution” Revolutionary War Journal, March 3, 2019: https://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/capt-allen-mclane-legendary-hero-spymaster-of-the-american-revolution-or-a-regular-soldier-who-just-did-his-duty

The Battle of Paulus Hook: https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1779/battle-paulus-hook

Battle of Paulus Hook: https://www.historynet.com/battle-of-paulus-hook.htm

Cecere, Michael “The Court Martial of Major Henry Lee” Journal of the American Revolution, September 10, 2019. https://allthingsliberty.com/2019/09/the-court-martial-of-major-henry-lee

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Alden, John R. General Charles Lee, traitor or patriot? Baton Rouge, Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1951 (borrow only). 

Baker, William Spohn Itinerary of General Washington from June 15, 1775, to December 23, 1783, Philadelphia, J.B. Lippincott Co. 1892. 

Boyd, Thomas Light-horse Harry Lee, New York: C. Scribner's sons, 1931 (borrow only). 

Farrier, George H. Memorial of the centennial celebration of the battle of Paulus Hook, August 19th,  Jersey City: M. Mullone, 1879. 

Gerson, Noel B. Light-Horse Harry: A Biography of Washington's Great Cavalryman, General Henry Lee, Doubleday & Co. 1966 (borrow only). 

Sherman, William T. (ed) A Sketch of Allan McLane (1828) by Alexander Garden, of Lee’s Legion

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cole, Ryan Light-Horse Harry Lee, Regnery, 2018. 

Gerson, Noel B. Light-Horse Harry: A Biography of Washington's Great Cavalryman, General Henry Lee, Doubleday & Co. 1966 (or borrow as free book, see above). 

Michell, Craig Bergen Summer 1779: The Enterprise Against Paulus Hook, Bergen County Historical Society, 1979. 

Piecuch, Jim and John Beakes 'Light Horse Harry' Lee In the War for Independence, Nautical & Aviation Pub Co of Amer, 2013. 

Ward, Christopher The War of the Revolution, Macmillan Company, 1952. 

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