Sunday, April 7, 2019

Episode 091: State Constitutions, Part 1




Prior to July 1776, none of the colonies had declared full and permanent independence from Britain. But most were not operating under their old royal charters either.  Provincial Congresses operated in the colonies, but under what authority and how they should be structured all seemed to be open questions.  Many colonies still had royal governors attempting to rule either just off shore in a navy ship, or in some cases still within the colony.

I think it useful to see how and when each colony made the move to an establish an independent government.

Local politicians developed their own new constitutions to create a structure for their state government, at least until the violence ended and British rule was restored under acceptable terms.  Even before independence though, most of these new constitutions were written with an eye toward setting up what would likely become permanent independent governments.

In case you are wondering, I’m looking at each colony in order of when they first implemented their own Constitution.

New Hampshire

New Hampshire was one of the first colonies to move to a Provincial Congress and the first to adopt a constitution.  When Royal Governor Wentworth dissolved the Royal Assembly in June 1774, the members simply continued to meet and discussed forming a convention.  The Governor and Sheriff had to go down to the legislature and kick them out of the hall.  The legislators met again in Exeter the following month to form the First Provincial Congress.  That would be the first of five provincial congresses to meet over the next year and a half to deal with issues on an occasional basis.  The first few meetings simply seemed to be members of the old royal assembly continuing to meet without the Governor's authority.  But local town meetings eventually began selecting representatives to attend later provincial congresses.

NH Provincial Congress
1775 call for Census
(from Library of Congress)
By late 1775, patriot leaders had decided they needed some more regular form of government that did not include the Royal Governor.  The fifth Provincial Congress met in Exeter to create a new constitution, which it adopted in January 1776.  They did not submit it to the people for a vote.  They simply implemented it on their own.

The new constitution established a bicameral legislature, just like under royal government. It created a House of Representatives and a council.  The Provincial Congress became the House, which then appointed 12 men to form the Council.  After one year, New Hampshire would hold elections for both the House and Council.  It did not create any court system or Chief executive.  This constitution would remain in place until after the end of the war.

South Carolina

South Carolina was another early state to move to self-government.  The Royal Colonial Governor already had quit the colony in 1773.  The colony would not receive his replacement William Campbell until 1775.  Lt. Gov. William Bull served as acting governor, but did very little to govern.  He would not call the assembly into session for fear they would do something treasonous.

Royal Gov. William Campbell
(from Wikimedia)
In July 1774, leading colonists, simply got together to decide what to do.  They had no elections or any formal appointment.  Interested leading citizens of the colony met among themselves to choose delegates to the First Continental Congress and to create the “Committee of 99” to run the colony.

Later that year the Committee called for elections to what would become the First Provincial Congress, meeting in January 1775.  The Congress met and performed all sorts of government activities, such as raising a colonial army, printing colonial currency, and appointing delegates to the Second Continental Congress.  When Governor Campbell arrived in June 1775, he refused to recognize the Provincial Congress and called a Colonial Assembly into session.  After seeing that the Assembly was full of patriots too, the Governor soon dissolved that Assembly, but still could not stop the Provincial congress from running the colony.

In November 1775, the colony held elections for a Second Provincial Congress.  When that Congress met in January 1776, it began drafting a constitution, which took effect in March, again with no popular ratification.  In March the Provincial Congress simply dissolved itself, and then reconvened as the First General Assembly of South Carolina - no new elections, the old representatives became representatives in the new Assembly.

The Assembly elected a Council to serve as an upper chamber.  It also elected a President and Vice President, the first President being John Rutledge.  The Assembly also appointed all judges, sheriffs, and other judicial officers.  It allowed all property owning males to vote.  There was no restriction by race, although I’m not sure if there were any free black men who could meet the property requirements.

The 1776 Constitution only remained in place for two years, until the State created a more detailed Constitution in 1778.

Virginia

Virginia chose to govern through a series of conventions.  As in other colonies, the Royal Governor Lord Dunmore dissolved the House of Burgesses whenever the colonists voted on anything he considered disloyal to the King and Parliament.  Local representative then often met informally to decide what they would do anyway.  In August 1774, the representatives met in the First Virginia Convention, allowing counties and boroughs to elect representatives.  The First Convention selected delegates to the First Continental Congress and approved a series of trade restrictions to go along with the boycotts of British goods that patriots were pushing all over the continent.  The First Convention only lasted six days.

The Second Convention met in March 1775, divided between those who still wanted compromise with Parliament, and those ready to go to war.  Patrick Henry gave his famous Give me Liberty or Give me Death speech at this convention.  The radicals won the debate and passed resolutions to raise volunteer regiments to arm themselves and prepare to defend their rights.

Patrick Henry at the Convention (from Awesome Stories)
The Third Convention met in July 1775, after the battles at Lexington and Bunker Hill.  Radicals had only gained in power.  Instead of passing resolutions, the Convention now began to pass ordinances that they would enforce with the power of law.  It raised two regiments of Virginia Regulars to participate in the defense of their rights.  This Convention was focused more on creating a real government for the colony, and lasted over a month.

By the time of the Fourth Convention, in December 1775, Governor Dunmore had declared martial law and was in open battle with the Virginia Regulars and militia.  The Convention raised an even larger army and created a Committee of Safety to make decisions while the Convention was out of session, an early form of an executive branch.  During this Convention, the leaders received word that their army had defeated the Governor at the Battle of Great Bridge, and learned that the Governor had burned Norfolk, events I discussed in more detail back in Episode 77.

When the Fifth Convention met in May 1776, independence was clearly on the agenda.  The Convention instructed its delegates at the Continental Congress to call for a declaration of independence for all 13 colonies.  The Convention also began work on a Declaration of Rights and a new State Constitution.

Now the Virginia Declaration of Rights is a pretty important document, so I want to discuss it in detail.  George Mason, primarily authored the what became the Virginia Bill of Rights though it went through weeks of debate at the Convention.

We see many of the concepts in the Bill repeated in the Declaration of Independence in July.  As well as in the US Bill of Rights more than a decade later. It consisted of 16 points which I think are important enough to read verbatim.

Virginia Declaration of Rights

1. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.

2. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the people; that Magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.

George Mason
(from Wikimedia)
3. That government is or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community; of all the various modes and forms of government, that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of mal-administration; and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right, to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

4. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which not being descendible, neither ought the offices of Magistrate, Legislator, or Judge to be hereditary.

5. That the Legislative and Executive powers of the State should be separate and distinct from the Judiciary; and that the members of the two first may be restrained from oppression, by feeling and participating the burthens of the people, they should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections, in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.

6. That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people, in Assembly, ought to be free; and that all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with and attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented for the public good.

7. That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people, is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.

8. That in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that no man be deprived of his liberty except by the law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.

9. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

10. That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offence is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous and oppressive, and ought not to be granted.

11. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred.

12. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.

13. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided, as dangerous to liberty; and in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.

14. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the government of Virginia, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.

15. That no free government, or the blessing of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.

16. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence, and therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.

After adopting the Bill of Rights on June 12, the Convention then turned to its Constitution.  Now I’m not going to read the whole Constitution here, but it is well worth a read. It begins with a list of abuses by the King, similar to what we see in the Declaration of Independence a few weeks later.  It the explicitly states that the Royal Government in Virginia is “totally dissolved” and replaced with this new Constitution.

It divides government into three separate powers of legislative, executive, and judicial.  It divides the legislative branch into a House and Senate with the House elected as two members from each county, and one representative from the largest boroughs in the state.  The Senate would come from 24 special districts created for that purpose.  It says right to vote shall remain the same as it was under colonial rule, meaning white male property owners.

The legislature chooses the Governor annually, with a term limit of three sequential years.  The legislature would also choose judges for most courts and a Privy Council to assist the Governor.  The Governor and Privy Council appoint lower officials.

In short, the legislature pretty much ran the show, controlling who would serve as Governor and on the courts.  The Convention approved the constitution on June 29, and had it go into effect without submitting it to the people for ratification.

New Jersey

New Jersey with its relatively strong Tory faction got off to a late start with its Provincial Congress.  The Royal Governor and Colonial Assembly stayed in power through December 1775.  The New Jersey Provincial Congress had come into being in May 1775 while the Royal legislature still met.  Patriot committees in each county sent representatives to a Provincial Congress that met in Trenton.  Again, they did not have any legal or electoral authority.  These were simply prominent patriots who had the support of local committees.  The Congress met in three short sessions in 1775, then a longer session in January-March 1776.  The Provincial Congress voted for a tax to pay for a patriot army in the state.

Since the Colonial Assembly and Provincial Congress were both operating, they were competing for authority over the people of New Jersey.  Even though there remained a strong Tory segment in the population, the Provincials gradually took power.

Royal Gov. William Franklin
(from Wikimedia)
When Governor William Franklin attempted to convene the Assembly in May 1776, the Provincial Congress ordered his arrest and had him shipped to Connecticut.  The Assembly never met again.  The Provincial Congress met for its final session in June 1776, at which time it produced a constitution in a mere five days and ratified the document two days later.  The Congress submitted the Constitution to the Continental Congress for approval and began operation under its terms by the end of August, again without any vote by the people.

The Constitution, like those before it, created a two part legislature, an Assembly and Council.  Unlike other States, the people would elect the members of both houses, three representative from each county in the Assembly and one from each County to the Council.  The legislature selected a governor for a one year term.  The legislature would also appoint judges and military officers above the rank of captain.

One of the more radical articles allowed voting for all inhabitants with an estate worth at least £50.  This included blacks and women who did vote, though few met the property requirement (married women’s property belonged to their husbands).  The Constitution also guaranteed freedom of religion and prohibited the establishment of a state religion.

Despite the fact that the legislators threw together the Constitution rather quickly, it remained in effect for 65 years, though the right of blacks and women to vote only remained in effect for 30 years before the legislature changed the law and ignored the constitutional guarantee.

Delaware

Delaware was concerned not only about independence from Britain, but also independence from Pennsylvania.  Pennsylvania colony considered Delaware to be part of Pennsylvania, though it had allowed Delaware to have its own legislature.  Delaware wanted to use this moment to make sure it would be entirely independent of Pennsylvania.

Neither Delaware nor Pennsylvania had a royal governor.  William Penn and his descendants owned the colony and served as governor without royal appointment or election.  Delaware’s elected assembly remained in power throughout the colonial period.  It had no need to overthrow a governor or make any fundamental changes to the way its government worked.  The elected Assembly took on a patriotic bent as the people of Delaware themselves moved in that direction.

Even so, in June 1776, the General Assembly suspended “government under the Crown” which also effectively ended any control from Pennsylvania.  After the Declaration of Independence, the Assembly called for a constitutional convention in August with ten representatives from each of the three counties.  The Convention met on August 27 and had a constitution ready to go into effect by September 20.  Again, they saw no need to submit the new constitution to the people for a vote.

Under the new Constitution, the government remained similar to what existed in the colonial government.  A general assembly would be elected annually by all freeholders (meaning landowners) with seven representatives from each county.  They would also elect an executive council with three members from each county serving three year terms.

Both houses would elect a president who would serve as chair of the executive council and was term limited to three years.  The President would also have a four member Privy Council with two members selected by the Assembly and two by the Legislative Council.

The President and General Assembly would jointly elect judges for various courts.  The President also sat on a seven person panel (the other appointed by the Assembly and Council) to hear appeals from Supreme Court decision.

The Constitution also prohibited the importation of any slaves, the establishment of any state religion, and barred clergy from holding any public office.


- - -

Next  Episode 92: State Constitution, Part 2

Previous Episode 90: The Battle of the Cedars



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Further Reading:
Resources to learn more about today’s topic.

Websites: 

Constitution of New Hampshire - 1776: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/nh09.asp

The Provincial & State Government in South Carolina During the American Revolution:
http://www.carolana.com/SC/Revolution/sc_revolution_provincial_government.html

Constitution of South Carolina - 1776 http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/sc01.asp

Dunaway, W.F. Jr. "The Virginia Conventions of the Revolution" The Virginia Law Register Vol. 10, No. 7 (Nov., 1904), pp. 567-586 http://www.jstor.org/stable/1100650 (free download)

Virginia Bill of Rights and Constitution: http://www.nhinet.org/ccs/docs/va-1776.htm

New Jersey Constitution: http://www.state.nj.us/njfacts/njdoc10a.htm

Constitution of Delaware; 1776 http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/de02.asp

Webster, William C. "Comparative Study of the State Constitutions of the American Revolution"
The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 9 (May,
1897), pp. 64-104: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1009670

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Minutes of the Provincial Congress and the Council of Safety of the State of New Jersey, 1775-1776 Naar, Day & Naar, 1879.

Journal of the Votes & Proceedings of the Convention of New Jersey: begun at Burlington the tenth of June 1776; to which is annexed, sundry ordinances and the Constitution, Joseph Justice, 1831 (Reprint of the 1776 ed., printed and sold by Isaac Collins, Burlington).

Proceedings Of The Convention Of The Delaware State Held at New-Castle on Tuesday the Twenty-Seventh of August 1776, James Adams, 1776 (reprint Star Publishing, 1927).

Dealey, James Q. Growth of American State Constitutions from 1776 to the end of the year 1914, Ginn & Co. 1915.

Elmer, Lucius Q.C. The Constitution and Government of the Province and State of New Jersey: with biographical sketches of the governors from 1776 to 1845 and reminiscences of the bench and bar during more than half a century, Martin R. Dennis and Co. 1872.

Schouler, James, Constitutional Studies, State and Federal, Dodd, Mead & Co., 1897.

Thorpe, Francis Newton The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and Other Organic Laws of the State, Territories, and Colonies Now or Heretofore Forming the United States of America, Comp. and Ed. under the Act of Congress of June 30, 1906. (Vol 1-7) Govt. Print. Off, 1909.

Walker, Joseph New Hampshire's Five Provincial Congresses, July 21, 1774-January 5, 1776, New Hampshire Historical Society, 1905.

Washington, Henry A. The Virginia Constitution of 1776. A Discourse Delivered Before the Virginia Historical Society, at their Annual Meeting, Macfarlane & Fergusson, 1852


Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Adams, Willi Paul The First American Constitutions: Republican Ideology and the Making of the State Constitutions in the Revolutionary Era, Rowman & Littlefield, 2001 (book recommendation of the week).

Broadwater, Jeff George Mason, Forgotten Founder, Univ. of NC Press, 2006

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

Tarr, G. Allen Understanding State Constitutions, Princeton Univ. Press, 1998



Sunday, March 31, 2019

Episode 090 Battle of the Cedars




In the months following the failure of General Montgomery and General Arnold to take Quebec, the northern army in Canada got little attention.  The focus remained on Boston.  After the British Evacuation of Boston in March, with officers bickering in weeks of indecision to send us a new leader, Washington finally got Congress’ approval to send a new leader for the northern army in Canada.

Gen. Thomas Takes Command

General John Thomas was from Massachusetts.  Now in his early 50’s, he had military experience in both King George’s War as well as the French and Indian War.  He had played a leading role in helping the British captured Montreal from the French in 1760.  He was an early patriot and part of the militia army that besieged Boston.  The Massachusetts Provincial Congress made him a lieutenant general, just below Artemas Ward.  When the Continental Army formed in June 1775, Thomas received a commission as a brigadier general.  He almost didn’t take it, as he considered it a demotion.  But Congress did not want to have two major generals from Massachusetts.  General Washington finally convinced him to take the job, and sweetened the deal by making him the most senior brigadier general.

Thomas served as field commander of the army on Dorchester Heights, the occupation of which finally convinced the British to evacuate Boston.  Following that success, Congress promoted Thomas to major general and gave him his first independent command, taking charge of the Continental Army in Canada.

Gen. John Thomas
(from Mass Historical Society)
Congress had told Thomas that his command in Canada would be over 4000 men.  When he finally arrived in late April, he found he had nothing close to that.  Although the Continentals had transferred more soldiers to Canada during the winter, large numbers of them had died of smallpox.  Many more were sick with smallpox or other diseases and unfit for duty.  He found his total force to be less than 2000 men, and only half of them fit for duty.  Even worse, many of the enlistments ended in April, and the men had no interest in remaining under any terms.  Some enlistments had already ended but officers had refused to release the men, making morale even worse.

He also found that most of the officers were fighting among themselves.  The soldiers did not have sufficient food or clothing.  The locals were becoming increasingly hostile to the Continentals, and the British would probably be sending a relief fleets to arrive in the next few weeks.

Thomas, however, was a capable general and not one to back down from a challenge.  He set to work reorganizing his army.  One of the first things he did was transfer General Wooster back to Montreal.  Apparently, Thomas did not have a good opinion of Wooster either.  Thomas was also effective because he was willing to mix with the soldiers and share their burdens.  He mixed with the soldiers so much, that within weeks of his arrival, he contracted smallpox, which sadly would kill him by June.

But in early May, Thomas still hoped to pull off a stunt that would let him break the Siege of Quebec before the British relief fleet arrived.  On the night of May 3rd, sentries in Quebec saw the first relief ship approaching the city.  The British had arranged a secret signal and counter signal to make sure they could identify the fleets.  The defenders in Quebec hoisted their flag and fired five cannon, to indicate they were still in control of the city.  But the ship never gave the counter signal.  With no signal, the defenders began firing on the ship, only to see a small crew abandon the ship and row away in a boat.

Thomas, taking Arnold’s advice, had attempted to use the ship as a fire ship.  The plan was to get it as close to the city as possible, set it on fire, and hope that the burning ship would set the city of Quebec on fire.  But the defenders did not let the boat get close enough.  It soon floated downstream and burned to the water line, doing no damage.

British Fleet Arrives at Quebec

Two days later, on May 5, the first real relief fleet would arrive and finally break the Siege of Quebec.  Upon the ship’s arrival, General Guy Carleton finally took 900 Quebec defenders outside the city walls and dared the patriots to battle on open field. The few hundred Continentals still around Quebec fled without even attempting to mount a token challenge.  They abandoned the artillery placements that Arnold had constructed in the months prior and moved up river.

Port at Quebec (from Wikimedia)
A few days later, General Thomas held a council of war with his officers.  Thomas favored taking a stand a Deschambault, a few miles upriver from Quebec.  The patriots still were not sure  how large the British relief fleet would be.  Most of the fleet had not yet arrived.  General Wooster also favored taking a stand.  But almost all the other officers in attendance voted to retreat further up river to Sorel, where the St. Lawrence River met with the Richelieu River.  That was the patriot line of retreat back to Lake Champlain if the British attacked in force.

Thomas stayed in Deschambault in case the promised artillery arrived soon.  He could make a stand there, and at least command a holding action to delay any British assault.  Meanwhile Arnold, still back in Montreal, wanted to get closer to the front and stop what he saw as a precipitous retreat.  He moved forward to Sorel where most of the patriots from Quebec were going.

The only good news for the patriots at this time was that General William Thompson, newly appointed brigadier general, arrived in Canada with 2000 Continental reinforcements.  While the army now had men, it had no food for them, nor much ammunition.  Even worse, smallpox quickly began to ravage the ranks of the reinforcements, just as it had the men already serving in theater.

The Cedars

Arnold was hedging his bets at this point.  While he was trying to move as many forces as possible forward to confront an expected British advance, he also maintained posts further south to make sure the army had an open line of retreat, should rumors of overwhelming numbers of British reinforcements prove accurate.

With Arnold in Sorel, Colonel Moses Hazen commanded Montreal.  Upon hearing rumors that British garrisons further west had mobilized an attack force of Indians and French volunteers, Hazen dispatched Colonel Timothy Bedel and 400 soldiers to build a stockade at the Cedars.  The Cedars was located about 30 miles upriver and to the west of Montreal.  This would provide a defense against any surprise attack coming from further upriver against Montreal.

Battle of Ceders Map (from Wikimedia)
Bedel’s regiment began work on a stockade, but Bedel himself did not stay on site.  Instead, he left is second in command, Colonel Isaac Butterfield in command while Bedel left to meet with the local Caughnawaga Indian tribe.  He wanted to make sure this local tribe would not cooperate with the British in any attack.

Meanwhile the rumors of an attack force proved true.  A French Canadian named Claude de Lorimier, who served as a British Indian agent left Montreal to meet with Iroquois at Fort  Oswegatchie, a small outpost in western New York still occupied by a small British regular garrison.  Lorimier organized about 200 Iroquois, along with about 40 regulars and 10 local French Canadians, to attack the patriot forces at Montreal.  British Captain George Forster commanded the small brigade.

On May 15, Colonel Bedel received word that there was an British led Indian force headed to attack his regiment at the Cedars.  Rather than return to his regiment and take command, or even warn them, Bedel ran straight to Montreal to inform the command and ask for reinforcements.  Whether this was outright cowardice or an error in judgment, that would be debated later.  For now Bedel’s troops would have to face the enemy without their leader.

Bedel reported that 150 regulars and 500 Indians were getting ready to attack the force at the Cedars.  In fact, the total force was only around 250 total, including only 40 regulars.  Officials in Montreal argued over sending a relief force.  Apparently the two Congressional delegates still in Montreal tried to issue orders.  This led to a fight over authority with the officers in command.  As a result, no relief force left for two days when Major Henry Sherburne took 140 Continental soldiers to support the garrison at the Cedars.  Colonel Bedel started off with the relief column, but then decided he was “too sick” to march and returned to Montreal.

On May 18, the day after Sherburne’s relief force left Montreal, regulars and Iroquois surrounded the stockade at the Cedars.  The defenders outnumbered the attackers and also had two small field cannon to defend their position.  The men had sufficient food and supplies to defend themselves for days.

The British commander, Captain Forster decided to bluff.  Implying that he had a much larger force, he called on the force inside the stockade to surrender immediately, or suffer the full ravages of the attacking Indians.  Almost immediately Colonel Butterfield seemed ready to surrender, but only if the defenders could leave with their arms.  Forster would not agree to the terms and began his attack on the stockade.  Over the course of the day and night, the defenders easily held their position, only one man suffering a minor shoulder wound.

By the next morning though, Colonel Butterfield wanted to surrender.  His junior officers thought this was crazy and debated a mutiny to put a more capable officer in command of the defense.  But before they could do so, Butterfield called for surrender, apparently unnerved at the prospect of being tortured and murdered by Indians.  Forster’s force took the entire garrison prisoner and captured all of their arms, ammunition, food, and supplies.  As the men marched out of the stockade, the Indians stripped them of all valuables, went through their pockets, and took their personal possessions as prizes of war.

Sherburne’s Relief Column

Sherburne’s relief column, which had dwindled from 140 to about 100 men due to illness and posting guards to cover a potential retreat and guard supplies, approached the Cedars on May 19.  Upon hearing the garrison had already surrendered, Sherburne pulled back across the river and waited until the next morning to approach.

When his column did march, the Indians ambushed them in open ground.  The battle raged for about an hour, leading to 28 Continentals killed, and an unknown but apparently much smaller number of Indians killed or wounded.  Sherburne surrendered unconditionally.  The Indians took this to mean they could strip their captors of all their possessions, including their clothes.  There were no regulars with the party, but the Indian Agent Lorimier was with them and had to go to great lengths to keep the Indians from massacring the prisoners.  Later, some accused the Indians of  tomahawking and scalping several prisoners, though whether this really happened is debatable.  It is possible that the Indians just scalped some of the dead after the battle.

Lorimier and the Indians marched the naked prisoners back to a church where the prisoners from the Cedars were being held.  At this point, the Indians decided it was unfair that the Cedars prisoners got to keep their clothes while the relief column did not.  They proceeded to strip the rest of the prisoners of their clothes as well.  Prisoners had to sleep in open fields with no food or clothing, and not allowed fires nor given any food.

Arnold’s Relief Column

General Arnold soon received word of the fall of the Cedars and Sherburne’s relief column.  He feared the British and Indian Brigade would soon descend upon Montreal and capture the city.  Arnold ran back to Montreal where he grabbed every soldier he could find, a total of about 150 men.  As he marched his men toward the Cedars, he collected more soldiers from various outposts, so that is force totaled around 450 by the time he got near the enemy.

Benedict Arnold
On the evening of May 24, Arnold’s cobbled-together regiment heard the drums of the enemy encampment.  Arnold immediately called for a nighttime surprise raid that would scatter the enemy and recapture their comrades.  But his men refused.  They were not a single unit, but were a collection of small groups of soldiers from various places who had never fought together. They did not want to fight Indians at night and in open fields.

Frustrated, Arnold waited until morning, only to find that Captain Forster and his prisoners had retreated during the night. Forster was in a difficult situation.  His original force of 250 men was falling as some of the Indians began to leave with their booty.  He had nearly 500 prisoners and was facing Arnold’s attacking force, which some intelligence had exaggerated was as much as 2500 men.  Forster forced the prisoners to march through swamps and across streams.  At least one drowned and two others were killed after being unable to keep up.

Arnold finally caught up with Forster, who was moving the prisoners from an island to the opposite bank of the river.  Arnold sent a demand that Forster surrender his prisoners.  Instead, Forster sent a reply that if Arnold attacked he would allow the Indians to massacre all the prisoners.  Once Forster departed the island, Arnold moved his forces there, recapturing five prisoners who had been left behind.  Forster used the two cannon he had captured at the Cedars to keep Arnold from attempting a landing on the far bank in face of the enemy.

Forster, realizing he could not fight off Arnold for long, and retain control of all his prisoners, reached a deal with the captured commanders, Butterfield and Sherburne, to release all the prisoners on the promise that they would be exchanged for captured British soldiers of equal rank.  Arnold refused the terms because they held that American prisoners had to take an oath not to take up arms again, while the returned British prisoners would be under no such restriction.  Forster removed the condition of the oath to get an agreement and released his prisoners.

Aftermath

The Indians kept ten of the prisoners to be adopted into their tribes.  Later, the British ransomed and returned eight of the men.  The other two apparently opted to remain living in the tribes that adopted them.  Forster took custody of four officers as hostages to ensure the Americans would release their prisoners as promised.

Congress, however, decided the prisoner exchange was unacceptable.  It refused to release any prisoners, even though the Americans had already been returned.  They did this over the objections of Washington and other officers, who pointed out, correctly, that it would make future prisoner exchanges almost impossible if one side would not keep its word.  But since it was much harder to replace captured British regulars than Continentals, refusing exchanges, probably worked out better for the patriots.  Even so, it meant thousands of prisoners would suffer and die under miserable prison conditions.

Eventually, the British returned the four officers that had been held hostage.  I have not found out what terms or circumstances led to to their release, or exactly when that happened. But they, like many other officers felt betrayed by Congress’ refusal to accept the terms for the negotiated prisoner exchange.

Colonels Bedel and Butterfield both faced courts martial for their behavior.  Washington, who almost never said anything bad about a fellow officer called their conduct “base and cowardly.”  John Adams, who was never shy about criticizing anyone, called it “the first stain upon American arms.”

Given the combat conditions of the time, the courts martial had to be put off for several months.  After all, the British were still in the process of invading from Canada.  For the moment, everyone had to fight.  The hearings would have to come later.

In August, a court martial found found Bedel guilty of quitting his post when he ran back to Montreal rather than to his regiment when he heard of the enemy’s approach.  Bedel blamed his behavior on fuzzy thinking due to his illness.  He was suffering from a mild attack of smallpox after being inoculated.  He claimed this affected his admittedly poor judgment.  Even so, the court martial ordered him dismissed from the army, though he was permitted to rejoin the army a little over a year later.

Butterfield, who had surrendered the Cedars without much of a fight to an inferior force faced court martial for cowardice.  The court found him guilty and dismissed him from the army permanently.

John Phillip De Hass
The one other outcome of the incident was that Arnold, surprise surprise, made a few more enemies. Before returning to Montreal, Arnold ordered Colonel John Philip De Haas to burn a local Indian village, possibly for its cooperation with the marauders.  After Arnold left, De Haas decided not to burn the village, as it might provoke a new Indian uprising.  When Arnold learned about the refusal to obey his direct order, he was outraged.  De Haas would go on to become a general, but remained on Arnold’s bad side for the remainder of the war.

Colonel Moses Hazen had also served under Arnold during the attempted rescue of the Cedars garrison.  Hazen had been among the officers who refused to back Arnold’s attempts to attack the enemy aggressively.  During the arguments, the men exchanged insults and became lifelong enemies.  Arnold, who had written several positive comments about Hazen up until this point, now believed the man was not fit for command.  Although Hazen would also become a Continental general, Arnold wanted nothing more to do with him, and apparently the feeling was mutual.

The battle of the Cedars, as it came to be known, was another stain on the reputation of the northern army. It would not be the last defeat as the British pushed the patriots out of Canada and reclaimed that territory for the King.

Next Week: I’m going to step back from the battles raging around the continent to take a look at the state constitution movement that is easing the colonies into independent states.

- - -

Next  Episode 91: State Constitution, Part 1

Previous Episode 89: Washington Moves to New York



Click here to donate
American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy


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You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Further Reading

Websites

Hamilton, Edward. General John Thomas, Massachusetts Historical Society,
Third Series, Vol. 84 (1972), pp. 44-52 http://www.jstor.org/stable/25080728 (free to read online, requires registration).

Battle of the Cedars (Les Cèdres): https://www.myrevolutionarywar.com/battles/760515-cedars

The Battle of the Cedars:
http://www.revwartalk.com/Battles-1776/05-18-1776-battles-battle-of-the-cedars-near-quebec-begins-quebec-campaign.html

Dacus, Jeff "Brigadier General John De Haas: A Bad Example to Others" Journal of the American Revolution (April 2015):
https://allthingsliberty.com/2015/04/brigadier-general-john-de-haas-a-bad-example-to-others

Video, Miller, Ken British and Hessian Prisoners in the Revolutionary War, (C-Span, 2015): https://www.c-span.org/video/?323483-1/discussion-british-hessian-prisoners-revolutionary-war

Swain, David The Timothy Bedel Papers and Andrew Park Pamphlet (Nov. 2010): http://davidlibraryar.blogspot.com/2010/11/timothy-bedel-papers-and-andrew-park.html

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

An Authentic narrative of facts relating to the exchange of prisoners taken at the Cedars, London: T. Cadell, 1777

Codman, John Arnold’s Expedition To Quebec,  New York, MacMillan Co., 1901.

Coffin, Charles The Life and Services of Major General John Thomas, New York: Egbert, Hovey & King, 1844.

Hill, George Benedict Arnold: A Biography, Boston: E.O. Libby & Co. 1858.

Kingsford, William The History of Canada, Vol. 6,  Toronto: Roswell & Hutchinson, 1887.

Smith, Justin Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada, and the American Revolution, Vol. 2, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1907.

Winsor, Justin (ed) Arnold's expedition against Quebec. 1775-1776: The Diary of Ebenezer Wild, Cambridge: John Wilson & Son, 1886.

Withington, Lothrop (ed) Caleb Haskell's diary. May 5, 1775-May 30, 1776. A revolutionary soldier's record before Boston and with Arnold's Quebec expedition, Newburyport: W.H. Huse, 1881.

Würtele, Fred C. Blockade of Quebec in 1775-1776 by the American revolutionists (les Bastonnais) Vol 1) Quebec: Daily Telegraph Job Printing House, 1905.

Würtele, Fred C. Blockade of Quebec in 1775-1776 by the American revolutionists (les Bastonnais) Vol 2) Quebec: Daily Telegraph Job Printing House, 1906.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Anderson, Mark The Battle for the Fourteenth Colony: America’s War of Liberation in Canada, 1774–1776, University Press of New England, 2013.

Cubbison, Douglas R. The American Northern Theater Army in 1776, Jefferson, NC: Macfarland & Co. 2010.

Everest, Allan S. Moses Hazen and the Canadian Refugees in the American Revolution. Syracuse University Press, 1976. Also available as free download at: www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv64h762 (book recommendation of the week).

Hatch, Robert Thrust for Canada, New York: Houghton-Mifflin, 1979.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

Martin, James Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero, New York: NYU Press, 1997.

Randall, Willard Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor, William Morrow & Co. 1990.



Sunday, March 24, 2019

Episode 089: Washington Moves to New York




At the end of March 1776, General Washington was still enjoying the adulation of expelling the last large British force in the 13 colonies.  General Howe had sailed his army from Boston to Halifax to await his brother, Admiral Howe, and his other reinforcements.

Washington Prepares his Defense

Washington knew that a strike would be coming, but still did not know where or when.  Washington was on defense now, and had to figure out where he needed defenses.

In his letters to Congress in April and May, Washington guessed that Howe might attack at Quebec, New York, or both.  He also had to worry about Clinton’s force down in the Carolinas.  With less than 10,000 Continentals to defend New York and only about 2000 for Quebec, he really did not have enough troops to defend either properly.  His hope was to force Howe to attack well entrenched positions where, like Bunker Hill, the regulars would take far more casualties than the Continentals.

His only other hope was for large numbers of local militia to turn out in each area to augment the Army.  In Canada, this had proven impossible.  Similarly in New York far fewer locals were willing to turn out and fight for the cause.  Much larger populations were either loyalist or simply unwilling to risk their necks for the cause.  Before battle came, Washington’s ranks would swell to around 20,000.  However, these added militia proved very disappointing in battle and convinced Washington of the need for a larger well trained Continental army if  he ever hoped to win the war.

Washington seemed convinced that Howe would be headed to New York, though he continued to write letters indicating he could not be sure.

Lee Begins Defense of New York

Back in January 1776, Washington had sent Gen. Charles Lee to New York.  Lee, who was third in command of the army, was getting bored at the Siege of Boston.  He wanted an independent command and was not shy about writing to Congress about it.

Lee had a hard time treating Washington as a superior.  Remember, Lee had known Washington since the two men fought together under General Braddock in 1754.  At that time, Lee was a lieutenant in the regular army and had command authority over Washington in the Virginia militia.  In the intervening decades, Lee had wracked up experience fighting in Europe for Britain and other countries, while Washington had sat around Virginia as a farmer and politician.  Lee was generally respectful toward Washington as his commander.  But anyone who talked to Lee for more than five minutes had to realize he considered himself superior to Washington as an officer and military strategist.  He seemed to be biding his time until everyone else realized the same thing and replaced Washington with Lee as commander of the army.

New York 1776 (from Bowery Boys History)
Washington seemed to have an amazing knack for letting his subordinates shine, even when it might mean his own replacement.  When Congress decided to give Lee an independent command in New York, Washington backed the plan.  Indeed, he encouraged it.  Before taking command, Lee spent a few weeks in Connecticut recruiting about 1200 soldiers to take with him to New York.

Part of his mission was to begin building defenses in anticipation of an assault by sea.  But his first job was making sure the Tories in and around New York did not create their own threat.  Although radicals like Isaac Sears still controlled New York City for the patriots, many Tories were waiting quietly for things to change.  There was still a British fleet in the harbor, along with Governor William Tryon, though they did not dare step foot on land.  New Yorkers feared that Lee’s presence with his New England regiments would convince the British fleet to fire on the city, possibly burning it to the ground.

When word reached the Continentals that General Henry Clinton had left Boston for New York, they decided Lee needed to get down there, despite any protests, and make sure Clinton was not going to try to take the city.  He needed to discover Clinton’s intentions.

Lee figured there was nothing like the direct approach, so he wrote Clinton a letter and had it delivered to Clinton’s ship in New York Harbor.  Lee and Clinton had been old friends in the regular army where they served together for years.  The fact that Lee was now a traitor and one of the commanding generals in an army that Clinton was tasked to destroy, did not seem to bother either of them.  Clinton assured Lee that he was only there to confer with the royal governor, that he only had a few companies with him and had no intention of landing.  He was headed down to the Carolinas to meet up with General Cornwallis and the regiments he was bringing over to retake the Carolinas.

All of this was true, but really Clinton, just write a letter outlining your entire plan and send it to the enemy?  Even Lee seemed skeptical when he forwarded the information to Washington.  What kind of General would do that?  But that’s exactly what Clinton did.

Lee immediately set about testing the resolve of the British Navy.  He brought his 1200 Connecticut soldiers into the city, along with another 1000 from New Jersey.  He dismantled the artillery battery at the harbor, right under the nose of the Navy.  The British had threatened to level the city if the patriots took the guns.  But Lee took them and they did nothing.  Lee also cut off Governor Tryon’s ability to send and receive letters from his ship in the harbor.

Charles Lee (from Wikimedia)
While Lee was an aggressive military figure, he definitely lacked Washington’s political skills.  Lee never asked for anything.  He ordered it.  Like other British officers I've discussed in the past, Lee considered civilian government officials as his subordinates, there to follow his orders.  The New York Provincial Congress was in no mood to take orders from this outsider.  Lee and the Congress started an intense feud that got really personal, really fast.

It probably would have become a problem had not Congress decided to transfer Lee out of the city.  In February, Congress tapped Lee to take command of the Northern Army in Canada.  Then, a few weeks later, Congress changed its mind and gave Lee an new command: the Southern Department.  Lee would be responsible for the defense of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia.  Since Lee knew Clinton was headed to that region with a fairly sizable army, he was happy to have an independent command that would soon give him a chance to show off his military prowess.  By the end of March, Lee was on his way south, taking up a new headquarters in Williamsburg, Virginia.

This was about the same time Washington was chasing Howe’s army out of Boston, meaning Washington would be free to take over the defense of New York himself.

Washington Takes Command at NY

The British had evacuated Boston in mid-March.  Over several weeks in late March and early April, as Washington became increasingly confident that Howe really was leaving Massachusetts for Halifax, he shipped more and more of his army to New York.

As soon as General Lee left, General William Alexander, also known as Lord Stirling took command.  Stirling was born and raised in New York, but settled in New Jersey as an adult.  He had a Scottish claim to a noble title, hence the title Lord Stirling, though the British House of Lords had refused to accept that claim.  When the Revolution began, Stirling, who had no military experience, became a militia colonel when he used his personal wealth to outfit a regiment of New Jersey militia.  In January 1776, he made a name for  himself when he and his men boarded several small fishing vessels, sailed to a British supply vessel near New York Harbor and captured it.

Seen as a rising star, on March 1, Congress promoted Sterling as one of six officers, as new brigadier generals in the Continental Army.  A few days later upon Lee’s departure from the City, he found himself in command at New  York city.  His command was short lived though.

Lord Stirling (from Smithsonian)
On March 21, Stirling had to turn over command to William Thompson, who was appointed General on the same day as Stirling but designated as more senior to him.  The Irish born Thompson was at least a veteran of the French and Indian War, who had lived in Pennsylvania.  Col. Thompson had commanded a Pennsylvania Rifle Company at the Siege of Boston, where he apparently impressed Congress enough to make General.

A week later, General William Heath arrived from Boston to take command trom Thompson.  Heath had been one of the original Brigadiers which Congress appointed back in June of 1775.  He had been a militia offer in Massachusetts and had been a General in the Massachusetts Provincial Army.  Heath had seen some action at the very end of the British retreat from Concord and had distinguished himself during the Siege of Boston.

Heath’s command also lasted only about a week before Major General Israel Putnam arrived in New York.  I’ve already discussed Putnam’s considerable activities during the Siege of Boston and at Bunker Hill.  But even General Putnam only lasted in command for just over a week until Washington himself arrived to assume command on April 13.

I went through all those quick changes in command to give some idea of the chaos as the Continental Army slowly migrated to New York.  Also, all of the generals I just mentioned are going to play important roles in the coming weeks and months.

Defending New York

As we think of the sprawling metropolis of New York today, it is  hard to image the area in 1776.  The entire region had a population of around 25,000 - smaller than Philadelphia at the time.  New York City was only the very lower tip of Manhattan Island, then called York Island.  Most of what is north of what we know today as Canal Street was farmland and unpopulated forest.  Across the East River, what we call today Brooklyn, was mostly a few large country estates.  The actual village of Brooklyn was a few miles inland and consisted of less than a dozen houses and an old Dutch Church.  There were no bridges, only ferries, to cross the Hudson or East Rivers.

By the time Washington arrived in the city, much of the population had already left.  Tories had no interest in ending up refugees, having to abandon all their property and run for their lives.  Most had packed up and left town before it became a problem.  Many others simply did not want to be in a war zone.  Before long, the civilian population would drop to around four thousand.

Brooklyn, 1776 (from Wikimedia)
The British found New York a more desirable headquarters, not only because it had a larger Tory population in the surrounding area, but because it would be impossible for anyone to hold the city without controlling the waterways around it.  New York Harbor could serve as shelter to dozens of large naval vessels.  The Hudson and East Rivers were large enough to accommodate the largest ships of the line well upriver.

Without any real navy, Washington realized he needed to do something to prevent the British Navy from surrounding the island and landing wherever they wished.  Washington followed the basic plans that General Lee had initiated months earlier.  But Lee had already told Washington, that they had no realistic chance of holding New York.  Because the British controlled the seas, they could easily land wherever they wanted and overwhelm any resistance.  The best the patriots could hope for was to force the British to attack entrenched positions and pay a terrible price to take the land, much like they did at Bunker Hill.  But there were no guarantees that General Howe would fall for that a second time.

Before Lee arrived, New York had only Fort George, at the very southern tip of the island, today known as Battery Park.  Thinking the British might attempt a direct assault, Lee destroyed some of the defensive walls there and build defensive embankments with cannon a little further inland.  The idea was that if the British landed under the cover of their navy cannons, they would enter a killing zone as soon as they tried to move off the shore and into the town.

Lee and his successors built a series of defensive embankments throughout the city.  They also established Fort Washington and Fort Constitution (later renamed Fort Lee) on the Hudson River north of town.  Fort Washington sat on the New York side and Fort Constitution on the New Jersey side.  The idea was that any enemy ship trying to move up the Hudson would have to pass through an artillery barrage from both sides of the river.

Lee also established Fort Putnam, on the east side of the East River to deter any enemy ships from trying to move up the East River.

The British might try a direct assault on Manhattan.  But the other likely line of attack would be to land on Long Island, move over land into Brooklyn, then attempt an assault across the East River supported by the Navy.  To prevent such an attack, the Continentals established a line of defense at the Gowanus Heights, a hilly region in the middle of Brooklyn / Long Island that provided the best natural line of defense.  The Continentals would deploy much of their army along this line, especially guarding the passes through the heights to block any British advance from that direction.

After Lee’s departure, Washington left Putnam with primary responsibility for setting up defenses in the city.  General Nathanael Greene oversaw the building of defenses on Long Island.

Washington Visits Congress

Even though Washington was leading an army preparing to defend against the largest military invasion any of them had ever seen, he decided to take a few weeks to visit Congress in Philadelphia.  On May 21, George and Martha set off for Philadelphia.  Washington was so concerned that something might happen in New York while he was away, that he arranged for horses to be standing ready at regular intervals between Philadelphia and New York.  If something happened, he could ride back at a gallop, changing for fresh horses every few miles.

Which the Washingtons arrived in Philadelphia they found a place to stay on Chestnut street only a block from the State House, what would later be known as Independence Hall.  To make room for the General and his wife, the landlord had to kick out their current border.  Thomas Jefferson had to pack his bags and find some other place to stay for a few weeks.

While in Philadelphia, Washington sat for a portrait with Charles Willson Peale.  This was not the first time, nor the last time that Washington would sit for Peale, who painted dozens of Washington portraits.  Martha Washington had a less pleasant time in the city.  She got an inoculation for smallpox, which at the time gave the recipient a limited version of the disease for several weeks or even months.  Since she was spending time with the army the risk of getting full blown smallpox was too high to ignore.

Washington’s main purpose, of course, in coming to Philadelphia, was to confer with Congress.  Sadly, we don’t have a good record of what they discussed exactly as Washington did not appear before the full Congress, which recorded its proceedings in the Journal.  But much of the discussion was over strategy, and specifically whether the army should attempt to hold New York against a British attack (the answer was yes).

Congress was heavily involved at this time in debating independence, so that was almost certainly a topic of conversation as well.  But I’m going to get into the details of that whole debate in a future episode.

Betsy Ross presents flag to George Washington (from Wikimedia)
Of greater relevance to Washington was the creation of a Congressional Board of War to oversee war strategy.  The Board consisted of 14 members, one from each colony, and Virginia for some reason got two.  The Board selected John Adams as its chairman, making him effectively the first Secretary of War.  Feeling out of his depth, Adams immediately wrote to friends in Massachusetts to ask them to search the Harvard library for any books on military strategy.  Apparently a career as a country lawyer did not prepare Adams to run an army.  Of course, Washington, also wanted to buy some books on military strategy after he received his appointment as Commander of the Army.  None of these guys were experienced professionals in the military.

 By some unverifiable accounts, Washington also met with Betsy Ross during this visit to discuss the design of a new American flag.  According to Ross family lore, Washington, along with Robert Morris and George Ross, met with Betsy.  Morris and Ross were both Pennsylvania delegates.  Morris was a wealthy Philadelphia merchant.  George Ross was Betsy’s uncle.

The story itself may be apocryphal as the only evidence is a claim by Betsy’s grandson decades after her death. He claimed it was part of the family’s oral history.  If it happened at all, it probably happened about a year later in 1777.  But it would be in keeping with Washington’s character to take a personal interest in the flag’s design, given how much personal focus he had put into the design of uniforms and other details.

In any event, Washington returned to New York, leaving Philadelphia on June 5, and arriving back in New York the following day.  The army had been rife with rumors that Washington had gone to Congress to resign his commission.  Therefore, his officers and men met his return with especially strong celebration.

As it turned out, the British did not do much of anything during Washington’s absence.  It would be months before Howe’s army could get its act together and begin the invasion.  Washington would have many more months to prepare his defenses.

- - -

Next  Episode 90: Battle of the Cedars 

Previous Episode 88: British War Plans for 1776



Click here to donate
American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy


Click here to see my Patreon Page
You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Further Reading

Websites

Incivility in a Civil War, Loyalists, Tories, and Neutrals, by Stefan Bielinski:
https://exhibitions.nysm.nysed.gov/albany/or/or-icw.html

Reinke, A.A. "Occupation of New York City by the British, 1776" The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1877), pp. 133-148: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20084272

The New York Campaign: http://www.ouramericanrevolution.org/index.cfm/page/view/p0217

1776 American Revolutionary War Forts & Defenses Constructed In & Around New York City: http://www.revolutionarywarjournal.com/nyc-defense

Gunther, Steven The American Defense of Long Island, 1776: Destined for Failure, Marine Corps University Master's Paper: https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a491572.pdf

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Edwards, George W. New York as an Eighteenth Century Municipality, 1731-1776, New York: Columbia University Press, 1917

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 4, Vol 5, Washington US Government Printing Office, 1837.

Flick, Alexander C. Loyalism in New York During the American Revolution, New York, The Columbia University Press, 1901.

Fraser, Georgia The Stone House of Gowanus, scene of the battle of Long Island, New York: Witter and Kintner, 1909.

Johnston, Henry The Campaign of 1776 Around New York and Brooklyn, Brooklyn: Long Island Historical Society, 1878.

Mather, Federic The Refugees of 1776 from Long Island to Connecticut, Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon Co. 1913.

Schwab, John C. The Revolutionary History of Fort Number Eight on Morris Heights, New York City, New Haven, Conn., Priv. print. 1897. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Bliven, Bruce Under the Guns: New York, 1775-1776, New York: Harper & Rowe, 1972.

Daughan, George C. Revolution on the Hudson: New York City and the Hudson River Valley in the American War of Independence, New York: W.W. Norton & Co. 2016.

Ellis, Joseph Revolutionary Summer: The Birth of American Independence, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2013.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Schecter, Barnet The Battle for New York, New York: Walker Publishing, 2002 (book recommendation of the week).