Sunday, March 14, 2021

ARP192 Wyoming Valley Massacre


After the British evacuated Philadelphia, they consolidated their forces around New York City.  By early July, 1778, General Henry Clinton’s army was still settling into New York following the battle of Monmouth in Northern New Jersey.  General Washington moved his Continentals into camps in northern New Jersey where they could challenge any movements by the British out of New York City.

Wyoming Valley Massacre by Alonzo Chappel
Although the British regulars were taking up defensive positions, that did not mean Americans were safe from attack.  British agents had been trying to encourage Indian tribes in Canada, upstate New York, and along all the western frontiers to support the King’s efforts to suppress the rebellion.  The British warned tribal leaders that, unchecked, the colonists would take more of their tribal land.  They also gave some tribes hope of reclaiming lands that had been taken from them, especially to tribes who helped the King during the rebellion.. 

Back in Episodes 151 and 152, I talked about the mostly Native American force that was assembled under General Barry St. Leger to assist Burgoyne’s army by capturing Fort Stanwix in western New York.  That army planned to meet up with the main British army at Albany.  The patriot militia stopped this advance at Oriskany.  Then General Benedict Arnold forced the British and their native allies at Fort Stanwix to flee back to Canada.

That, however, was only one setback in a larger effort to use local tribes.  British agents remained active all along the frontier, trying to encourage warriors to join in a continuing campaign against the rebels. 

John Butler

One such agent was Colonel John Butler, who would form Butler’s Rangers.  Butler had been born in Connecticut, but moved to upstate New York as a boy.  His father, who held a commission as captain in the British Army, settled the family to the Mohawk Valley.  As a teenager, Butler had interacted with the native tribes, getting involved in the fur trade.  He learned to speak several native languages and often found work as an interpreter.  In 1755 he had received a commission as a captain in the newly created Indian Department of the British government.

John Butler
During the French and Indian War, Butler had served as an officer under Indian Agent Sir William Johnson, commanding a native American force of mostly Iroquois warriors.  Following the war, Butler’s venture in fur trading and farming had put him at the head of a wealthy and powerful family in the region.  By the 1770’s Butler had become a prosperous landowner, with over 26,000 acres, the second largest landowner in the area, next only to Sir William Johnson. 

Butler had become a pillar of the community.  He served as a judge, as a representative to the colonial legislature, and a lieutenant colonel in the Tryon County Militia.  After William Johnson’s death, and after Johnson’s successor Guy Johnson traveled to London for an extended time, Butler became acting superintendent of the Iroquois Six Nations.

When the revolution began, Buller spoke up as a leading loyalist.  He soon had to flee to Canada to avoid capture by patriots, although his wife and several of his children were captured.  His family would remain in custody for nearly five years, until they were reunited in 1781 as part of a prisoner exchange.  Going from respected community leader to war refugee only made Butler eager to bring the fight back to New York and put down the rebellion.

When the war began, British policy was to keep the native tribes neutral or to use them primarily as scouts.  Butler was an early advocate of using loyal tribes, like the Iroquois, as warriors in battle.  By 1776, Butler was organizing loyalists and natives to assist with resistance to the Continental Army’s invasion of Canada.  In 1777, he helped to organize the warriors who marched with General St. Leger to capture Fort Stanwix. He was involved in the Battle of Oriskany and subsequent retreat.  

Following the army’s withdrawal to Canada, Butler traveled to Quebec.  There, General Guy Carleton commissioned him to maintain a permanent regiment of loyalists.  Butler organized both loyalist refugees from New York as well as native warriors. The regiment became known as Butler’s Rangers.  Following the capture of Burgoyne’s Army, Butler’s Rangers went into winter camp around Niagara, with plans to go on the offensive again the following spring.  The entry of France into the war, and London’s decision to evacuate Philadelphia and go on the defensive did nothing to deter Butler from launching an offensive with his native forces. In the spring of 1778, they looked south for possible targets to strike.

Wyoming Valley

The Wyoming Valley is a large area in what is today northeastern Pennsylvania, around modern day Scranton.  At the time, control of this area was still a matter of dispute between Pennsylvania and Connecticut. During the colonial era, Royal charters often gave vague or contradictory information on the borders of various colonies.  As a result, colonists often had to fight to assert their legal claims to land.  Connecticut claimed that it was entitled to all of what is today northern Pennsylvania, and even parts of what is today northern Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. At the same time, Pennsylvania had claimed all that same land, as well as most of what is today western New York.

The Wyoming Valley
King Charles II had granted this land to Connecticut back when the Dutch still controlled New Netherlands, what later became New York.  The grant seemed to be an attempt to challenge Dutch control of the area.  After the British took New York, this grant mattered much less to those in London, since these lands were all now British colonies.  Near the end of his reign, Charles II granted much of the same territory to William Penn.  Since, at the time, the area was controlled by the Susquehannock Indians, no colonists were moving there anyway.

Although the Iroquois lived further north in New York, they asserted control over the natives living in the Wyoming Valley.  Those tribes living in the area were not members of the Six Nations, but did speak Iroquois.  In asserting its claims to the land, Connecticut made a deal with the Iroquois for control of the Wyoming Valley and the right to settle there.  

They signed the agreement just before the French and Indian war began.  With the outbreak of war, Connecticut did not really try to settle the area.  Near the end of the war, the local Delaware under Teedyuscung resisted encroachment by settlers.  As I discussed way back in Episode 18, Teedyuscung had been attempting to broker a deal with Pennsylvania to keep the valley for the local tribes.  After Teedyuscung was killed, probably by fellow Indians who opposed his attempts to start a war, his son massacred a small outpost of about 40 Connecticut settlers in the valley.  The attackers tortured and then murdered ten of the men to send a message that settlers were not welcome.

The attack had its intended effect as Connecticut did not send any more settlers in the years following the war.  Later, the Iroquois reneged on their deal with Connecticut and sold the land again to Pennsylvania. 

Land Claims around Pennsylvania
Colonists from Pennsylvania, known as Pennamites, began to settle the Wyoming Valley in the 1760’s, mostly in relatively isolated farms along the Susquehanna River.  Alarmed by this development, Connecticut Yankees once again formed their own colonization plan, establishing the town of Wilkes-Barre in 1767.  This kicked off what is known as the first Pennamite-Yankee War in 1769.  Pennsylvania militia tried to force the Connecticut settlers to leave.  Both sides established forts, had guns, and tried to force their will on the other, but it was not really a full-scale war.  Only three people were killed over two years.  The violence, however, once again largely deterred further immigration from Connecticut.

In 1771, King George III confirmed Connecticut’s claim to the land.  Things remained relatively calm for a few years.  Then in 1773, with the support of the King’s Privy Council ruling, Connecticut sent another group of colonists who founded the town of Westmoreland.  Once again, Pennamites resisted what they saw as an incursion on land that they owned.  

In 1775 the fighting flared up again in what became known as the Second Pennamite-Yankee War.  On Christmas Day, 1775, a Pennamite force of about 600 militia attacked a Connecticut fort at what became known as the Battle of Rampart Rocks.  The Yankee defenders managed to hold off the assault and keep their position. This motivated the Connecticut legislature to establish Westmoreland County which soon grew to a population of over 3000 Connecticut transplants.

When the revolution began, most of the Connecticut Yankees joined with the patriots, while the Pennamites largely backed the loyalists.  Aware of this division, Colonel Butler attempted to recruit Pennamite loyalists to attack the Connecticut outposts in the Wyoming Valley.  When local loyalists combined with Butler’s Rangers, who were New York loyalists, and with the Seneca and Delaware warriors, they created an imposing force for the region.

Forty Fort
Connecticut militia in the Wyoming Valley had four forts with only a few hundred militia to garrison them in times of emergency.  These were Wilkes-Barre, Forty, Wintermoot, and Jenkins.  None of them were of a substantial size to fight off a large army.  These were more stockades designed to provide some protection against smaller attacks that were common in the ongoing fighting between the Yankees and Pennamites, 

The patriots in the area were already at lower strength.  Many of the Connecticut militia in the area had already volunteered with the Continental Army and were off fighting in New Jersey.  Those who remained behind, were often younger or older men who could not endure the longer military campaigns. This reduced militia would quickly find themselves well outnumbered. 

On June 28, the same day as the Battle of Monmouth, an advance team from Butler’s column attacked a gristmill, capturing and later killing three locals.   A few days later, Butler’s force of over 600 men arrived, supported by another 400 or so local Pennamite loyalists.

Butler’s first action in the area was to demand the surrender of Fort Wintermoot.  The garrison had to surrender their arms and supplies but was permitted to leave on the promise that they not take up arms again for the remainder of the war.  The small garrison surrendered the fort and departed.  Following that, Butler sent a messenger to nearby Fort Forty to demand the surrender of that garrison as well.  Fort Forty was named for the Forty settlers from Connecticut who had built it years earlier.

The Battle

At Fort Forty, Colonel Zebulon Butler, no relation to the British commander John Butler, commanded a militia force of about 350-400 patriots.  Zebulon was also a veteran of the French and Indian War.  He had come to the Wyoming Valley in 1769 from Connecticut.  He had fought the Pennamites in the earlier disputes, capturing Fort Wyoming in 1771, and leading the successful defense at Rampart Rocks in 1775.  Butler was actually a Continental colonel from the Second Connecticut Regiment.  He happened to be home on leave and attempting to recruit more volunteers for the Continental Army when the war came to his home in the Wyoming Valley.  Given his rank and experience, Zebulon took command of the efforts to defend against the invasion.

At a council of war, the more senior officers wanted to wait for more reinforcements. Others, however, wanted to attack right away.  As I said, most men of prime fighting age were already away in the Continental Army.  The militia was largely made up of men too old or too young to serve on campaigns.  The older men wanted to await more reinforcements.  They expected the arrival of at least 100 more neighboring militia shortly, and had also sent riders to Philadelphia to get Continental support. They also had no good intelligence on how large a force they actually faced. The experienced Butler agreed with this group and cautioned restraint.

Others, however, strongly advocated for an immediate attack against the invaders, particularly among the younger soldiers.  They called Butler a coward and said they would march without him if he did not want to fight.  In the end, those calling for an immediate attack prevailed.  On July 3, 1778, a force of nearly 400 Yankee militia marched toward Fort Wintermoot.  At the time it seemed the plan was to get near the fort but then form a defensive line to determine just how large a force they would be facing.  As they approached the fort, a few men announced they were marching into a trap and fell out of the column.

Back at the fort, the British force received word of the advancing enemy column.  The British commander at Fort Wintermoot ordered it burned but then formed his men outside the fort mostly in the woods to prevent the enemy from counting their numbers.  He sent his Indian warriors to hide in the forest near the fort. The American militia saw the fort on fire, and took it as an indication that the British were abandoning the fort and retreating.  They quickened their pace to catch up with the British.  They hoped to find a retreating column that they could hit in the rear.

That, however, is not what they found.  As they approached the burning fort, the attackers indicated that they were aware that the enemy was still in the area, and called on them to show themselves on the field.  The undisciplined Yankee militia began firing from about 200 yards as they advanced on the British line, too far to hit anything.  By some accounts the Yankees fired at least three volleys as they advanced, with almost no effect. 

When they got to within about 100 yards, Rangers rose up and fired back. The Seneca warriors rose up from their position on the right flank, fired and then with loud war whoops charged at the militia.  The Americans panicked at the surprise of charging Indians.  Field commanders attempted to keep the lines formed and face both the rangers and the Indians.  The militia, at least by some accounts, tried to hold their lines, but were quickly overrun. They turned and fled the field in disorder.  The entire engagement had lasted only about 30-45 minutes. 

Only a small portion of the nearly 400 the American forces escaped the field that day.  About 60 men were able to outrun the attack by the Rangers and Indians.  The rest were either killed or captured.  We don’t know how many died on the field, because those who were captured did not remain prisoners very long. 

Atrocities

As with many battles between loyalists and patriots, or between settlers and Indians, combatants showed little respect for the enemy’s life or for any rules of warfare.  Many years after the battle, a historian wrote down accounts based on oral history. He recounted what happened next:

Men were transformed into demons, and while Indian marksman skillfully wounded the flying Yankees in the thigh bone, thus disabling them yet saving them for future Tories, both Tories and Indians clubbed and scalped them as they tried to conceal themselves near by or in the water. 

Battle of Wyoming
Many of the Yankees fled into a nearby swamp, or dove into the Susquehanna River, seeking to hide themselves from their pursuers.  But the Tories and Indians followed after them, killing them without mercy.  One account is of a militiaman named Henry Pencil, who hid in the willows after being wounded by an Indian arrow. His brother John, who was fighting with the loyalists, found his wounded brother. Henry, cried for his brother to spare him.  John replied, “’Mighty well, but you are a damned rebel.” He raised his musket and shot him dead.  The writer commented  “Even the Indians were struck with horror at this deed.”  Others reported lancing men in the river, allowing their corpses to float away.

Even soldiers who were not killed immediately on the field did not fare any better.  Over the course of the night, the loyalists and Indians tortured and murdered their prisoners. 

One account describes militia Captain James Bidlack.  His captors threw him into a campfire that night, then held him down with pitchforks as the screaming and struggling man burned to death.  Another account reports of an Indian Queen named Esther who forced 18 prisoners to kneel around a rock.  She chanted and danced as she bashed out the brains of each victim one at a time.

In the end, the British reported only five prisoners surviving the night.  The British commander reported that his men took 227 scalps. Many more missing were also likely killed.  British casualties amounted to two loyalists and one Indian killed, and another eight Indians wounded.

Aftermath

The following day, the locals surrendered Fort Forty and two other small forts. The Rangers disarmed the garrisons and permitted them parole.  The British commander said little about the massacre of prisoners in his reports, but did stress that non-combatant women and children were treated with utmost dignity.

Of course, that meant they were allowed to live, but not much else.  Over the next few days, the loyalist forces destroyed over 1000 houses and barns in the area, forcing all the patriot inhabitants to flee with almost nothing.  They confiscated all property, including thousands of cattle, sheep, and horses as well as harvested grain.  What they could not carry away, they destroyed. The effort had the intended effect. It forced virtually all surviving Connecticut settlers or others who backed the patriot cause, to abandon the Wyoming Valley.

The massacre became a rallying cry for the patriots.  It would eventually lead to retribution, but that would happen the following year and will be the topic of a future episode.  The Seneca later strongly denied the accusations of atrocities.  Whether true or not, the stories of the atrocities had the effect of spreading fear and a desire for revenge among the patriots. 

Next week, we return to Philadelphia as Silas Deane attempts to clear his name before Congress.

- - -

Next Episode 193 Silas Dean Hearings 


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Further Reading

Websites

John Butler: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/butler_john_1796_4E.html

Indians of Pennsylvania: http://explorepahistory.com/story.php?storyId=1-9-14

Early Days in the Wyoming Valley: https://www.wilkes.edu/academics/colleges/school-of-education/program-information/project-history/early-history.aspx

Verenna, Thomas “Connecticut Yankees in a Pennamite’s Fort” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014. https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/02/connecticut-yankees-in-a-pennamites-fort

Connecticut Battles Pennsylvania in the Pennamite Wars: https://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/connecticut-battles-pennsylvania-pennamite-wars

Zebulon Butler: https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/butler-zebulon

Battle of Wyoming: https://explorepahistory.com/hmarker.php?markerId=1-A-17B

The Battle of Wyoming Valley (Massacre) https://revolutionarywar.us/year-1778/battle-wyomimg-valley-massacre

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Hayden, Horace E. The Massacre of Wyoming. The Acts of Congress for the Defense of the Wyoming Valley, Pennsylvania, 1776-1778: with the Petitions of the Sufferers by the Massacre of July 3, 1778, for Congressional Aid, Wilkes-Barre Historical and Geological Society, 1895.

Peck, George Wyoming, its history, stirring incidents, and romantic adventures, New York: Harper, 1868. 

Sipe, C. Hall The Indian Wars of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg: Telegraph Press, 1929. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Commager, Henry Steele Commager (Ed) and Richard B. Morris (Ed) The Spirit of Seventy-Six: The Story of the American Revolution As Told by Participants, 2002.  

Frederick J. Stefon, "The Wyoming Valley," in Beyond Philadelphia: The American Revolution in the Pennsylvania Hinterland, John B. Frantz and William Pencak, eds. (University Park, PA: Penn State Press, 1998): 144-149.

James R. Williamson and Linda A. Fossler, Zebulon Butler: Hero of the Revolutionary Frontier Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1995 (Book recommendation of the week). 

Watt, Gavin K. Fire and Desolation: The Revolutionary War’s 1778 Campaign as Waged from Quebec and Niagara Against the American Frontiers, Dundurn, 2017.

Williams, Glenn F. Year of the Hangman: George Washington’s Campaign Against the Iroquois, Westholme, 2005.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.



Sunday, March 7, 2021

ARP191 Battle of Alligator Bridge


It has been a while since we checked in on the war in Florida.  I think the last time was Episode 138 when I talked about the battle of Thomas Creek and the duel between Button Gwinnett and Lachlan McIntosh, which took place in May 1777. Over the next year, neither side prioritized the southern theater. All of the action was taking place further north in the Saratoga Campaign and the Philadelphia Campaign. 

General Robert Howe

The Continental commander in the south from the April of 1777 until September, 1778 was General Robert Howe, who I’ve said before, is no relation to British General William Howe or Admiral Richard Howe.  Robert Howe came from a family that had lived in South Carolina for several generations.  Howe’s great-grandfather was South Carolina Governor James Moore.  Other ancestors had served in the South Carolina government as well.

Robert Howe

Howe’s father moved to North Carolina with his wife and was rather prosperous. Robert was born in 1732 on the family plantation in Cape Fear, one of seven children.  Young Robert to London for his education.  He returned and married the daughter of another wealthy planter. 

Robert’s position in a wealthy and powerful family allowed him to assume leadership positions from a young age. In his early twenties, Howe became a captain in the local militia.  A few years later he took a seat as a justice of the peace and served in the colonial assembly.  By the 1770’s Colonel Howe was in his forties, commanded a regiment of militia, and owned several large plantations of his own.

Howe also got used to the good life.  He had to sell or mortgage several of his plantations that he had inherited in order to stay out of debt.  He and his wife separated in 1772, a highly unusual happening.  He suffered from rumors of repeated infidelity and that he starved his family in order to keep up appearances.

Bob Howe, as he was known, earned a reputation as a man of charm and sophistication  He enjoyed dancing and was the life of any party.  In the colonial assembly, he focused on finances and matters involving the colonial militia.

You may recall from Episode 35  that North Carolina had a reputation for Sheriffs collecting taxes and fees in the backcountry, ripping off the locals.  Howe worked to enact legislation that would criminalize fraudulent collections.  He served for many years as a capable and active legislator.  When William Tryon became Royal Governor, he and Howe became friends and political allies.

Governor Tryon also appointed Howe to be the commandant of Fort Johnston, which was the primary defense for Cape Fear.  During the Regulator movement, which led to the Battle of Alamance, Howe supported the governor in suppressing the rebellion.  Howe commanded the artillery corps and served as quartermaster during the government campaign to crush the regulator rebellion.

After Tryon’s departure, Howe did not get along so well with the new Governor, Josiah Martin.  The governor thought that Howe’s position as commander of Fort Johnson and baron of the Court of Exchequer created a conflict of interest.  He removed Howe from his position on the Court of Exchequer.  A short time later, Captain John Collet of the British regulars assumed command of the fort, thus depriving Howe of his other appointment at Fort Johnson.   Later, Howe and Governor Martin butted heads over legislation designed to make it more difficult to seize the property of non-residents for debt.  The Governor had instructions from London to prevent seizures that might adversely impact wealthy and powerful men living in England who owned property in the colony.

NC Gov. Josiah Martin
(from NCpedia)

Over the next couple of years, Howe became a leading opponent of the Royal Governor of North Carolina.  Howe began corresponding with other leaders in the patriot movement in other colonies.  Following the closure of Boston Harbor in 1774 in retaliation for the Boston Tea Party, Howe served on a committee to collect food for the residents of Boston.  When Governor Martin prorogued the assembly to prevent it from sending delegates to the First Continental Congress, Howe served on the extra-legal committee that selected delegates anyway.  He took a leading role in the provincial Congress, in defiance of the royal governor.

In 1775 Howe was commanding and training local militia, also in defiance of the governor’s orders.  Later that year, Governor Martin removed or spiked the cannons from Fort Johnston to prevent them from falling into rebel hands and fled the colony.  See, Episode 69.  

As George Washington took command of the new Continental Army near Boston, Robert Howe and James Moore took command of the two North Carolina regiments to protect North Carolina from any attack by British regulars.  Howe’s regiment went to Virginia where it participated in the Battles of Great Bridge and Norfolk, see Episode 77.  

In March of 1776, the Continental Congress commissioned North Carolina’s military leaders; James Moore and Robert Howe, as brigadier generals in the Continental Army.  Howe also served as military advisor to the North Carolina Provincial Congress.  A few months later when the British under General Henry Clinton landed at Cape Fear, General Howe, by this time serving under Major General Charles Lee, moved to oppose the landing.  Because the North Carolina Loyalists had been defeated at Moore’s Creek Bridge, see Episode 82, the British moved on after a few minor coastal attacks.  The fight went to South Carolina where the patriots prevented the British from capturing Fort Sullivan in Charleston Harbor.

After General Lee went north in late 1776 to assist with the defense of New York, General James Moore took command of the southern department.  When Moore got sick and died rather suddenly in the spring of 1777, Robert Howe took command of the southern department, including everything from Virginia to Florida.

As I’ve mentioned in earlier episodes, the southern command was always a mess, even from the beginning, when Charles Lee tried to organize it.  Politicians, particularly in South Carolina and Georgia, tried to run the military directly.  Many of the state armies there did not put themselves under the command of the Continental Army.  Governors and legislators wanted to appoint key officers.  If the state paid for soldiers, they felt that gave them the authority to set policy and direct military offensives.  They expected the Continentals to back them up while state leaders set military strategy..

In addition, none of the states really wanted to spend enough money to raise large numbers of soldiers to fight in their proposed campaigns.  They were constantly demanding that other states send more soldiers to assist them.  Even when everyone agreed on a campaign, the state official refused to put their state soldiers under the command of the Continental leadership.  The Continental Congress declared that Continental officers could order militia in the field, which was necessary to a unified command.  State officials, however, simply ignored those dictates and permitted militia to ignore Continental orders.  That divided command led to the debacle at Thomas Creek and contributed to the fatal duel between Continental General Lachlan McIntosh and Georgia President Button Gwinnett that I discussed in Episode 138.  Those lessons apparently had not changed behavior and the divisions remained a problem into 1778.

In addition to fighting with politicians, Howe had to fight for control with his own generals.  Continental General Christopher Gadsden took the position that as a South Carolinian, he should command all troops in South Carolina, despite the fact that General Howe was his senior and had been given overall command of the region.  He got the South Carolina legislature to debate this question.  In the end, the legislature decided that, no, you are a Continental officer, and need to take orders from a more senior Continental officer. General Gadsden then pitched a fit, through his epaulette at General Howe and resigned his commission.  Gadsden then got elected to a seat in the state legislature, and then lieutenant governor of the state, where he remained an implacable foe of General Howe.

About the same time Gadsden resigned, Congress promoted Howe to major general in October 1777, perhaps in an attempt to confirm his overall command.

Invasion of Florida

Despite the ongoing conflicts with state officials, General Howe also still needed to worry about the enemy in Florida.  Following the loss at Thomas Creek in the spring of 1777, Continental and state militia troops pulled back into Georgia and assumed mostly defensive positions.  Things were relatively quiet for the rest of the year, other than minor raids.  

In January 1778, the Georgia legislature began planning another invasion of Florida.  Officials demanded that General Howe provide the Continental forces to assist the militia with the planned invasion.  Howe pointed out that the timing of the invasion in the spring was a bad one because the militia would need to do their planting at that time.  The legislature took offense at Howe’s comments and suggested to the Continental Congress reprimand the general for insubordination.  Congress, of course, ignored the suggestion because, among other reasons, a Continental general was not subordinate to a state legislature. 

Area between Savannah
& St. Augustine
As the squabbling continued, a troop of Florida loyalists under Colonel Thomas “Burntfoot” Brown rode fifty miles into Georgia and captured Fort Howe, about sixty miles south of Savannah.  This was only one of multiple raids that the loyalists from Florida had launched that spring.  A month later, in April, General Howe recaptured the fort, and forced the loyalists to retreat Around this same time, he received word that about 500 loyalists from the back country had organized and were riding to Florida to join with a larger force there.  Howe deployed infantry to intercept them, but the loyalists on horseback easily outpaced the infantry, and made it to Florida.

During this deployment, the Continentals did manage to capture the British brig Hinchinbrook, which was full of supplies, as well as the fourteen gun Rebecca, which was Florida’s main naval support at the time. They also sank several smaller ships.  These new offensives only increased the demands of the Georgia legislature to take the fight to Florida.

At the recaptured Fort Howe, General Howe arrived with about 400 Continentals who had been stationed in Georgia.  He called up more Continentals to be deployed from South Carolina and for any militia volunteers. By the end of May, he had a combined force of about 1300 soldiers.  He began marching south in early June.  Once again though, Howe did not have a unified command. Commodore Oliver Bowen of the Georgia Navy commanded a small fleet along the coast.  Newly-elected Georgia Governor John Houstoun retained command of the Georgia militia. Colonel Charles Pinckney insisted on an independent command of the South Carolina militia.

Militia problems aside, Howe also had trouble commanding his own continentals.  Four men attempted to desert in mid-May.  Two of the deserters were Frenchmen who had joined the Continental Army.  As punishment, Howe ordered the men to run a gauntlet where other soldiers beat them.  A French officer protested at the disgrace and said his men would rather be hanged or shot.  The men being punished, however, disagreed and decided to run the gauntlet.

A few days later, a sergeant and a private deserted.  The sergeant attempted to get a larger group to leave with them.  The two men were captured and shot.  A day later, a squad of eight more deserters were executed.  These men had been former British regulars who were captured at Saratoga. They had joined the Continental Army, but had attempted to rejoin the British as soon as they got the chance.

Despite these problems, the American offensive began with no real coordination. Governor Houstoun wanted to march his militia directly along the coast to St. Augustine, forcing a confrontation with the British and loyalist forces.  General Howe wanted to capture Fort Tonyn, which sat miles inland along the St. Mary’s River. Since they could not agree, Howe took his Continentals to Fort Tonyn while Houstoun waited with the militia near the coast.  Howe requested 300 slaves to help cut a road through the wilderness.  The legislature supplied 56.  Howe also lost a substantial food supply when Governor Houstoun ordered that 200 barrels of rice for the Continentals be detained and use them to feed his militia instead.  On another occasion the state seized twelve horses designated to carry supplies to the Continentals so that, again, they could be used for the needs of the militia.

Despite these and many other incidents of deprivation, the Continental Army advanced.  As the Continentals approached Fort Tonyn, the small garrison burned the fort and retreated into the swamps.  After taking the ruins of Fort Tonyn  At least some of the Georgia militia also joined Howe at the fort. Loyalist Colonel Brown had his cavalry in the area.  

Howe dispatched a force of cavalry under the command of militia General James Screven to locate and engage Brown’s loyalists.  Screven took about 100 mounted soldiers and managed to get intelligence on the enemy’s position from either a deserter or captured prisoner.  With that, the Americans ambushed the loyalists and sent them into retreat.

The loyalists moved southeast to a small bridge over Alligator Creek.  There, several companies of regulars under the command of Major James Marcus Prevost, known also as Mark Prevost, the younger brother of General Augustine Prevost, had set up defenses.  Combined with loyalist militia, Prevost had about 200 men.  Brown's loyalists rode into camp followed closely behind by Screven’s militia.  Since neither group wore uniforms, the British defenders were not sure where the escaping loyalists ended and the pursuing Georgia militia began.  

After a few moments of confusion, a firefight broke out as the two sides formed lines of battle.  As the two sides fired on each other, Brown’s loyalists reformed behind the British lines and moved around the lines in an attempt to hit the Americans from the rear and trap them.  They managed to wound General Screven, who ordered a retreat and escaped with most of his men.

The Americans later reported nine killed, while the British reported five killed.  The numbers of wounded are unknown, and there were no prisoners, as was common with skirmishes between loyalist and patriot militia. 

The following day, Major Prevost gathered his militia and regulars and moved forward to find the enemy.  After making contact with a small group though, the British thought better of it.  They began to retreat, felling trees across the roads to prevent any advance by the enemy.

Aftermath

A few days after the skirmish at Alligator Bridge, the rest of the Georgia militia joined the Continentals at Fort Tonyn.  Disease and desertion, however, had thinned the ranks of both groups.  On top of that, they were running out of food. The Georgia legislature was unwilling or unable to send more supplies.  

Gov. John Houstoun
In addition the militia was still unwilling to cooperate in any way with the Continentals. On one occasion Houstoun sent a squad of militia into the Continental Camp with orders to arrest a Continental officer.  On another occasion, the militia tried to seize a boat full of Continental wounded being sent home for care.

Even with this bickering, Houstoun encouraged Howe to go on the attack again, saying he would back up the Continentals with his militia.  Howe said he could only move if the governor could find some provisions for his army.  Houstoun replied that he did not have any to spare.  

On July 11, Howe convened a council of war with his Continental officers.  The officers agreed that they had met their goal of forcing the loyalists and British to leave Georgia and a that further advance into Florida was ill-advised given the lack of supplies, the lack of cooperation of the militia, and the spread of disease among the troops. 

After the meeting of his council, Howe dispatched a messenger to Colonel Andrew Williamson of the South Carolina militia and Governor Houstoun commanding the Georgia militia, to meet at his command tent and discuss their options.  Both men refused to enter the Continental camp and said Howe should come to them.  Finally, after some negotiation, Howe agreed to meet at a spot between the two camps.  After the meeting the officers withdrew for further discussions with their own officers.  Without waiting for further discussions, Houstoun returned to his militia camp and sent an aide to request that Howe inform him of his plans.  After waiting another day to try to get Houston to talk to him, Howe gave up.  On July 14, he ordered a general withdrawal of the Continental Army northward to Savannah.  

Howe-Gadsden Duel

While General Howe was deployed in southern Georgia, fighting for ground with the loyalists and fighting for supplies with the militia, a third front opened up against him.  In June, Lieutenant Governor Gadsden received a copy of a letter that Howe had sent to Congress nearly a year earlier when Gadsden was insisting that he command all Continental troops in South Carolina.

Christopher Gadsden
Gadsden was outraged that Howe had written a letter critical of him and demanded that South Carolina delegates in the Continental Congress judge the propriety of this letter.  Gadsden also made an appeal to General Charles Lee.  Nobody seemed to want to act on Gadsden’s demands because, well, generals are allowed to write letters to Congress which are critical of other officers, particularly subordinates who refuse to follow orders.

Unable to get satisfaction that way, Gadsden began circulating rebuttals, claiming that Howe was a man of “downright low cunning, Jockeying, and sharping” who had said these terrible things in order to “wedge himself into Command” based on his personal ambition.

When Howe returned from the field in late July, he received word of Gadsden’s comments, and demanded a response from Gadsden.  Howe was willing to resolve the issue by assuring Gadsden that it had not been his intent to reflect upon or injure Gadsden by his letters and that anything said that Gadsden took issue with might have been from a lack of understanding, rather than integrity.  In light of that, he called on Gadsden to apologize for the attacks on Howe’s integrity.

Gadsden, however, refused to budge.  With his honor in question, Howe challenged Gadsden to a duel.  The two men agreed to pistols on August 30th, under the Liberty Tree in Charleston.  Because such a large crowd showed up to watch the duel, they moved the location to a more private venue at the last minute.  There, the two men took eight short paces, turned and pointed their pistols at the other.  Then, both just stood there, not firing.  Finally, Howe demanded that Gadsden take the first shot.  Gadsden insisted that Howe fire first.

Finally, Howe took his shot, which reportedly grazed Gadsden’s ear. Gadsden then pointed his gun away from Howe and wasted his shot. Gadsden’s second commented that by firing away, he could not have offered a finer apology and that Howe had also acted honorably.  Gadsden then said he did not apologize for questioning Howe’s right to command, but only for his abusive language.  That satisfied Howe.  The two men shook hands and parted ways.  They would remain enemies, but would not find another need to meet on a field of honor. 

For most of the rest of the year, the border fighting between Georgia and Florida returned to a period of relative quiet.  That would all change near the end of the year when the British attacked Savannah.  That, of course, will be the topic of a future episode.

Next week, we return to upstate Pennsylvania for the Wyoming Valley Massacre.

- - -

Next Episode 192 Wyoming Valley Massacre 


Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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Further Reading

Websites

Battle of Alligator Bridge https://www.myrevolutionarywar.com/battles/780630-alligator-bridge

Golden, Randy The Third Florida Expedition: http://www.ourgeorgiahistory.com/wars/Revolution/revolution12.html

Lynch, Wayne “John Houstoun and the 1778 Expedition to East Florida” Journal of the American Revolution, 2013 https://allthingsliberty.com/2013/12/john-houstoun-1778-expedition-east-florida

Lynch, Wayne “James Screven - Ambushed!” Journal of the American Revolution, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/03/james-screven-ambushed

Dacus, Jeff “General Robert Howe’s Alleged Treason” Journal of the American Revolution, 2017. https://allthingsliberty.com/2017/10/general-robert-howes-alleged-treason

Piecuch, Jim, “The Loyalist Exodus of 1778” Journal of the American Revolution, 2016: https://allthingsliberty.com/2016/05/the-loyalist-exodus-of-1778

Piecuch, Jim, “Patrick Tonyn: Britain’s Most Effective Revolutionary-Era Royal Governor” Journal of the American Revolution, 2018 https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/03/patrick-tonyn-britains-most-effective-revolutionary-era-royal-governor

Schenawolf, Harry “American Revolution: In the South, Not a War for Liberty, But a Brutal Civil War Between Patriots and Loyalists” Revolutionary War Journal, 2017. http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/southern-patriots-loyalists-in-the-revolutionary-war-not-a-battle-of-good-vs-evil-but-a-civil-war-grasping-a-cause-to-justify-violence

Smith, Roger C. The Fourteenth Colony: Florida and the American Revolution in the South, University of Florida: unpublished doctoral dissertation, 2011: http://ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/UF/E0/04/27/45/00001/smith_r.pdf

Pennington, Edgar Legare. “East Florida in the American Revolution, 1775-1778.” The Florida Historical Society Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 1, 1930, pp. 24–46: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30149717

Christopher Gadsden: https://www.scencyclopedia.org/sce/entries/gadsden-christopher

Thomas Brown: https://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/articles/history-archaeology/thomas-brown-1750-1825

Ross, Tara The odd duel between Christopher Gadsden and Robert Howe: https://www.taraross.com/post/tdih-gadsden-howe

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Jones, Charles C. Biographical Sketches of the Delegates from Georgia to the Continental Congress, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1891.

Jones, Charles C. The History of Georgia, Vol. 2, Boston: Houghton & Mifflin Co. 1883.

McCall, Hugh The History of Georgia, containing brief sketches of the most remarkable events up to the present day, (1784), Atlanta: A.H. Caldwell, 1909 reprint.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Bennett Charles E.  and Donald R. Lennon A Quest for Glory: Major General Robert Howe and the American Revolution, NC Univ. Press, 1991.

Cashin, Edward The King's Ranger: Thomas Brown and the American Revolution on the Southern Frontier, New York: Fordham University Press, 1999.

Piecuch, Jim Three Peoples, One King: Loyalists, Indians, and Slaves in the Revolutionary South, 1775-1782, Columbia: Univ. of South Carolina Press, 2008.

Searcy, Martha C. The Georgia-Florida Contest in the American Revolution, 1776-1778, Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1985.

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.


Sunday, February 28, 2021

ARP190 French Arrive in America


Weeks after the British evacuated Philadelphia, the French fleet arrived in the Delaware Bay.  On July 6, 1778, Charles Henri Hector, the comte d’Estaing dropped anchor of his flagship, the Languedoc.  The massive ship was armed with 90 cannons and had a crew of 900 sailors.  Passengers aboard the ship included Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the new French minister to America, as well as returning American minister Silas Deane.

Following Deane’s recall, the French government had offered Deane accommodation with the French fleet.  Congress had demanded Deane return to Philadelphia to answer questions about suspicious financial transactions, mostly the results of lies propagated by his fellow commissioner Arthur Lee.  French foreign minister Vergennes hoped that Deane’s return to America aboard a massive French military vessel, along with a fleet, and at the side of the new French Minister to America, would underscore just how well the French government thought of Deane’s diplomatic work and that it would help to impress the members of Congress.

Upon arrival, the French commander, d’Estaing, received word that the British fleet had evacuated to New York.  The British ships in New York Harbor were inferior to his fleet of seventeen massive ships of war, armed with over 1000 cannons and supported by nearly 10,000 sailors.  Rather than allowing Dean and Gérard to make an impressive entry into Philadelphia aboard the French fleet, d’Estaing dropped off his passengers at the shore in the Delaware Bay, and then set sail for New York to do battle.  Deane and Gérard had to make their way to Philadelphia aboard far less impressive local transport ships.  Despite a quiet entry, the arrival of the first foreign ambassador in the newly-recaptured seat of Congress was cause for celebration.

Conrad Alexandre Gérard

The new French Minister, Conrad Alexandre Gérard de Rayneval, was a lifelong diplomat.  He did not come from nobility.  He was the eldest son of the secretary to a French noble family.  Gérard attended college and studied law at the University of Strasbourg.  By 1754, at the age of 24, he had entered the diplomatic service.

Conrad Alexandre Gérard
His duties sent him throughout Europe and introduced him to much of the political leadership on the continent. The life of a career diplomat can be delicate and tricky, if not terribly exciting.  Gérard developed a good reputation within the diplomatic corps.  His career grew, along with his responsibilities.  During and after the Seven Years War, he served in the French Embassy at Vienna.  Among his duties was ensuring proper protocol during the engagement and marriage of the Austrian Archduchess Marie Antoinette to the Dauphin of France, the future King Louis XVI.

After Louis XVI ascended to the throne in 1774, the comte de Vergennes took over French foreign affairs.  Vergennes appointed Gérard to increasingly important positions within the ministry.  The two men developed a close friendship and mutual trust. When Vergennes entered into treaty negotiations with the American delegation, it was Gérard who conducted those negotiations.  When it came time to send a diplomatic delegation to America, Gérard received the appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary to America.

French Strategy in America

With France having committed to an alliance with America and war with Britain, the diplomatic tables between France and America had somewhat turned.  For the past few years, America had done everything it could to bring France into the war.  At the same time, France was comfortable watching events from the sidelines, taking its time to decide whether war was in its best interests.

Once it entered the war, France became much more dependent on America to stay in the war.  If Britain managed to establish a peace with its colonies, it could then turn its full wrath against France and likely capture more French colonies.  It would drive France deeper into debt, fighting a losing war that it could not well afford.

When French officials learned that Britain had repealed many of the laws that had started the rebellion in the first place, and had sent a peace commission with real negotiating power to end the hostilities, France knew that it would have to make sure the Continental Congress did not back out of the new treaty of alliance and leave France to face the British alone.  Americans were already exhausted from fighting several years of war.  They had age-old social, political, and cultural ties to Britain, and a long history of hostility with France.  It would not be hard to imagine the Americans accepting the generous terms offered by London and throwing their new ally under the bus.

comte de Vergennes
(from Wikimedia)

Gérard’s mission was to cement the Franco-American alliance.  He needed to make sure the US remained independent and at war with Britain.  Despite Gérard’s decades of diplomatic experience, navigating the political waters of a republic required a different set of skills from those used in Europe.  There was no foreign sovereign, nor any individual who could set policy for the United States.  The Continental Congress was an unstable mix of state representatives who came and went.  It was not even clear if all of the states would adhere to the same policies and remain united.

A diplomat usually focuses on establishing some personal relations with leaders of the foreign power.  There was no prior relationship of French nobility who had intermarried with Americans in order to establish some sort of connection.  The US itself had never received a diplomatic party before.  Differences of language, religion, and customs all created potential hazards for France in making this relationship work.

Despite these potential problems, Gérard arrived in Philadelphia on July 12, 1778 to find the alliance strong.  Delegates showed no interest in any peace that would return them to colonial status.  Gerard found that the Americans were still very much willing to fight, and needed France’s active support if they had any hope of keeping the war going.

When the new minister entered Philadelphia, Congress had only just returned to the city days earlier.  It was still cleaning up the mess left by the British less than a month prior.  Even so, Philadelphia received the new minister with great enthusiasm.  A committee of members of Congress rode to Chester, to escort Gérard into the city.  An honorary guard of Continental dragoons accompanied them.  They honored him with a 15-gun salute, one for each state, plus the King of France and the King of Spain.

In a report written a week later, Gérard told Vergennes that people had cheered him from the banks of the Delaware River as he made his way to the city.  Once there, members of Congress paid him calls, even before he had presented his credentials to Congress.  They invited him to a banquet and celebrated the new alliance between France and the Americans.

French Cartoon d'Estaing bringing
supplies to America
While receiving a warm welcome, Gérard had his concerns about the new alliance.  His traditional European view was that there was no way these people could govern themselves.  At some point, they would either return to British rule, or permit French rule over them.  Perhaps it would not be a blatant colonial relationship, but the Americans would need the continuing support, guidance, and protection of a European power.  The notion of a truly independent United States that could remain neutral in European affairs simply did not seem possible to Gérard.

Gérard sent a series of candid reports back to France.  He reported his enthusiastic welcome and the apparent resolve of Americans to remain independent at all costs.  At the same time, he noted that some of Congress’ best delegates from its first years had left for various reasons, and that their replacements were not really of the same caliber.  Gérard also made note of the divisions between supporters of George Washington and Horatio Gates, observing that northerners generally preferred Gates, while southerners backed Washington.  This, he noted, was a possible source of future rupture between the new union of states.

Gérard also mentioned, with regret, that several French officers had taken sides in this dispute.  Although his report did not name names, we know that General Conway was a key backer of Gates, while General Lafayette outspokenly supported Washington.  As a diplomat, this concerned Gérard as he did not want France supporting one American faction over another.  Backing the wrong faction could prematurely end the alliance.

Throughout his tenure in America, Gérard remained focused on maintaining the alliance at all costs.  He simply could not allow a pro-British faction or peace faction to seek a negotiated settlement between American and Britain, leaving France to fight a dangerous and undistracted British military.  Gérard had to make sure that the war in America continued.  Even an American victory with independence at this time went against French interests.

During his first few months in Philadelphia, the Carlisle Commission, which I discussed a few weeks ago, was still trying to negotiate an acceptable peace, one that would permit Britain to focus on France.  The Commission had retreated to New York, along with the British Army, but remained hopeful in its mission to end hostilities. 

Gérard worked to ensure that the Americans did not settle with Britain. He strongly advocated that Congress should settle for nothing less than full independence, something he was pretty sure Britain would not accept. Most members of Congress did not need much convincing on that point, but Gérard had to make sure the situation did not change.  If Britain won a few military victories, American hopes might falter. Assuring the Americans of French military support to help continue the war effort kept American morale high and away from talk of political compromise with Britain. 

Beyond that, Gérard hoped to forge a more durable political alliance between France and the United States.  This proved more frustrating.  A great many Americans still distrusted France.  While they needed France’s assistance in the war effort, France was the traditional enemy of the former British colonists.  They viewed the absolute monarchy in France as worse than the constitutional monarchy of Britain.  

Just because the Americans did not want a closer military alliance with France than they already had, that did not mean they wanted to submit to Britain again either. They wanted no political entanglements. Gérard, however, took their reluctance to form a closer political alliance with France as an indication that some faction in Congress wanted to return to a relationship with Britain.

Privately, Gérard viewed the American experiment in republicanism as doomed.  Without a unifying leadership of a monarch, he did not see how the government could remain united. Legislators who were regularly replaced in office, offered no consistency of policy or alliance.  Gérard was confident that the American states would eventually fall under either the political control of Britain or France.  He wanted to make sure that it was the latter.

Gérard would remain in Philadelphia as the French minister for about 15 months, helping to establish the new alliance and doing what he could to create more political connections between the two countries.  He returned to France in October 1779.

Admiral d’Estaing

Even before France had signed the treaties of alliance and commerce, Paris had been planning its own military strategy.  One reason France had delayed any sort of alliance was that they had needed a few years to build up the French navy to a point where it could compete with the British.  By 1778, France had a new fleet of warships that it thought was ready to compete with the British.

As early as January, French leaders had been organizing a fleet under the comte d’Estaing to send to America.  Admiral d’Estaing, who brought Gérard to America, was an accomplished officer with connections to the highest offices of French government.  He had only joined the navy sixteen years earlier in 1762.  

Admiral d'Estaing
d’Estaing’s father had been a lieutenant general in the French Army. The wealthy and powerful family was close to the crown.  d’Estaing and the future King Louis XVI were about the same age and attended school together.  They became lifelong friends.

At age nine, d’Estaing joined the army as a musketeer.  Influential families often helped their young children receive commissions so that they would have some seniority by the time they were actually old enough to do any real military work.  By age 16, he was a lieutenant.  That same year, he married the daughter of a French field marshal. During the War of Austrian Succession, he served as an aide to Field Marshal Maurice de Saxe. d’Estaing did see combat and was wounded in battle. By the war’s end, he had risen to colonel.  

After the war, the twenty year old colonel oversaw a military reform commission that the King had wanted.  The commission’s goal was to emulate some of the successes of the Prussian Army.

During the Seven Years War, d’Estaing wanted to go to serve in Canada under General Montcalm.  However, his family discouraged that.  Instead, they helped him receive a promotion to general with service in India. During the siege of Madras in 1758, a British attack wounded d’Estaing and left him a prisoner.  As a captured general, d’Estaing was held by British Governor George Pigot, brother of British General Robert Pigot, who I have discussed in earlier episodes. As was common for captured officers, d’Estaing received parole and returned to France.

While still on parole, d’Estaing took up service as the captain of a privateer ship working for the French East India Company.  He spent nearly a year attacking British ships and outposts in India.  As he was returning to France, the British captured his ship and imprisoned him in London for violating the terms of his parole.  He eventually returned to France near the end of the war.

In 1762 d’Estaing received promotion to lieutenant general.  He also took a commission as rear admiral in the French navy that same year.  If it seems strange today that one person could hold commands in both the army and navy, it did at that time too.  The king eventually had to remove him from office in the army, leading to his career exclusively in the navy, starting at the rank of admiral.

Admiral d'Estaing then spent several years as governor general of the French Leeward Islands in the Caribbean.  By 1772, he was naval inspector of France, living in Brest, and by 1777 he was the Vice Admiral of the Asian and American seas.  

French Fleet in America

In 1778, even before the treaties with the Americans were made public, d’Estang organized his fleet at Toulon in preparation for a voyage to America.  In April, the fleet departed France.

When d’Estaing led the first French fleet to America, he received pretty broad discretion to take advantage of whatever opportunities he found.  The general plan was to attack British ships and bases in North America during the summer and fall.  Later in the year, after hurricane season had passed, d’Estaing had orders to sail down to the West Indies and look for targets among the British island colonies there.

As I said, the French fleet landed in Delaware Bay where the Admiral learned that the British fleet was in New York Harbor.  After dropping off his VIP charges, d’Estaing sailed his fleet to New York to confront the British.

New York Harbor

On July 11, 1778, d’Estaing’s fleet of twelve ships of the line and five frigates arrived just off of Sandy Hook at the southern end of New York Harbor.  The remainder of Admiral Howe’s fleet in the harbor found itself vastly outgunned and was in no mood for a fight.

French Map of NY Harbor, 1778
Howe’s fleet had arrived in New York Harbor only about two weeks prior. They had returned with the last of the ships from the evacuation of Philadelphia.  As soon as Admiral Howe arrived, he received notice from General Clinton that the army had just fought the battle of Monmouth and then retreated to Sandy Hook, New Jersey.  The navy then had to ferry the entire army and all of its baggage across the harbor to Manhattan Island, as well as Staten Island and Long Island.  They completed all that by July 5, only six days before the arrival of the French fleet.  

While sailing from Philadelphia to New York, Admiral Howe had received intelligence that a French fleet under d’Estaing was on its way to America, but did not have much more details.  He did not even know if d’Estaing was headed for Philadelphia, New York, Newport, or Halifax.  A few days before the arrival of the French fleet, Howe received word that it had been spotted off the coast of Virginia and then sailed up to the Delaware Bay.  Howe had only twelve small frigates and six ships of the line in New York, including his flagship, the Eagle.

The outnumbered British scrambled to put their ships into a defensive line off of Sandy Hook, New Jersey. The army deployed 1400 men with artillery at Sandy Hook as well.  They feared the French might capture the hook, then force the fleet to withdraw.  If they did that, the French would have time to work their way over the sandbar and take New York Harbor.  If the French took the harbor, and if the Continentals continued their advance from Monmouth, the British might have to abandon New York entirely and escape to Halifax.  If escape was impossible, and British Naval reinforcements could not arrive in time, General Clinton might be looking at the need to surrender his army.

This worst case scenario for the British, of course, never happened.  The depth of the water over the sandbar at Sandy Hook would have prevented the two largest French ships from entering the harbor at low tide. The others would have had to enter one at a time, and be subject to attack from shore, and from the British ships of the line in place to oppose them.  You might ask, why not enter at high tide? The concern there was you could not know how long the battle would last.  The French might find their fleet stuck and unable to withdraw. The risk of losing the fleet for this fight was just not worth it. 

The French fleet remained just outside the harbor for eleven days.  During that time, d’Estaing evaluated the situation in the harbor and the British defenses. He also conferred with General Washington via messenger about other options.  In the end, they decided the British had a much better defensive position and that they would look for a battle elsewhere. On July 22, the French Navy hoisted its sails and moved north toward Newport, Rhode Island.  The potential battle for New York was averted and the British breathed a sigh of relief. 

I’ll take up the story with the attack on Newport in a future episode.

In the meantime, next week we head south to Florida for the Battle of Alligator Bridge.

- - -

Next Episode 191 Battle of Alligator Bridge 


Contact me via email at mtroy.history@gmail.com

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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.

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Further Reading

Websites

“John Thaxter to Abigail Adams, 17 July 1778,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/04-03-02-0052 

Kite, Elizabeth S. “CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD AND AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 32, no. 4, 1921, pp. 274–294. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/44208561

Adelberg, Michael "Almost Yorktown" Journal of the American Revolution, March 14, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/03/almost-yorktown

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Challice, Annie Emma Armstrong Heroes, Philosophers, and Courtiers of the Time of Louis XVI, Vol. 1 & Vol. 2 London: Hurst and Blackett, 1863.  

Kite, Elizabeth S. "Conrad Alexandre Gérard and American Independence" Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, vol. 32, no. 4, 1921, pp. 274–294

Perkins, James Breck France in the American Revolution, Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1911. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Dull, Jonathan R. The French Navy and American Independence: A Study of Arms and Diplomacy, 1774-1787, Princeton Univ. Press, 1976. 

Hardman, John The Life of Louis XVI, Yale Univ. Press, 2016. 

Hudson, Ruth Strong The Minister from France: Conrad-Alexandre Gerard, 1729-1790, Lutz, 1994 (book recommendation of the week).

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.