Sunday, March 10, 2019

Episode 087 Canada, Spring 1776




Last week the British finally evacuated Boston.  The British, however were still holding Quebec.  The Americans could not take the city.  If they could not take control before British reinforcements arrived in the spring, Canada would almost certainly remain British.

When we last left Canada in Episode 79, General Richard Montgomery had been killed and Colonel Benedict Arnold injured, and most of their army captured in the failed attempt to take the city of Quebec on January 1, 1776.

Following the battle, Arnold, who found out about his promotion to general in late January, ran the continued siege of Quebec from his hospital bed.  His force of only a few hundred men was smaller than the force of defenders inside the city.  He begged for reinforcements but received almost none.  Remember at the end of 1775, General Washington’s army around Boston almost dissolved completely as enlistments came to an end with no end in sight for that siege either.  As a result, little more than General Arnold’s tenacity and refusal to give up was keeping the siege alive.

Only General Guy Carleton’s lack of faith in his troops, kept him from marching out of city and crushing what remained of the Continental Army in Canada.  To be fair, most of Carleton’s defenders were civilian militia. The Continentals had captured most of his regulars at St. Jean.  Carleton expected large numbers of reinforcements in the spring.  He was content to sit tight inside the walls of Quebec and await relief.

Arnold Fighting With Other Officers

As if Arnold’s lack of troops and having to command from a hospital bed was not enough of a handicap, he also had to deal with the fact that almost all of the officers under his command hated him.  Arnold had made enemies of Colonel Easton, Colonel Warner, and Major Brown during the capture of Fort Ticonderoga nearly a year earlier.  All of these officers had backed Arnold’s rival Ethan Allen.  Arnold had actually physically beaten up Easton the year before, something I described  back in Episode 60.  They had been under the command of General Montgomery.  After his death, they came under Arnold’s command.  None of them were happy about it.

Sketch of the city of Quebec following the New Year's Eve 1775 attack (from Wikimedia)  

Adding to the hostile subordinates was the fact that Arnold also now had General David Wooster as his immediate superior in Montreal.  Wooster and Arnold were both brigadier generals now, but Wooster had seniority, giving him authority over Arnold. Wooster also remained Arnold’s oldest wartime enemy.  Recall that a day or two after Lexington, Captain Arnold of the New Haven militia had to threaten to attack the New Haven powder house by force of arms to get the powder his men needed before marching to Boston.  The councilman he had threatened to attack was, of course, now his superior officer, General Wooster.

Fortunately, for Arnold, he still had a friend in Maj. General Philip Schuyler, who was still in overall command of the Northern Army.  Congress almost took away this one Arnold ally, when it removed Schuyler from command of Canada, replacing him with General Charles Lee.  Those orders only lasted a few weeks though, before Congress decided Lee was of better use in New York City.  But Congress had limited Schuyler’s command to New York.  It would send a new commander, John Thomas in a few months. I’ll discuss Thomas in an upcoming episode.  For the moment though Wooster was the senior officer in theater.

Local Support

A big part of the plan was for patriots to raise local militia to fight alongside the Continental Army to overthrow the British.  The Continental Congress never had the resources to send thousands of soldiers to Canada to overthrow the government.  Without local cooperation, success seemed unlikely.

The locals, though, did not seem terribly interested.  The British had recruited hundreds of Scottish Highlander immigrants living in Canada.  These were the primary forces defending Quebec.

Locals around Quebec, however, had no great interest in joining either side.  Most were French Catholics who had lost the French and Indian War a over a decade earlier.  They did not have the same militia traditions found in New England and had never had elected leaders.  Overall, British rule had been good to them.  After France surrendered Canada to Britain, they retained their right to practice their Catholic faith, keep their private property, and continue their lives pretty much as it had been.  The recently passed Quebec Act, which outraged the other colonies, benefited Quebec greatly by opening up the Ohio Valley to their control.

Benedict Arnold 
Most locals simply wanted to avoid the suffering brought on by war, and feared picking the wrong side.  That could mean losing their property, or even their lives.  Had the Continentals captured Quebec, it’s likely that more Canadians would have thought they could win and jumped on the bandwagon.  But the failure to capture Quebec made the likely outcome that London would send a large number of reinforcements in the Spring and push the Continentals out of the region.  No one would want to be seen as a supporting treason against the King once the regulars reestablished control.

The Continentals had done their best when they entered Canada they brought a letter from Congress To the Oppressed Inhabitants of Canada in both English and French translations.  The letter explained that they came as friends, to help liberate Canada from British tyranny.  But most Canadians, as I said, were not feeling particularly oppressed.  Things actually seemed to be improving for them under British rule.

The British, of course, countered with pamphlets of their own, saying, Look, we just gave all you French speaking Catholics a whole bunch of rights that you did not have even when France ruled here.  We just gave you authority over the Ohio Valley.  Now, take a look at all the horrible things the colonists have been saying about the threat of French Popery and see how they treat Catholics in their own colonies.  Do you really want to side with them?  For the most part, the French Canadians did their best to sit out the war.

It did not help that the Continentals had no cash, but were demanding food, clothing, shelter, and other supplies from the Canadians.  Sure, they handed out paper currency, or sometimes just written notes which might or might not be repaid at some point in the future, but who knows if those would be worth anything?  Some Canadians started accepting Continental currency at a discount, to account for the risk that it might turn out to be worthless at some point.  Rather than deal with that reality, General Arnold simply issued an edict saying that anyone who refused to take Continental currency at face value would be considered an enemy of the cause and treated as such.  After that, most locals simply did there best to avoid doing any business with the Continental Army.

General Wooster had also done his best to damage any possible good relations with the locals.  From his command in Montreal, Wooster arrested any locals who seemed insufficiently patriotic. Some he held locally, but most he shipped off to Albany where they would be someone else’s problem to feed and care for.  In Albany, Gen. Schuyler received a steady stream of prisoners, most of whom he saw as no real threat.  Many of them has simply expressed displeasure at some of Wooster’s policies.  Schuyler began paroling many and allowing them to return home.  It was Wooster’s complaint about these paroles that made public the animosity between him and Schuyler.

Moses Hazen

The Continentals did raise some local support though.  Colonel James Livingston of New York was authorized to recruit the First Canadian Regiment in the fall of 1775 as the Continentals were making their way toward Quebec.  Although he claimed to  have raised 1000 recruits, it appears his regiment never had more than 200 active soldiers during the campaign.  But his claims may have given motivation to start recruiting for a second Canadian Regiment under Moses Hazen.

Although he lived in Montreal, Hazen’s sympathy for the patriot cause probably had its roots in the fact that he was born and raised in Massachusetts.  He had come to Canada as a colonial officer during the French and Indian War, participating in several major battles to push France out of Canada.  He even purchased a Lieutenant’s commission in the regular army, retiring on half pay at the end of the war.

After the war, Hazen settled in Montreal where he became a prominent local government leader and businessman.  By the time of the invasion, he owned large tracts of land around St. Jean and elsewhere.

Sir Guy Carleton
When Arnold first attacked St. Jean back in early 1775, Hazen seemed to back the British, reporting to Governor Carleton and working with the British to organize defenses against the invaders.  When General Montgomery planned to retake St. Jean in the fall, Hazen visited General Schuyler to try to convince him that the defenses were too strong and that they should not attack.

While Schuyler listened at first, he eventually decided that Hazen was giving him false intelligence and had him arrested.  When Carleton’s forces moved against the patriots, they abandoned their prisoner.  But the British now did not trust Hazen either and imprisoned him in Montreal.  In November, when Carleton had to retreat back to Quebec, Hazen once again fell into the hands of the patriots.  This time, Hazen decided to get on board wholeheartedly with the patriot cause.  He assisted in the failed attack on Quebec in January 1776.  Afterwards, Congress gave him a commission as colonel and authorized him to recruit the Second Canadian Regiment for the Continental Army.  Hazen had only raised about 250 soldiers for his regiment by March 1776, where his men were serving under General Wooster in Montreal.

I’m giving this background on Hazen because he will eventually go on to become a general in the Continental Army and be involved in many other events.  But that is getting ahead of ourselves.

For now, in the spring of 1776, Arnold is commanding a few hundred men surrounding Quebec, which seems to be going nowhere. Wooster has a few hundred more men at Montreal and is worried about Indian attacks or local uprisings that may challenge his control of the region.  Similarly, Schuyler remains in Albany, responsible for the entire region, and now seems primarily concerned about possible Indian uprisings as well.

Although the patriots had forced Governor Carleton into a defense of Quebec, giving him no control of anything outside the city, there were still British garrisons elsewhere in Canada.  Along the east coast, British authority remained unchallenged in Halifax and the whole area around the Gulf of St. Lawrence.  Everyone fully expected a relief fleet from Britain to arrive in the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the spring.  That force would attempt to make its way up the St. Lawrence River to break the Siege of Quebec.  The only questions were how large the relief force would be, and how much resistance the Continentals could put up to stop them.

Also, further to the west, small garrisons of British regulars remained in places like Detroit and Green Bay.  While these small garrisons were no threat themselves, the officers at those garrisons were encouraging local tribes to consider going to war against the Continentals.

For the tribes, war was an opportunity for plunder.  It also made them more valuable in the eyes of the British, meaning they could get more gifts or favorable treaty terms in the future.  So the threat of Indian attack from the western tribes also seemed like a very clear and present danger once the spring fighting season began.

Congressional Committee

Following the January defeat at Quebec, the Continental Congress sent an investigative committee headed by Benjamin Franklin to investigate the failure to take Quebec.  Committee finally arrived in March,1776.  Where they met with Generals Schuyler, Wooster and Arnold, all separately, as well as other locals to assess the viability continuing the Quebec Campaign.

In the end, the Committee agreed with Arnold’s view that Congress’ failure to provide the necessary money and manpower had made victory there impossible.  The Committee wrote to Congress requesting £20,000.  Congress, of course, had nowhere near that much hard currency.  They were printing paper notes as fast as they could, but did not have gold and silver.

When Congress could not provide the necessary money and manpower, the Committee recommended pulling out of Canada and taking a defensive posture in Northern New York.  Franklin’s Committee spent nearly two months in the region.  They came away with a good impression of Arnold, and seemed to agree that Wooster was not up to the job.

Battle of Saint Pierre

During the months following Quebec, both sides mostly waited to see who would get reinforcements first.  But Arnold could not remain idle.  If he did not have the resources for combat, he could at least have his army preparing for battle by taking better positions and entrenching them.

In March 1776, Arnold ordered a small contingent of artillery to set up a battery at Pointe-Lévis, directly across the St. Lawrence river from Quebec.  The location gave the Continentals a range of fire that would cover Quebec’s harbor as well as any shipping trying to move up or down river.  It would help to keep Quebec isolated from receiving supplies, but more importantly could fire on any British reinforcements seeking to relieve Quebec.

Map of Quebec City (from Wikimedia)
Local French loyalists living in the area, sneaked into Quebec and informed General Carleton.  Despite his concerns, Carleton was still in no mood to risk his position by sending his army outside the city walls.  Instead, he gave instructions to the informant to deliver to Louis Liénard de Beaujeu, another French Canadian loyalist.  Beaujeu came from a French noble family and had personally served as an officer against the British army during the French and Indian War.

When the war ended and Britain took control of Quebec, Beaujeu, who has been born in Canada and owned vast properties in the region, threw in his lot with the British.  He helped to end animosities between Indian tribes and the British government now controlling all of Canada.  When the Continentals invaded Quebec, Beaujeu remained loyal to the British government.

Under Carleton’s instructions, Beaujeu raised about 170 French Canadian volunteers to attack the battery before it could be completed.  Beaujeu sent an advance force of 46 men to Saint-Pierre to establish a base of operation as the home of a local loyalist and militia commander.

Because the local population was so divided, local French-Canadians favoring the Continentals got word of the plans and notified Gen. Arnold.  Not wanting to wait for an attack, Arnold immediately dispatched 80 Continental soldiers to confront the loyalist attack force.  Hazen, who was at this time still operating independently as a recruiter for the Continentals, also raised about 150 local patriot militia to fight alongside Arnold’s detachment on Continentals.

On March 25, the combined patriot force discovered the loyalist advance force at Saint-Pierre, and surrounded the home that they had occupied.  The loyalists barricaded themselves inside the home, leading to a firefight.  The patriots had a small field cannon with them, making their job much easier.

Both sides killed about six enemy, and probably about a dozen wounded on each side (as usual, records are vague and contradictory).  A few of the loyalists escaped, but most surrendered and were taken prisoner.  For the locals, this really was a family feud.  Most of the French Canadians on either side knew each other.  Many were related.

In the end, not wanted to create further hard feelings with the locals, the patriots released the prisoners on the promise that they would not again take up arms against the patriots.  Beaujeu, realizing he had lost about a quarter of his force, the element of surprise, and the morale of his men, gave up his attempt to take the battery.  He had to go into hiding to avoid capture and arrest by the Continental Army.

Wooster Takes over Quebec

In April 1776, Gen. Wooster decided that he should take control of the army around Quebec.  By this time, Arnold had mostly recovered from his leg wound and was back to preparing the army for the spring offensive.  Wooster, however, made it clear to the junior general, that Wooster was now in charge and he would not be taking any advice from Arnold.

David Wooster
In frustration, Arnold requested to leave Quebec and took over Wooster’s old command at Montreal.  Some accounts say his horse took a fall, causing him to re-injure his wounded leg, and that was the reason for him leaving Quebec.  But I’m inclined to believe it was Wooster.  He could not stand the man and definitely did not want to take direct orders from him everyday.  The fact that Arnold did not leave Quebec in January when he had a life threatening leg injury indicates he would not leave just because of a much more minor injury that did not even break a bone.

Wooster launched an artillery barrage against Quebec from the Plains of Abraham.  The problem was, he only had a few guns, far fewer than the defenders.  Wooster spent a few days taking pot shots at the city, but clearly would have no impact other than wasting the dwindling supply of Continental ammunition.  One defender mockingly noted that the attack, only killed one young boy in his home, wounded one sailor, and injured one turkey.  The attackers did set a few buildings on fire, but this in no way seriously threatened the defense of the city.

After that pointless attack, Wooster settled in to wait for something to happen.  Like Carleton, Wooster would do much of anything else unless he received more reinforcements.  As a result, both armies sat and waited.

- - -

Next  Episode 88: British War Plans for 1776

Previous Episode 86: The Evacuation of Boston



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Further Reading

Websites 

James Livingston: http://www.fulton.nygenweb.net/military/livingston.html

Moses Hazen: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/hazen_moses_5E.html

Letter from Continental Congress  to the oppressed inhabitants of Canada, May  29, 1775: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/contcong_05-29-75.asp

Americans win the battle of Saint Pierre: http://www.revolutionary-war-and-beyond.com/americans-win-the-battle-of-saint-pierre.html

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Codman, John Arnold’s Expedition To Quebec,  New York, MacMillan Co., 1901.

Hill, George Benedict Arnold: A Biography, Boston: E.O. Libby & Co. 1858.

Kingsford, William The History of Canada, Vol. 6,  Toronto: Roswell & Hutchinson, 1887.

Smith, Justin Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada, and the American Revolution, Vol. 2, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1907.

Winsor, Justin (ed) Arnold's expedition against Quebec. 1775-1776: The Diary of Ebenezer Wild, Cambridge: John Wilson & Son, 1886.

Withington, Lothrop (ed) Caleb Haskell's diary. May 5, 1775-May 30, 1776. A revolutionary soldier's record before Boston and with Arnold's Quebec expedition, Newburyport: W.H. Huse, 1881.

Würtele, Fred C. Blockade of Quebec in 1775-1776 by the American revolutionists (les Bastonnais) Vol 1) Quebec: Daily Telegraph Job Printing House, 1905.

Würtele, Fred C. Blockade of Quebec in 1775-1776 by the American revolutionists (les Bastonnais) Vol 2) Quebec: Daily Telegraph Job Printing House, 1906..

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Anderson, Mark The Battle for the Fourteenth Colony: America’s War of Liberation in Canada, 1774–1776, University Press of New England, 2013.

Cubbison, Douglas R. The American Northern Theater Army in 1776, Jefferson, NC: Macfarland & Co. 2010 (book recommendation of the week).

Hatch, Robert Thrust for Canada, New York: Houghton-Mifflin, 1979.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.

Lefkowitz, Arthur S. Benedict Arnold's Army: The 1775 American Invasion of Canada During the Revolutionary War, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2008.

Martin, James Benedict Arnold: Revolutionary Hero, New York: NYU Press, 1997.

Phillips, Kevin 1775: A Good Year for Revolution, New York: Viking Penguin, 2012.

Randall, Willard Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor, William Morrow & Co. 1990.




Sunday, March 3, 2019

Episode 086: Evacuation of Boston




Last week, the Continental Army took Dorchester Heights.  The British could not retake the heights by force, and put their entire force under risk of attack of bombardment from the heights.

Decision to Evacuate

Now months earlier, British General William Howe had planned to evacuate Boston.  Secretary of State Germain had even sent communications authorizing evacuation months earlier, but Howe felt a winter evacuation would be to difficult.

He had planned to move his army down to New York and make New York City his base of operations in the spring.  London was sending large numbers of reinforcements in a few months.  Howe was mostly awaiting their arrival.

Howe Evacuates Boston (from Mt. Vernon)
Gen. John Burgoyne was deploying to Canada, where he would reassert control there.  Burgoyne would then move down the Hudson as Howe moved up the Hudson.  With this, the two armies would cut off New England and isolate the most troublesome part of the continent.  New England colonists would suffer under a British blockade while the regulars pacified and reasserted control over the middle and southern colonies, where they thought patriot sentiment was not as universal.

It seemed like a good plan. The problem was Washington and the Continental Army had pushed up Howe’s timeline.  Howe’s reinforcements from London were not there yet.  He did not want to take his relatively small force to New York.  Part of the Continental Army, along with New York militia was already building defenses around New York.  The last thing Howe wanted was to land his relatively small force and possibly face an attack under possibly worse circumstances than the one he just left.  Howe wanted to invade with overwhelming force there to make sure they could overcome any resistance.  That could not happen for a few more months.

Admiral Shuldham made clear he was not going to leave his ships in the harbor under rebel guns.  Without the navy, Howe could not stay.  He would lose his already difficult access to food and supplies.  The regulars had to leave now.  So, Howe decided to move everyone up to Halifax in Nova Scotia, Canada.  Halifax remained under Royal control and would not be a combat zone.  Howe would wait there until he could coordinate his much larger invasion of New York with the reinforcements coming from Britain.

Evacuation Logistics

By March 7, 1776, Howe had made the decision to evacuate to Halifax.  Putting that plan into effect was a major task in itself.  First, there were over 8000 soldiers in Boston, some sources say nearly 9000, about a quarter of whom were sick.  Some sources say it was closer to 11,000, but I think that is including the estimated 2400 camp followers, wives and children of the soldiers who could not be left behind.  Some say records say the number of camp followers was smaller, but that is because records exist for only about half the regiments being evacuated.  In addition, there were more than 1100 Tory colonists who could not be left behind to face patriot vengeance.  It total, Howe had to board an estimated 12,000 people, along with all their belongings aboard ship under enemy fire, all the time worried that the patriots might attack while the regulars were in the process of evacuating.

The British had about 125 ships at their disposal, enough to carry all the people, though there was an uncomfortable amount of crowding aboard ships. There was not enough room for all the equipment, supplies, and personal effects of the colonists trying to move with the army.  Even worse, the navy had been losing sailors to disease and desertion all winter.  They did not have enough sailors to man all the ships they had at their disposal.  They ended up destroying several ships that they could not take with them.

Informal Agreement

In an attempt to make the evacuation easier, Howe sent out a notice to the patriots on March 9.  The Notice declared that the British had decided to evacuate Boston.  If the rebels fired on them while evacuating, they would burn the city.  If left alone, they would leave the city intact and allow the Continentals to take control.

Howe could not seek a direct agreement with Washington.  The problem was that Howe refused to address Washington as “General” or any other title conferred on him by the Continental Congress.  Doing so would have legitimized the authority of Congress, something he could not do.  Washington refused to accept any communication from the British which failed to address him as General.  Instead, Howe had several Boston Selectmen sign a note stating Howe’s position and had that note carried under a flag of truce out to the patriots.

Washington did not respond formally, but apparently agreed to the deal and did not fire on the regulars as they packed their ships for departure.  He did not want to waste ammunition nor see the destruction of Boston.  If the regulars would pack up and go, that was good enough for Washington.

Battle of Nook Hill

But that is not to say Washington simply sat and waited for the British to leave.  Washington had already begun deploying soldiers under the command of General Charles Lee to New York, thinking that would be where the regulars would be headed.  Lee had been hard at work setting up defenses in and around New York City.  Now Washington prepared to deploy more of his army to New York, to greet any British landing there.

But Washington also could not be sure that Howe’s planned evacuation was a trick.  He could be stalling for time as he waited for expected reinforcements to arrive.  Or, he could load up the ships, carry his men a few miles up or down the coast, land them and march back toward Boston and attack the Continentals from the rear.

Continental Artillery
(from Boston 1775)
So, Washington continued work on his defenses.  Nook Hill was a smaller hill on Dorchester Heights closest to the Harbor and well within range of British artillery at Boston Neck.  On March 9, the Continental Army began construction of a fort on Nook Hill.  They began work after nightfall in hopes of erecting a fortification by morning.

But the workers could not see enough to work and lit a fire to help them see.  The regulars immediately spotted the fire on Nook Hill.  The regulars were not ready to march out of Boston to attack, but they unleashed an artillery barrage against Nook Hill.  One report indicates the Patriots later collected over 700 cannonballs fired at them that day.  For all the firing, the regulars killed only five Continentals on Nook Hill.  That was enough to discourage the construction of the fort.  The Continentals evacuated Nook Hill.

This repeated itself over the next few days, as Continentals attempted building more fortifications in plain view of the regulars.  The British would fire artillery and the Continentals would back away.

Finally, on the night of March 16, the Continental successfully established a fortification on Nook Hill during the night.  Washington wanted the fortification in case the Regulars really were not leaving, he could be in a better position to attack the town.  By that time though, the British were so close to leaving, that they did not put up much resistance.  They fired a few cannons that they still had in place, old ones that they planned to spike on their way out of town.  Under much reduced fire, the Continentals held their occupation of the fort on Nook Hill and mounted cannons aimed directly at Boston.

Looting and Leaving Boston

While Gen. Howe had agreed not to burn Boston, he also did not want to leave anything of use in the city that could be used by the enemy to further their rebellion.  At first, Howe ordered that citizens turn over all woolens and linens.  These were apparently in short supply in the Continental Army, but also would probably be needed when the regulars arrived in Halifax.  Later, he extended the order to salt, sugar, flour, furniture, and any remaining weapons.  Soldiers looted houses looking for such goods, and taking whatever else of value they happened to find.  Howe ordered that looters be shot on site, but that didn’t happen.  No one in the army was in much mood to fight about protecting colonist property.

One of the notable looters was a man named Crean Brush, an Irish born Tory.  Brush had moved to New York back in 1762.  He had settled in the Green mountains.  That put him in direct conflict with Ethan Allen who had been fighting New York’s control of the region.  Brush had been on the committee that declared Allen an outlaw to be shot on sight.  After fighting started, Brush went to Boston to get authority to raise a Tory regiment tasked with hunting down and killing Allen and the Green Mountain Boys.

Crean Brush (from Boston 1775)
Instead, Gen. Gage had put him to work in Boston, finding housing for his soldiers, which often meant kicking locals out of their homes.  Brush later worked for Gen. Howe trying to find supplies for the army by taking control of warehouses and confiscating whatever the army wanted.  As you might guess, this did not make him many friends.  To top it off, Howe put Brush in charge of searching all the houses and confiscating everything the army wanted during the last days of the occupation.  Brush loaded up one of the ships leaving with the British fleet loaded with anything of value that he could carry.

Unfortunately for Brush, his ship, the Elizabeth was the one ship in the fleet captured by a patriot privateer and returned to patriot controlled Boston.  The patriots tried him, but amazingly could not convict him.  Still, they just kept him in jail because, you know, regardless of any trial, the guy was a Tory and a looter.  After 19 months, near the end of 1777, his wife came to visit him.  Using her clothes, he snuck out of prison dressed as a woman and fled to British controlled New York.  He could not get any help from the army getting compensated for all the property he lost.  He died the next year, allegedly from suicide.

At the risk of getting really off topic here, I should also mention that Brush’s humiliation did not end with his death.  Years, later Ethan Allen, the man who for years he had tried to kill, married his stepdaughter.  Ironically, Allen then took up the family claims from New York on Brush’s confiscated properties, putting him against the New Hampshire claims he had fought for all his life.

Map of Boston during Siege, 1776 click to zoom (from Reddit)
Anyway, back to the evacuation: On March 16, Howe ordered all Boston civilians not leaving with the fleet to remain confined to their homes, to ensure the soldiers would not have any problems and to keep the streets free for the military.

Despite their efforts, the British left behind a great many things. They spiked dozens of cannons and threw tons of food and other supplies into the Harbor.  They even had to scuttle a few ships that did not have enough sailors to take with them.  Even so, they left tons of supplies for the Continentals to capture when they re-entered the city, including stables with at least 110 horses.  Later, Washington estimated the Continentals captured supplies worth at least £30,000.

For the next week, the British Army made every effort to strip everything of value from the city, either destroying it or loading it aboard ship.  Finally, on the morning of March 17, they had packed everything they could, made their final boarding, and sailed out of Boston Harbor for the last time.

One of the last tasks fell to Cap. Jesse Adair, who you may recall was the marine lieutenant who had ordered the regulars to confront the militia on Lexington Green a year earlier rather than continue marching past them.  Howe tasked Adair with covering Boston Neck with crows feet, little spikes that would pierce a soldier’s foot unless they walked very slowly to avoid them.  The point was to slow down any entry into Boston as the last ships were leaving.  Adair started at the British entrenchments and worked his way toward the Continental lines, spreading them as close as he could until he came under enemy fire.  Brain trust that he was, he then realized he had to run back over the ground he just covered with crows feet in order to escape the enemy.  He was nearly captured, but managed to pick his way back across the neck and get back into Boston safely.

Howe was one of the last officers to board a ship and depart Boston.  He knew many in London would not understand his fleeing the city without a fight.  He had been writing letters for months saying there was no way the Continentals could ever attack Boston without being slaughtered.  Now he had to flee to save his army.  But there really was no other option.  To this day, Boston celebrates March 17 as Evacuation Day.

Continental Army Enters Boston

As the fleet sailed away, the Continental Army moved into the city.  Washington gave the honor of retaking the city to Generals Ward and Putnam, both New Englanders who had been at the siege since it began 11 months earlier when the militia chased the regulars from Lexington and Concord back into Boston.  Ward and Putnam took a select force of about 1000 soldiers into the city.  All of the soldiers selected had already survived smallpox and were therefore immune from the disease that was still ravaging Boston.

As the troops entered the city, they halted upon seeing that there were still regulars manning some of the fortifications a Boston Neck and on Bunker Hill.  On closer examination though, it turned out the defenders were simply scarecrows wearing old uniforms.

John Hancock House (from Col. Society of Mass)
The Continentals began recovering anything the British had left behind or attempted to destroy.  They were surprised by how much they could recover, including guns, ammunition, as well as other supplies.  Also, almost as soon as they entered the town, they began building fortifications to defend the harbor should the British decide to return.

Washington himself entered the city a few days later to take command.  While the British had looted most houses, Washington was pleased to report to John Hancock that his mansion was surprisingly intact.  Gen. Clinton had lived in Hancock’s home during much of the occupation, and had made an effort to protect the personal items of his unwilling host.  Washington also took note of the defenses that the regulars had built through the city, and realized that if he had attacked by water if planned, his men would have run into almost impregnable defenses.

The Departing Fleet

Although the British had left Boston, most of the fleet remained just off the coast, waiting for favorable winds.  Admiral Shuldham sent messenger ships to London to inform the ministry of the evacuation and to the other colonies to warn British ships headed for Boston to head to Halifax instead.

All of those leaving were crammed into crowded quarters.  Benjamin Hallowell, a member of the Board of Customs, left with the fleet.  He reported sharing a cabin with 36 other people, all crammed together and sleeping on the floor.  Roughly 100 of the Tories fleeing Boston with the fleet were government officials.  Most of them would settle in Canada, England, or somewhere in the Caribbean.  The other 1000 or so were private citizens, many without much of anything in the way of assets.  They had to make new lives for themselves having left the only home they ever knew.  Most of them would find themselves on lists permanently barred from ever returning to Massachusetts on pain of death.  For now, they found themselves stuck on crowded ships going nowhere.

On March 20, the final garrison at Castle William on Castle Island, blew up the walls of the fort, then burned all wooden structures on the Island, leaving nothing for the enemy.  They also boarded ships and joined the fleet in open waters.  Everyone sat miserably in crowded ships listening to Boston patriots celebrate their victory.  It would be another week before favorable winds allowed the fleet to set sail for Halifax on March 27.

Continental Army to New York

Until the fleet actually left, Washington had to keep his forces on alert in case the enemy returned.  He had to hold off on sending most of his forces to New York, where he still thought the fleet might be headed, in case of an attack.  Once the fleet definitely set sail for Halifax, he began deploying almost all of the Continental Army to New York, leaving only a small garrison in Boston.  Washington himself left to catch up with his Army on April 4.

Reproduction of the Congressional Medal (from CoinCommunity)
Among those left behind in Boston were Gen. Artemas Ward and Col. Richard Gridley.  Ward, the first Commander in Chief, and Gridley the first Chief of Artillery and Chief Engineer did not make the cut to remain with the Continental Army.  Both men were old and had health issues.  Ward submitted his resignation to Washington before the Army moved south.  Washington forwarded the resignation to Congress, which rejected it.  Instead, Ward remained in Boston as commander of the “Eastern Army” which consisted of only a few hundred Continentals.  The fighting had left New England and there just wasn’t that much to do there.  Ward finally resigned the following year and went into retirement.

Gridley had already given over command of the Artillery to Henry Knox.  Following the Evacuation of Boston, Gridley also passed over Command of the Engineering Corps to Rufus Putnam, who had designed defenses for Dorchester Heights.  Gridley remained in Massachusetts where he used his forge to manufacture locally made howitzers and mortars for the Continental Army.

The Continental Congress praised Washington for his success in the Siege of Boston.  It ordered a gold medal struck in his honor.

- - -

Next Episode 87: Canada Spring, 1776

Previous Episode 85: Dorchester Heights



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American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
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Further Reading

Resources to learn more about today’s topic.

Websites

What forced the British to Leave Boston? http://historyofmassachusetts.org/what-forced-british-leave-boston

Letter from Boston Selectmen to Washington, March 8, 1776: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0314

Crean Brush vs. Ethan Allen: A Winner’s Tale, by John Duffy and Eugene Coyle (PDF):
https://vermonthistory.org/journal/70/vt703_402.pdf

Bell, J.L. Crean Brush in Very Distressed Times, March 2008: http://boston1775.blogspot.com/2008/03/crean-brush-in-very-distressed-times.html

Jolley Allen Missed Evacuation Day in 1776 and it Cost Him Everything:
http://www.newenglandhistoricalsociety.com/jolley-allen-missed-evacuation-1776-cost-everything

Richard Gridley, the Nearly Forgotten Patriot, by Steven Baule, Journal of the American Revolution (2013): https://allthingsliberty.com/2013/09/richard-gridley-nearly-forgotten-patriot

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Brooks, Noah Henry Knox, a Soldier of the Revolution, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1900.

Buell, Rowena (ed) The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam, Boston: Houghton & Mifflin Company, 1903.

Dana, Elizabeth Elery (ed) John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ Press, 1924.

Drake, Francis The Life and Correspondence of Henry Knox, Boston: Samuel B. Drake, 1873.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 4, Vol 4, Washington 1837.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 4, Vol 5, Washington 1837.

French, Allen The Siege of Boston, New York: Macmillan, 1911.

Frothingham, Richard History of the Siege of Boston, Boston: CC Little & J. Brown, 1851.

Martyn, Charles The life of Artemas Ward, the first commander-in-chief of the American Revolution, New York: Artemas Ward, 1921.

Neeser, Robert (ed) The despatches of Molyneux Shuldham, vice-admiral of the Blue and commander-in-chief of His Britannic Majesty's ships in North America, January-July, 1776, New York: Naval Historical Society, 1913.

Stark, James H. The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the other side of the American Revolution, Boston [self-published], 1910.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Beck, Derek The War Before Independence: 1775-1776, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2016.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975 (book recommendation of the week).

Lockhart, Paul The Whites of Their Eyes, New York: Harper Collins, 2011.

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Penguin Books, 2013.

Puls, Mark Henry Knox: Visionary General of the American Revolution, New York: St. Martin's Press, 2010.

Smith, David Whispers Across the Atlantick: General William Howe and the American Revolution, Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2017.



Sunday, February 24, 2019

Episode 085: Dorchester Heights





When we last left Cambridge at the end of January 1776, Colonel Henry Knox had successfully returned with the cannon from Fort Ticonderoga.  But Washington and his generals still did not have a clear plan in place for how to use them.

How to Attack Boston

For months, Washington had been arguing for a direct assault on Boston.  He proposed a plan where wanted to have the army row across Boston Harbor in small boats, land in the face of enemy fire, and then assault the town.  His generals convinced him that this would be suicide.  Even if the soldiers did not break and run in the face of deadly artillery from the British Army and Navy, they would be cut to pieces before they could reach the shore.  Even if they somehow reached the shore and surprised the enemy, an urban combat battle much like Quebec but on a larger scale would almost certainly result in the capture or massacre of the Continentals.

On February 13, 1776, the British launched an evening raid across the ice, attacking Dorchester Neck.  Col. Alexander Leslie led several hundred regulars on the The raid burned a few houses, captured a few unlucky sentries, and then retreated back to Boston before the Continentals could react. This raised the concern that it was a prelude to a full British assault on Dorchester Heights.

A few days later, on February 16, Washington held another council of war with his generals. With the harbor frozen, he proposed  to march the army across the ice in a direct assault on Boston.  Again, all of his his generals resisted such a battle, arguing that it would be suicide.  Washington, usually calm and restrained, was clearly frustrated that he could not convince his generals to engage in a frontal attack.

Artemas Ward (from Wikimedia)
Over these same months, General Artemas Ward, the army’s second in command had argued that the best strategy would be to occupy Dorchester Heights.  This was high ground consisting of two hills on a peninsula just south of Boston.  Placing artillery on the heights, would give the Continental Army the ability to bombard the army in Boston as well as the navy in the harbor.  They would be at that elevation, the British would not be able to return fire effectively.  It would force the British to come out of Boston, either over the heavily fortified neck, or conduct a water landing then retake the heights by force.  Even if they could take the heights, it would almost certainly be at a terrible cost, making the battle of Bunker Hill look small in comparison.  The charge up the hill would not just be against militia with muskets.  The British would face a line of Continental canon.

The British had considered trying to capture the heights in summer of 1775.  It was the planned assault to take Dorchester that motivated the patriots to occupy Bunker and Breed’s Hills to the north and provoke that battle instead. After those losses, British General Gage and following his departure, General Howe did not want to risk another horrific loss trying to occupy Dorchester Heights.  Instead, they used threats to intimidate the Continentals from occupying it, leaving it a valuable no man’s land for months.

With spring approaching though, and now with a pile of heavy cannon to mount on the heights, the Continental generals agreed that it was time to occupy Dorchester Heights.  With a twist.  Washington agreed to occupy Dorchester.  If the British moved out of Boston to the south to attack Dorchester, Washington wanted to use that distraction to have his army row across the harbor from the north sending his army directly into Boston.  The council of war generally agreed to this plan.  One strong dissenter was General William Heath who thought that even if Howe sent half his army to attack Dorchester, there would still be thousands of entrenched British infantry and hundreds of army and navy cannon blasting away at militia trying to row across a mile and a half of open water to attack the city.  Heath was sure it would be a disaster and a bloodbath.  But everyone seemed to think they had to do something, and this was the best plan that drew a consensus.  The first step would be occupying Dorchester Heights.

Making a Plan

The problem was how to do it.  Mounting cannon on the heights could take weeks, or even months with the ground frozen solid.  There was no easy way to dig entrenchments without the enemy seeing what they were doing and sending out an army to take the heights before the Continentals were ready to defend it.

To tackle this problem. General Heath reached out to Rufus Putnam, a Massachusetts native and cousin of General Israel Putnam.  Rufus Putnam had worked with British engineers during the French and Indian War, but was not what you would call an expert in the science of military engineering.  After meeting with Washington to discuss the plan, Putnam decided to stop by Heath’s house on his way home.  While visiting, Putnam noticed a book on Heath’s table by a British Military Engineer called Attack and Defense of Fortified Places.

Rufus Putnam (from Wikimedia)

Putnam asked if he could borrow the book but Heath refused, saying he never lent out his books.  Putnam pointed out that Heath had stuck him with this job despite his lack of knowing anything about military engineering.  Now he had to build a fortification and Heath had the only book around that might explain how he could do it.  Really? You won’t let me read it? Finally, Heath agreed and let Putnam borrow the book.

A few pages in, Putnam saw the solution to his problem.  His men could not dig entrenchments in the frozen soil.  However, the book suggested building “chandeliers”.  In the terms of 18th century military engineering, a chandelier was a wooden frame.  Once built, the defenders filled the frame with sticks and branches, then covered the whole thing with dirt.  This created a defensive wall that would stop most bullets.

The soldiers could pre-build the chandeliers, then carry them up to Dorchester Heights at night, fill in the sticks and dirt, then mount the cannons.  With enough men, they could build a credible defensive wall and mount cannon in a matter of hours.

Putnam took the plan to Washington, who also conferred with Colonel Knox.  Of course, Knox would have to man the artillery once mounted there.  Washington also conferred  with Colonel Richard Gridley, still the Continental Army’s chief engineer.  All agreed it was a sound plan and supported it.  The only added suggestion was to add barrels filled with dirt or rocks as part of the defenses.  In addition to providing cover, if the British tried to storm the hill, the Continentals could roll the barrels  down on them, killing some and breaking up the attacking lines.

Preparations

Even with a plan, it would not be easy to execute.  The first step was to put hundreds of men to work building the wooden frames.  They also set to work building 45 flat bottomed boats, which could carry 80 men each.  Washington planned to use these for his assault on Boston.  With all this work, the British would almost certainly know the Continentals were up to something.  Next, the chandeliers would have be carried across Dorchester Neck, in plain view of the enemy.  If the British realized the Continentals were planning to occupy Dorchester Heights, they could rush out and storm the heights before the defenders were ready.
Chandelier packed with Fascines (from Salina Baker)

To avoid this problem, the Continentals set up large hay bales to block the road from view in Boston.  To cover the sound, they planned to start a cannonade against Boston from other locations.  This, they hoped, would distract the regulars and prevent them from hearing the sounds of hundreds of carts hauling equipment and guns up to the heights.

General Ward took charge of building the chandeliers and other prefabricated defenses that would be carried up to the heights.  Washington invited Colonel Thomas Mifflin, who was at this time Quartermaster General, to assist with logistics.  Mifflin proposed the night of March 4th for the occupation.  That way, if the British attacked the following day, it would be the anniversary of the Boston Massacre.  Others, thought that date was a mistake.  It’s not clear why, but possibly because it was a full moon, making it easier for the British to spot the work.  In any event, the council decided to adopt the date by a single vote.

Occupying the Heights

Colonel Knox had his artillery begin an attack on Boston on the night of March 2.  The plan was to continue the bombardment on the next two nights, so that by the night of March 4, the British would be focused on the artillery, but not find it so unusual that they would suspect it was being use to cover the sounds of thousands of infantrymen occupying Dorchester Heights and installing the chandeliers and mounting the cannon.

The Continentals still did not have much gunpowder, making their cannons of limited use.  The British Navy at New York had been blockading the harbor.  But they cut a deal, allowing merchant vessels to enter there in exchange for New York providing them with fresh food to feed the sailors. Taking advantage of this, the patriots smuggled in 3000 pounds of gunpowder on February 29.  They then hauled the powder overland on wagons up to Washington’s army, just in time for use in this action.

Map of Boston during Siege, 1776 click to zoom (from Reddit)
But even that amount of powder would not last long with artillery.  Since the first night was mostly about rousing the enemy, they fired a total of only around two dozen shots into Boston.  Sadly, the patriots did more harm to themselves than the enemy.  Knox’s inexperienced artillerymen destroyed three mortars and one cannon through improper use.  A British officer in Boston noted no significant damage to anything.  Of course, the barrage triggered a response from the regulars who used their own artillery to bombard Continental camps for several hours.

The next night, March 3, Knox’s artillery once again fired on Boston.  At least this time they did not damage any of their own weapons.  Once again, the British responded.  When the Continentals opened up again on the third night, March 4, the British again returned fire, but did not suspect anything else would be different that night.

The night of March 4, turned out to be an exceptional choice.  It would not be the last time that an unusual weather occurrence helped the patriots.  A bright moon helped the patriots with their labors in getting the defenses in place on Dorchester Heights.  But the bright moon did not help the British detect them, as a haze fell over the harbor, preventing the regulars from seeing much of anything across the water.

Col. Mifflin arranged for 350 ox carts to pull all the equipment up the heights beginning shortly after sundown.  They next sent 800 soldiers to occupy the heights, just to sit there with muskets and watch for any attack from the regulars in Boston.  Half of them sat near shore, watching for an attack from Castle Island.  The other half watched for an attack from Boston Neck.

Washington gave the task of emplacing all the artillery and entrenchments to Gen. John Thomas who organized 1200 more troops to do the work.  Washington himself appeared on the heights to encourage the men and see that everything went according to plan.  Colonels Knox and Gridley also worked on site, making sure everything was installed where it was planned.

But remember, occupying the heights was only half of Washington’s plan.  Washington fully expected the British to discover the occupation, either that night or certainly by morning, and that they would then scramble to launch an offensive force out of Boston to take the heights.  As soon as they did that, Washington had 4000 soldiers under the command of General Israel Putnam, ready to launch two raiding parties under the command of Generals Greene, and Sullivan.  These men would row across Boston Harbor, landing on the north side of town, fight their way through the city and link up with the soldiers on the south side commanded by General Ward at Roxbury.  For the moment, these men were just sitting and waiting for a signal that the regulars were attacking Dorchester Heights.

Dorchester Heights (from Twitter Boston NPS)
The plan seemed to move along with no significant problems.  By 10:00 PM, they had established two forts on the heights, and continued with the installation of chandeliers along the line.  Several hours before dawn, everything was in place and ready to go.  In total, if you count the guards, the men building the fortifications and those hauling the material to the site, there were a little over 3000 men involved.

Now, you may remember during the battle of Bunker Hill, no one made any attempt to relieve the men who built the entrenchments overnight, nor did anyone set up supply lines to bring them food and ammunition.  The Continentals did not make that same mistake at Dorchester.  In the morning, 3000 fresh troops came up to replace the men who had spent all night building the defenses.  But it turned out the men who did the digging did not want to let the next shift get the glory of going to battle.  Most of the night shift stayed on the heights as well, leading to as many as 6000 defenders.  By morning, the Continental Army was fully embedded on the heights, with all the infantry and artillery they needed to repulse any assault.

British Reaction

In Boston, General Howe, had received intelligence from deserters that the Continentals were planning something on Dorchester, but he did not know the date or other details.  Rather than act proactively, Howe waited until they actually did something.  He would then assault the heights while they were building the defenses.

During the night, while the Continentals secretly built the defenses, at least one officer in Boston detected activity and reported to his superior that the rebels were occupying the heights.  That superior was General Francis Smith, the same man who had led the original expedition to Lexington the previous April.  General Smith had always been a “follow orders” kind of officer, who did not grab the initiative or act with great energy.  In this case, he decided he would take up the matter with General Howe in the morning.

When dawn broke, the regulars were shocked to see not one, but two fully-built forts, and a line of entrenchments, complete with cannon, built on the top of Dorchester Heights.  According to one account, Howe said it would have taken his army months to complete such an emplacement.  Howe’s chief engineer estimated it must have taken 15,000-20,000 men to build those works overnight.

The British immediately turned their artillery fire on the new defenses but found that they were too high for them to hit effectively, either from Boston or from ships in the harbor.  At the same time, the Continentals could lob shots into the city or at naval vessels in the harbor unopposed.

Dorchester Heights
(from Twitter SW O'Connell)
Despite the entrenchments being pretty well in place, Howe launched a contingent of soldiers that morning to take the heights.  British General Valentine Jones loaded a force of just over 1200 men into boats to take them over to the Dorchester Peninsula.  They planned to attempt a water landing, in the face of cannon, musket, and rifle fire, then form up and charge the hills, defended by as many as 6000 patriots.  In other words, the British would have only a fraction of the force they had an Bunker Hill, and faced a much larger force supplemented by artillery.  This really seemed like a suicide mission.

Fortunately for the British attackers, the weather once again intervened.  High winds kicked up and prevented the force from being able to land before high tide that morning.  Once the tide was coming out, it would be even harder to effect a landing.  So, they got the force to Castle Island and planned a nighttime attack during the next high tide, just after midnight.  But the storm kicked up again even worse with hurricane force winds preventing any landing.

The following day, wind and rain continued, making a landing still nearly impossible.  Howe convened a council of war, at which just about every officer argued against an attack.  The rebels had had another 24 hours to make their defenses even stronger and there was no realistic way they were going to take the heights.

Although Howe had received reinforcements all winter, he was also losing men at a fair clip due to smallpox and other diseases.  He also had allowed Gen. Clinton to leave with some of his regulars to go conquer the Carolinas.

General Howe had maybe 6000 men ready for duty.  Even if he sent all of them against Dorchester, it probably would not have been enough to dislodge an entrenched enemy.  At the same time, and all out attack would encourage Washington to launch his invasion of Boston from the north side of the harbor.  There was just no way for Howe to win this one.

A frustrated General Howe agreed with the council of war that an attack would never work.  He admitted he only planned to order the attack for the honor of the army.  Now, accepting that plan was a pointless waste of lives in a no-win situation, Howe called off the attack completely.

This may have been a good thing for the Continentals too.  If Howe had launched his attack against Dorchester, Washington likely would have launched his ill-conceived amphibious attack on Boston.  The regulars almost certainly would have cut down that 4000 man attack force, leading to a terrible defeat for Washington.  It might even have led to his dismissal as Commander in Chief.  None of that happened though.  When Howe called of his attack, Washington called off his as well.

No attack though, meant Howe was stuck in a situation where the rebels could fire on the army and navy at will without the British being able to return fire effectively.  Well before all this happened, Howe had determined that the army should evacuate Boston and move down to New York as the center of operations.  Howe had hoped to make that move in a few more months, later in the spring, and after more reinforcements arrived from Britain.  Now he would have to move up that timetable.  He would also have to evacuate under the embarrassment of an amateur rebel army having out maneuvered him and forcing his retreat.

- - -

Next Episode 86: The Evacuation of Boston

Previous Episode 84: The Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge



Click here to donate
American Revolution Podcast is distributed 100% free of charge. If you can chip in to help defray my costs, I'd appreciate whatever you can give.  Make a one time donation through my PayPal account.
Thanks,
Mike Troy


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You can support the American Revolution Podcast as a Patreon subscriber.  This is an option for people who want to make monthly pledges.  Patreon support will give you access to Podcast extras and help make the podcast a sustainable project.  Thanks again!



Further Reading

Websites

What forced the British to Leave Boston? http://historyofmassachusetts.org/what-forced-british-leave-boston

Baker, Salina The Taking of Dorchester Heights, 2018: https://salinabakerauthor.com/2018/03/02/the-taking-of-dorchester-heights

Dorchester Heights, National Park Service: https://www.nps.gov/bost/learn/historyculture/dohe.htm

Council of War Feb. 16, 1776: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0229

Letter from Lt. Col. Rufus Putnam, to George Washington  Feb. 11, 1776 re: Dorchester Heights: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0214

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Blake, Francis Dorchester Neck. (Now South Boston.) The raid of British troops, February 13, 1776,
Boston: David Clapp & Son, 1899.

Brooks, Noah Henry Knox, a Soldier of the Revolution, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1900.

Buell, Rowena (ed) The Memoirs of Rufus Putnam, Boston: Houghton & Mifflin Company, 1903.

Dana, Elizabeth Elery (ed) John Barker diary - The British in Boston, 1774-1776, Cambridge: Harvard Univ Press, 1924.

Drake, Francis The Life and Correspondence of Henry Knox, Boston: Samuel B. Drake, 1873.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 4, Vol 4, Washington 1837.

Force, Peter American Archives, Series 4, Vol 5, Washington 1837.

French, Allen The Siege of Boston, New York: Macmillan, 1911.

Frothingham, Richard History of the Siege of Boston, Boston: CC Little & J. Brown, 1851.

Martyn, Charles The life of Artemas Ward, the first commander-in-chief of the American Revolution, New York: Artemas Ward, 1921.

Muller John The Attack and Defence of Fortify'd Places, Woolwich: Royal Academy of Artillery, 1757 (Google Books).

Neeser, Robert (ed) The despatches of Molyneux Shuldham, vice-admiral of the Blue and commander-in-chief of His Britannic Majesty's ships in North America, January-July, 1776, New York: Naval Historical Society, 1913.

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)

Beck, Derek The War Before Independence: 1775-1776, Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks, 2016.

Fleming, Thomas 1776: Year of Illusions, New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975 (book recommendation of the week).

Lockhart, Paul The Whites of Their Eyes, New York: Harper Collins, 2011.

McCullough, David 1776, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

Philbrick, Nathaniel Bunker Hill: A City, A Siege, A Revolution, New York: Penguin Books, 2013.

Puls, Mark Henry Knox: Visionary General of the American Revolution, New York: St. Martin's Press, 2010.

Smith, David Whispers Across the Atlantick: General William Howe and the American Revolution, Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2017.