Sunday, October 8, 2023

ARP283 Petersburg


I finished up last week with the arrival of General William Phillips in Portsmouth Virginia in March of 1781.  

Initially, the British commander in New York, General Henry Clinton, had dispatched forces to Virginia in hopes of disrupting American supplies to the southern army, and creating a friendly port for the navy.  But after Arnold’s successful raid on Richmond, it became apparent that more aggressive action in Virginia might pay off for the British.  He sent General Phillips to take command from Arnold in Virginia, and see if there was a chance that Virginia might fall to British authority.

As everyone on both sides quickly discovered, Virginia’s defenses were a mess.  To put it charitably, the militia was ineffective.  The state government seemed unwilling to take any steps to defend the state or support those who could.  The Continental Army under General Lafayette was still up in Maryland.  Even if it did manage to get into Virginia, it was only about one-third the size of the British force under General  Phillips.

William Phillips

British General Henry Clinton’s decision to send General William Phillips and several thousand more soldiers to Virginia was evidence that he thought there was some promise for more military action in the state.

William Phillips

I’ve discussed General Phillips in earlier episodes.  He was one of the few top British officers not to come from an aristocratic family.  We know little about his background, except that he came from a military family.  He got his start in artillery, which was not normally a way to rise to command.  Yet through his ability as an officer, and through good contacts, he managed to rise through the ranks.  He was both a general and becoming a member of Parliament before the war began.

Although the Saratoga Campaign was not successful, Phillips did participate in it and came through it with his reputation intact.  He spent the next three years as a prisoner of war, much of it in Virginia, where he became a regular dinner guest at Monticello with Thomas Jefferson.  He returned to active service in 1780, after being exchanged for General Benjamin Lincoln, who had been captured at Charleston.

Virginia would be Major General Phillips’ first independent command as a major general. Upon his arrival, he took command from Brigadier General Benedict Arnold.  It appears that many of the officers were happy with the new commander.

Arnold’s success in Virginia had helped his reputation with the British command in New York.  but at the same time, many of the old criticisms of the American General Arnold, followed him into the British Army.  General Arnold had started a spat with Commodore Thomas Symonds, who commanded the British Navy in Virginia.  

Arnold claims to have convinced Symonds that they should split 50/50 any spoils of war that they captured.  Traditionally, naval officers kept for themselves and their crews some percentage of any ships or cargo that they captured.  Army officers traditionally did not collect any official share of booty as personal property.

By late January, 1781, shortly after the raid on Richmond, Arnold and Symonds were no longer on speaking terms, and everyone was of the view that Arnold was primarily out to enrich himself above all else.  Symonds prevented Arnold from shipping some of his captured goods back to New York.  Arnold then ordered Symonds to move his ships into dangerous and shallow waters, which Symonds refused to do. This led Arnold to suggest that Symonds was either a coward or disloyal, which of course did not help the relationship.

Many other officers under Arnold, Including the Hessian Jaeger commander Johann Ewald, were skeptical of any man who would switch sides in the middle of a war.  Many of them questioned Arnold’s decision not to burn private stores of tobacco and other goods in the Richmond raid, murmuring that they believed Arnold hoped to seize those goods for his personal enrichment.

Once Phillips took command, many British officers and men were more comfortable with their commander.  Phillips criticized Arnold’s defenses at Portsmouth, finding them inadequate to a potential attack. He also tried to at least get Arnold and Symonds to work together as needed.

At the same time, Philips was not pushing Arnold aside.  He conferred with Arnold on the state of affairs in Virginia, and took his advice on future actions.

Raid Up the Potomac

One of the first actions the two men agreed on was a British raid up the Potomac.  The river marked the border between Maryland and Virginia.  Phillips wanted to make sure that it would not serve as a route for Lafayette to bring his Continental Army into the fight.  It was also an opportunity to destroy American supplies and flex British power in the state.  General Clinton had ordered Philips to do what he could to destroy any enemy stores in the state.  This raid was part of that effort.

Thomas Graves
Command of the raid went to Captain Thomas Graves.  I mentioned Graves way back at the beginning of this podcast.  His uncle was Admiral Samuel Graves, who commanded the British Navy in America when the war began.  Captain Graves commanded a small ship in Boston Harbor, that he managed to run aground and allow the Americans to burn.  After that, he had a few other small commands until returning to England when his uncle, the Admiral, was recalled.

After that, Captain Graves returned to America, where he commanded several smaller ships in North America and the West Indies with little note.  Graves commanded the Savage, a sloop with only 14 guns.  He had sailed to Virginia along with Admiral Arbuthnot’s fleet.  Although the Savage was too small to clash with the French at the battle of Cape Henry, it was just the right size for a river raid up the Potomac River.

Graves left Hampton Roads on April 3.  It took the fleet four days to reach the mouth of the Potomac River.  The fleet seized several small merchant ships and encountered a few British privateers in the bay.

The fleet spent a few days around St. Clements Island, stopping ships that came within site of the fleet. They then began to sail up river, encountering a group of Maryland militia on April 10 near Mathias Point.  Graves landed a shore party to dispatch the militia and destroy several buildings, including a linen factory.  The militia put up some fight since Graves reported one man killed and another wounded.  

Following that encounter, Graves raced his fleet up the river, arriving in Alexandria the following day.  While the fleet remained just offshore, the local militia turned out in force. The militia commander was John Fitzgerald, who had served for several years in the Continental Army.  including a time as Washington’s aide-de-camp.  After being wounded at the battle of Monmouth, Fitzgerald returned home to Alexandria, but remained active in the militia.

Although it appears that the militia did not turn out in enough numbers to prevent a British raid on the town, Graves never sent a landing party ashore.  A terrible rain that afternoon and evening may have been part of the reason.  It would have made it difficult to burn the town.  Also, one of the British ships ran aground, and Graves probably wanted to focus on rescuing his ship.

The following day, the British fleet turned around and began sailing back downriver.  Although they had managed to sail most of the distance from the Chesapeake to Alexandria in two days, they took their time sailing back down river, stopping at all the plantations along the shore. 

The fleet lingered for several days just off the shore of Mount Vernon.  Landing parties marched to several area plantations.  Including one belonging to Henry Lyles, who lived across the river from Washington in Maryland.  Graves demanded that they provide him with fresh provisions, which he would pay for. When refused, Graves landed between 100 and 200 men who burned the plantation and seized whatever they wanted.

Mount Vernon
Graves then turned his attention to Mount Vernon.  He was well aware of the plantation’s famous owner, referring to it in his logs as “General Washington’s house.”  He made the same offer there that he did to other plantations: turn over provisions or be destroyed.  General Washington’s Cousin, Lund Washington was in charge of the plantation.  At first, Washington refused the British request.  But when Graves positioned his ship to fire on Mount Vernon, the caretaker had a change of heart.  Washington boarded the British ship with a gift of poultry for the commander  The men conversed for a time, after which Washington provided sheep, hogs, and other supplies for the British fleet.   Seventeen of Washington’s slaves also asked to leave with the fleet and were permitted to go aboard.

The result was that Mount Vernon was spared destruction.  A few days later, Lafayette wrote to Washington what had happened.  The general immediately wrote to his cousin to scold him for dealing with the enemy.  The general noted that Lund should not have cooperated with the enemy in any way, and that doing so, after so many neighbors had resisted, only made him look bad and reflected poorly on his honor.  

As Washington put it “It would have been a less painful circumstance to me, to have heard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt my House, and laid the Plantation to ruins.”

After leaving Mount Vernon, the fleet landed at several other plantations down river, receiving fire several times and burning and destroying properties in response. About a week after leaving Alexandria, the fleet was back down the river and in the Chesapeake Bay.  He forwarded much of his supplies and dozens of escaped slaves back to Portsmouth, while spending a few more weeks roaming the Chesapeake, plundering plantations and policing other ships in the area.  By the end of May, he was back in Portsmouth and ready for his next mission.

Petersburg

The raid on the Potomac, however, was only a sideshow to General Phillips’ larger plan to destroy Virginia’s infrastructure and crush any local military resistance within the state.  This would start with another larger raid up the James River toward Richmond. In April, Phillips took a force of about 2500 men aboard a fleet of ships, and along with General Arnold, left Portsmouth. Their first stop was Williamsburg, about 40 miles away.  The defense of Williamsburg was a local militia force of about 600 men under the command of James Innes.  As the British approached, Innes, whose men had been on patrol for more than two days with no food or supplies, opted to retreat.  Governor Jefferson issued a call for more militia in the region to turn out and support Innes, but once again he was largely ignored.

General Arnold marched into Williamsburg virtually unopposed.  The only defense came from an ambush where college students from William and Mary College fired on the British as they entered the city.  After a single ineffectual volley, the students fled.

The British took Williamsburg. They also captured and destroyed a nearby navy yard.  The Americans had withdrawn some of the ships from the shipyard, but also left some behind.  The British seized what they could, burned what they could not use, and made sure the shipyard was inoperable.

With that, they reboarded their ships, and continued up the James River. They sailed past the still-undefended Hood’s Point.  Once again, the British camped around the Byrd Plantation in Westover, about a day’s march south of Richmond.  This time, the size of the British force was three times the size that Arnold had used to raid Richmond three months earlier.  This was an army of occupation.

Between the 2500 strong British army and Richmond were maybe 1000 militia that General Von Steuben had managed to round up, mostly by combining with the militia commanded by General Muhlenberg who had been deployed near Portsmouth.  Despite being outnumbered and having less experienced soldiers, Von Steuben and Muhlenberg decided to make a stand ad Petersburg, a town a few miles south of Richmond.  The actually defenses were set up just outside of Petersburg in the village of Blandford.

The American commanders were under no illusion that they would win the battle. Their goal was to delay the British advance in hopes that reinforcements would arrive in time to defend Richmond.  The militia would tie up the British army for as long as they could, then retreat across the Appomattox River.

British battle map - Blandford

On the evening of April 23, the British force of 2500 ferried across the James River to land at City Point (today known as Hopewell) about twelve miles east of Petersburg.  The militia formed two defensive lines at Blandford and awaited an expected attack the following morning.  Von Steuben also put one regiment on the other side of the Appomattox, in case the British tried to get around them in a flanking maneuver.  Another small force guarded the bridge that the militia would need to cross during their expected retreat.

Phillips saw no need to rush the matter.  Unlike Tarleton who would wake his men at two in the morning so that they could be on top of the enemy by dawn,  Phillips allowed his men a good night’s sleep.  The army woke up, had breakfast, and was on the march by about 10:00 AM.  Colonel Simcoe’s corps of Queen’s Rangers led the column, followed by Arnold’s American Legion and Ewald’s Hessian Jaegers. Eleven British gunboats moved up the Appomattox, carrying more men and supplies.

By 2:00, Phillips halted the column, about a mile from the enemy lines.  He formed his army into a line of battle.  Colonel Robert Abercrombie would lead some light infantry and Jaegers against the American left flank, hoping to capture the bridge that the Americans wanted for their retreat.  Cologne Thomas Dundas would lead two regiments of regulars against the American Right flank.  Phillips would hold another division of light infantry, as well as Arnold’s and Simcoe’s units in reserve in case they were needed.

Up until this time the Virginia militia had proven terrible in battle and tended to flee within minutes of encounters with the enemy.  The first line of militia maintained a defensive fire for about 30 minutes, until the British brought up more soldiers and artillery.  The first line then pulled back with good order, to join up with the second defensive line.

As the battle continued, Philips deployed Colonel John Graves Simcoe to ride his rangers around the American left.  Abercrombie had gotten bogged down.  Simcoe was to ride around the battle and secure the bridge that would cut off the American line of retreat.  As Simcoe rode off, Phillips ordered two assaults on the second line, but of which came under heavy fire and had to pull back.

Once again, the British brought up more artillery, thus forcing the Virginians to retreat. The Americans still held the bridge, made an orderly retreat across the Appomattox, and pulled up the bridge planking to prevent the British from following.  From the other side of the river, both sides continued an artillery duel.

As the British struggled to cross the Appomattox, the Virginia militia retreated north to Chesterfield Courthouse, just outside of Richmond.  The fighting and maneuvering meant that it took the British army five days to march the twenty miles to the outskirts of Richmond.

The British reached Richmond on April 29. As the army looked across the James River at its target, it discovered a new turn of events.

Weeks earlier, General Lafayette had grown frustrated at his inability to get his army of 1200 Continentals into Virginia.  He had returned to Baltimore, where his main army had camped, with the intention of marching north to rejoin Washington’s main army in New Jersey.  Washington, however, had received word of Phillips’ arrival in Virginia with reinforcements.  Washington sent orders to Lafayette to return to Virginia and contest the state with the British.

The ever dutiful Lafayette marched his army south, arriving in Alexandria, Virginia only a few days after the British raid under Thomas Graves had threatened the city.  Lafayette lingered there for a few days.  He learned about the threat to Mount Vernon, and wrote Washington about that. Soon though, he continued on, pushing his men on the one hundred mile march to Richmond.

When Phillips arrived across the river from Richmond, he found Lafayette’s Continentals entrenched in the city and awaiting his attack.  Phillips still had an army twice the size of Lafayette’s, but a river crossing in the face of the enemy, and pushing them out of the city would probably be a pretty costly victory for the British.  

Instead, the British burned the tobacco warehouses and other buildings that were south of Richmond, and returned to Westover without any further confrontations.  Once in Westover, Phillips received word on May 7 that General Cornwallis was marching his army up from North Carolina, and that the two armies should meet in Petersburg.

Two days later, Phillips marched his army back to Petersburg to occupy the town and await the arrival of Cornwallis.  He discovered, however, that Lafayette had not simply remained in Richmond.  The Continentals had advanced to Petersburg and met the British with artillery fire from the heights just north of town.

It was around this time that Phillips encountered the most deadly enemy of the war.  He came down with a terrible fever.  Historians guess that it was either malaria or typhoid.  Phillips had to take to a sickbed, and put General Arnold back in command of the army.

Over the next few days, Phillips suffered from his fever, as Lafayette’s Continental artillery continued to reign fire on the enemy.  After a shell hit the house where he was trying to recover, he reportedly said “Won’t that boy let me die in peace?”  Soon afterward, on May 13, Phillips succumbed to his illness and died, all the while remaining under fire from the officer whose father his own artillery had killed at the Battle of Minden decades earlier.  Lafayette had avenged his father.

A few days later, Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg with his army.  What had started in Virginia as a distraction, had now become the primary goal of the British southern army.  General Clinton sent even more reinforcements from New York, bringing Cornwallis’ army up to over 7000.  General Washington deployed more continental reinforcements under General Anthony Wayne, to join Lafayette in Virginia.  The armies were gearing up for a major campaign.  

But we will have to get to that in a future episode.  Next week, we are headed south again as Spanish General Bernardo de Gálvez attacks the British at Pensacola.

- - -

Next Episode 284 Pensacola (Available October 15, 2023)

Previous Episode 282 Lafayette to Virginia

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Further Reading

Websites

“Burnt All Their Houses: The Log of the HMS Savage during a Raid up the Potomac River, Spring, 1781” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 99, no. 4, 1991, pp. 513–30. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4249247
 
Cecere, Michael “How Lund Washington Saved Mount Vernon” Journal of the American Revolution, April 14, 2014: https://allthingsliberty.com/2014/04/how-lund-washington-saved-mount-vernon

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 23 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05506

“From George Washington to Lund Washington, 30 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05583


Welsch, William M. “The Revolutionary Battle of Petersburg” Journal of the American Revolution, June 8, 2023. https://allthingsliberty.com/2023/06/the-revolutionary-battle-of-petersburg


“From George Washington to Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 1 March 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05058.

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 8 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05335.

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 10 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05356

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 12 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05378

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 13 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05389.

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 14 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05402.
 
“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 15 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05416.

To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 18 April 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05449

“To George Washington from Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 24 May 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-05855

Decker, Michael M. Baron Von Steuben and the military forces in Virginia during the British invasions of 1780-1781, Univ. Richmond Masters Thesis, 1979. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1437&context=masters-theses

Lafayette’s movements in Virginia: https://losthistory.net/mcjoynt/laf_va.htm

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Arnold, Isaac Newton The Life of Benedict Arnold; His Patriotism and His Treason, Chicago: Jansen, McClurg & Co. 1880. 

Eckenrode, H.J. The Revolution in Virginia, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1916. 

Harrell, Isaac Samuel Loyalism in Virginia; chapters in the economic history of the Revolution, New York, AMS Press, 1965. 

Kapp Friedrich The Life of Frederick William Von Steuben, New York: Mason Bros. 1859. 

Lassiter, Francis Rives Arnold's invasion of Virginia, 1781, Longmans, Green & Co. 1901. 

Muhlenberg, Henry A. The Life of Major-General Peter Muhlenberg, of the Revolutionary Army, Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cecere, Michael The Invasion of Virginia, 1781, Westholme Publishing, 2017. 

Duncan, Mike Hero of Two Worlds, Public Affairs, 2021. 

Ferling, John Winning Independence: The Decisive Years of the Revolutionary War, 1778-1781, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021. 

Kranish, Michael Flight from Monticello: Thomas Jefferson at War, Oxford Univ. Press, 2010. 

Palmer, John M. General von Steuben, Yale Univ. Press, 1937 (borrow on archive.org).


Ward, Harry M. Richmond during the Revolution, 1775-83, Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, October 1, 2023

ARP282 Lafayette in Virginia


We last left Virginia in Episode 278 when British General Benedict Arnold sailed from New York to the Chesapeake, then sailed up the James River to attack Richmond.

Arnold in Portsmouth

After Arnold’s raid on Richmond, he turned to his primary mission, which was to establish a defensible naval port at Portsmouth.  Arnold’s efforts to build up the defenses there seemed to drag on for several months.  Arnold seemed more interested in scouring the countryside to scatter any concentrations of militia, and to pillage the countryside for prizes.

Marquis de Lafayette
Arnold’s January raid on Richmond had greatly raised patriot concerns about being able to protect the state.  Theoretically, Governor Thomas Jefferson had over 50,000 Virginia militia to call up for defense of the state.  In reality, almost none of the militia could turn out in time to stop the raid.  Even given time after the raid, it seemed unlikely that Virginia could raise a credible force to confront the British army at Portsmouth.

When Arnold struck, Continental General Baron Von Steuben had been in Virginia, attempting to raise more soldiers to send to Nathanael Greene’s army in North Carolina.  Steuben had only been able to raise a few hundred soldiers, which he had sent to Greene.  The Prussian officer managed to collect some militia to lead against Arnold’s raid on Richmond.  By the time Arnold had left Richmond, Steuben had only been able to collect a few hundred militia, and many of them were unarmed.  Some had to be sent home because they had no clothes.  Their officers instructed them to gather clothing and return, but most did not bother to return.

Steuben had seen militia in New Jersey turn out within days to check British advances in that state.  His experience in Virginia, and the failure of militia to turn out to check Arnold’s raid led him to believe the Virginia militia was simply lacking the basic organization and training that other state militias had.

Steuben was beyond frustrated with Governor Jefferson and the state government. One of Steuben’s first efforts was to reinforce Hood’s Point on the James river, to prevent another British raid on Richmond.  He could not even get anyone to dig trenches for defense of the point.  Jefferson said that militia could only be called out to fight, not for fatigue duty.  Digging ditches was work for slaves. But he could not use slaves to dig the ditches because the state had no money to pay their masters for the work.

Steuben had another Continental brigadier in the state. General Peter Muhlenberg, a minister, who was raised in Pennsylvania, moved to Virginia, before the war.  He had lived on the Virginia frontier.  

In 1776, he had given a homily to his parish from Ecclesiastes in the bible about there being different times for different purposes under heaven.  He preached that there was a time to preach and a time to fight.  He then took off his minister’s robes to reveal to his parishioners the military uniform that he had on underneath it.

Peter Muhlenberg
Muhlenberg was an experienced officer who had fought at Brandywine, Germantown and Monmouth.  As a member of Virginia’s German-speaking community, he happened to be a good match for working with Steuben, who still didn’t really understand English.

When Arnold struck, Muhlenberg was on leave, at his home on the Virginia frontier, celebrating Christmas with his family.  It took several days for word of the British attack to reach him, but he immediately left home and attempted to recruit militia for defense of the state.

While General Von Steuben attempted to raise more men and supplies from Richmond, he deployed Muhlenberg to take command of the forces around Portsmouth, trying to keep the British in check.

In February, as General Greene’s Continentals and Cornwallis’ regulars were marching northward toward the Dan River in southern Virginia, Governor Jefferson called on Steuben to raise 3000 militia to move southward.  However the state did not have enough arms for them, and many men did not have their own muskets.  

Steuben ordered Muhlenberg’s more capable frontier militia to move to the south, and replaced them in Portsmouth with relatively ineffective, and often unarmed, local militia.  About this same time, word arrived that a French fleet was approaching the Chesapeake. Steuben changed plans and ordered Muhlenberg to prepare for a coordinated attack on Portsmouth.  

Soon though, details followed that the French “fleet” consisted of one ship of the line and two smaller frigates, and no soldiers.  The militia had turned out but some were unarmed, almost none had bayonets, and the units had almost no artillery.  Steuben asked the French naval commander to fire on the British defenses, but putting wooden ships against entrenched artillery on land was a recipe for disaster.  The French commander refused, and just sailed away.  Once again, Steuben turned to the growing possibility of the war crossing the North Carolina border into southern Virginia.

Targeting Arnold

As I’ve mentioned before, the Americans had targeted the traitor Arnold for capture and execution.  Governor Thomas Jefferson proposed offering a 5000 guinea reward for the successful capture of Arnold.  That would be well over a million dollars today.  

Jefferson also tasked General Muhlenberg with putting together a special task force of soldiers to kidnap Arnold.  Jefferson suggested that Muhlenberg raise a task force of backwoodsmen from the frontier to capture Arnold.  If they brought him back alive, they could share the 5000 guinea reward. 

Muhlenberg did collect a force for the task, but they never got close to a capture.  Arnold was well aware of the price on his head.  He kept a guard around himself at all times. He rarely ventured outside British lines, and then only when commanding a large force of soldiers.  He also carried with him two loaded pistols at all times, determining that if the Americans did take him, it would not be alive.

When the kidnap plans came to nothing, Jefferson tried to plan something else.  He met with a Virginia navy Captain named Beesly Edgar Joel.  

Captain Joel had a rather colorful history.  He had deserted from the British army and spent some time in Washington’s camp in New Jersey.  There, he had provided some bad intelligence to the Continentals.  Washington suspected he might be a British spy, but didn’t really have any proof of that.  Instead he ordered Joel to go away and stay clear of the army.  

Joel headed down to Virginia where he offered his services.  Joel suggested to Jefferson that they put together a fire ship.  They would fill the ship with explosives.  When Arnold headed out on a ship again, they would sail the ship down toward Arnold, set it on fire, and blow up both ships, hopefully killing Arnold.

Thomas Nelson
The plan’s execution began with having to find a ship that could be used.  Joel located a sunken ship that he could raise and make minimally seaworthy for the project.  It took a crew about a week to raise the ship and get it in condition enough for the job.  However, when they got the ship to a shipyard for repairs, the plan came to a halt.

Militia General Thomas Nelson, of the Virginia militia, told Joel that the Virginia Navy desperately wanted the ship he had raised for other purposes.  They could refit the ship and use it again for something other than blowing it up.  Nelson also wrote to Jefferson that it was almost certain that this plot would fail anyway since the British had already become aware of the plans.

Jefferson wrote to Joel, calling off the plan.  Instead, he gave Joel a commission on another ship with the purpose of capturing escaped slaves who were trying to make their way to the British. General Nelson would go on to replace Jefferson as governor in the next election.

Washington Focuses on Virginia

General Washington, of course, wanted to capture Arnold as well. But he had problems of his own.  Remember that while Arnold was raiding Richmond, Washington was busy putting down the mutinies of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Lines.  He had hoped to focus on attacking the British in New York, but still lacked the men and resources to do so.

About this same time, Washington saw the loss of his most valued aides.  Colonel John Laurens had been sent to France in hopes of securing men and money for a summer campaign.  Colonel Alexander Hamilton had been requesting a combat role for some time.  He was sick of being behind a desk as a glorified secretary.  Washington refused to let him go.

The incident that finally broke Washington and Hamilton was a minor one.  In mid-February, Washington asked Hamilton to come speak with him. Hamilton said he would be right there, but first had to go downstairs to deliver an urgent letter.  On the way back, Hamilton ran into Lafayette and got delayed in a conversation, which, according to Hamilton, only took less than a minute.

When he came back upstairs, Washington snapped at him and said “Col Hamilton, you have kept me waiting at the head of the stairs these ten minutes.  I must tell you Sir that you treat me with disrespect.”  Hamilton then snapped back that if Washington felt disrespected, they should part.

Washington and Hamilton
An hour later, Washington tried to smooth over the incident by sending another aide to speak with Hamilton.  But Hamilton was done and considered the relationship over.  It was a minor incident that should have meant nothing.  Under most circumstances both men would have forgotten it, but another historian compared it to a couple with lots of other issues finally getting divorced over a pile of dirty dishes.  The incident may have been minor, but it was a spark in a relationship that was already about to explode.

So, despite an army in mutiny, a Congress that was providing nothing, his own personal staff dissolving, and a southern army fleeing the Carolinas, Washington needed to focus on the British army under the hated traitor Benedict Arnold, who was invading his home state.

A few days following his break with Hamilton, Washington ordered General Lafayette to take command of a division of Continentals and move south to confront Arnold in Virginia.  His primary mission was to catch and hang Arnold.

When Lafayette arrived in Yorktown, he was the senior officer in command.  Although Steuben was 27 years older than Lafayette, his commission as major general was issued about a year after Lafyette’s.  So while Lafayette should have taken command, the younger officer wisely left Steuben in command to continue the fight with Jefferson over men and supplies.  Lafayette said he would wait until the arrival of his army, which was still in Maryland.

Lafayette’s March to Virginia

Washington gave Lafayette a command of about 1200 men, with orders to march to Virginia.  The march from Northern New Jersey was a difficult one.  Hoping to keep his mission a secret as long as possible, Lafayette ordered his men to prepare a short march.  After a week, they reached Trenton, still with no idea of their ultimate destination.

Map of Chesapeake, 1781
Washington’s orders to Lafayette told him to march to Head of Elk Maryland, where a French fleet would carry the army down the Chesapeake to Virginia.  When Lafayette reached Head of Elk, there were no ships and no word of any arriving.  Frustrated, the general appropriated some local boats to ferry his army slowly and in stages down to Annapolis.  Lafayette personally took thirty men in a small fishing boat to sail to Yorktown to find out what was going on with his transports.

While still aboard his boat, Lafayette wrote to Jefferson asking about the necessary supplies for his army.  Jefferson’s response was anything but reassuring.  He said he had made the requests but that Virginians weren’t really used to obeying laws that they didn’t like, so the army probably would not get what it needed.

Jefferson called the legislature into an emergency session to raise funds for the army trying to defend Virginia, and also to punish militia who either didn’t show up for duty or who deserted. The legislature rejected the proposals.  Instead, they just began investigations that led to the firing of Virginia’s war commissioner.  When Patrick Henry and others called for a special legion to be raised in defense of the state, the legislature wasted days arguing about the uniform designs and the use of a band to lead the legion.  Sure, the legislature wanted to expel the enemy from the state, but if that meant raising taxes, well that might be a bit too much.  Instead, the legislatures blamed other states for failing to come to their aid in their time of need.  After three weeks in session, the legislature accomplished almost nothing then left Richmond again and would not meet for another two months.

Things got worse in Virginia over the next few weeks.  Several communities on the western frontier protested efforts to draft them into the Continental Army and to pay taxes for the defense of the state. These communities argued that they should not be forced to pay for the defense of the rich tidewater regions of the state.  Similarly, residents of the eastern shore, also resisted efforts to draft them.  They would not leave their own homes when the British were threatening them.

Many of the protesters violently defended efforts to enforce the draft and tax laws.  Some even began drinking toasts to the king and damning Congress.  Some militia who did turn out for their mandated 90 days, stacked arms and went home on day 91, regardless of the continuing threat. Jefferson felt he had no choice but to allow this.  Otherwise, these regions might turn out as loyalist regiments in support of the king..

Lafayette continued to try to move his men south. After a transport ship left Baltimore, a British privateer forced it to turn back.  Even if he could get his army to Virginia, there was no food or supplies for his army there.  A frustrated Lafayette tried to remain patient as he spent week/s trying to get his army into Virginia.

Battle of Cape Henry

Even if they could get an army into Virginia, in order for any attack on Portsmouth to be successful, the Americans needed to control the waters around it.  Otherwise the British defenders could simply sail away.  Lafayette received word that a French fleet would arrive shortly with ships of the line and French soldiers from Newport to assist in the attack on Portsmouth.  In late march a fleet arrived on the horizon flying the flag of France.  The patriots celebrated and sent a Virginia naval officer on a small launch to greet their allies.  As the officer came aboard the ship, he discovered that it was a British fleet, flying the French flag as a ruse.  He became a prisoner of war.

Weeks earlier, Washington had traveled to Newport to convince General Rochambeau and Admiral Destouches to deploy French forces to Virginia as part of this operation.  The French were reluctant to do so since Britain had a larger fleet at New York, but after a storm wrecked part of the British fleet, the French agreed to deploy a fleet of seven ships of the line, one frigate and 1200 soldiers to sail down to Portsmouth.

The fleet left Newport on March 8 with Admiral Destouches in command.  The British in New York learned of the departure two days later.  British Commander Admiral Mariot Arbuthnot left New York with eight ships of the line to intercept the French fleet.  With faster ships, the British arrived in Portsmouth ahead of the French.

The two fleets spotted each other shortly after dawn on March 16, a little more than 40 miles off the coast of Cape Henry.  The two commanders ordered their fleets into lines of battle and engaged with the enemy.  The two fleets were pretty evenly matched, although the British had a slight advantage in the number of guns.

Battle of the Capes
For the next few hours the navies maneuvered and fired on each other from close range.  Both fleets took heavy damage.  Three British ships were almost out of commission due to the loss of their sails and rigging.  Two French ships were also nearly inoperable from damage.  The British suffered over 100 casualties while the French suffered nearly 200.

Eventually, Destouches ordered the French fleet to sail away to the east to regroup, while the British fleet sailed into the Chesapeake Bay.  The following morning, Destouches decided his fleet was too badly damaged to resume the fight.  Instead, he ordered the fleet to sail back to Newport for repairs.

The battle left the British fleet in control of the bay.  The American militia had to pull back to avoid the risk of being captured.  After learning of the retreat of the French Navy, carrying the needed reinforcements that Lafayette needed, the general gave up on his plans and began to move his army back north to rejoin Washington in New Jersey.

William Phillips Reinforcements

About two weeks after the British Navy defeated the French, another British fleet arrived, mostly transporting an army of 2200 soldiers under the command of General William Phillips.  The new British army, when combined with Arnold’s force, gave a total strength of over 3500 officers and men.  

William Phillips

Phillips was an experienced officer.  He had most recently served in the Saratoga Campaign where his then enemy, Benedict Arnold had defeated him and made him a prisoner of war.  Phillips then spent several years in Virginia as a prisoner, often dining at Monticello with Governor Thomas Jefferson.  

After having been exchanged for General Benjamin Lincoln, whom the British had captured at Charleston, General Phillips had returned to command. With his arrival in Portsmouth, Phillips now had his former enemy commander, Benedict Arnold, as a subordinate, and faced his former dining companion, Thomas Jefferson, as an enemy.

Philips’s army, combined with Arnold’s, was now larger than the army under Cornwallis in North Carolina.  The new commander was highly experienced and well respected.

As Lafayette prepared to return to New Jersey with his Continental Army, he received orders to turn around and go back to Virginia.  Cornwallis was expected to link up with Phillips in Virginia.  The new massive army was poised to overrun the state.

Initially, Lafayette had been upset that he had been deployed to Virginia, which he thought would be a sideshow, while the war under Washington really got going around New York.  Now, he was commanding a critical defense of the largest state in the Union against the largest British army that had been in the field for several years.

Virginia had gone from being a military distraction for both armies to the location of a major campaign of the war, perhaps one that would become decisive to the war itself.

Next week: General Phillips launches an attack on Petersburg, Virginia.

- - -

Next Episode 283 Petersburg 

Previous Episode 281 Ratifying the Articles of Confederation

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Further Reading

Websites

Lafayette’s movements in Virginia: https://losthistory.net/mcjoynt/laf_va.htm

“From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 18 February 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-02-02-1089

“From George Washington to Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de Lafayette, 20 February 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/99-01-02-0493

“From Thomas Jefferson to Lafayette, 10 March 1781,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-05-02-0143

Decker, Michael M. Baron Von Steuben and the military forces in Virginia during the British invasions of 1780-1781, Univ. Richmond Masters Thesis, 1979. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1437&context=masters-theses

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Arnold, Isaac Newton The Life of Benedict Arnold; His Patriotism and His Treason, Chicago: Jansen, McClurg & Co. 1880. 

Eckenrode, H.J. The Revolution in Virginia, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1916. 

Harrell, Isaac Samuel Loyalism in Virginia; chapters in the economic history of the Revolution, New York, AMS Press, 1965. 

Kapp Friedrich The Life of Frederick William Von Steuben, New York: Mason Bros. 1859. 

Lassiter, Francis Rives Arnold's invasion of Virginia, 1781, Longmans, Green & Co. 1901. 

Muhlenberg, Henry A. The Life of Major-General Peter Muhlenberg, of the Revolutionary Army, Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849. 

Ward, Harry M. Richmond during the Revolution, 1775-83, Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 1977 (borrow only).  

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Cecere, Michael The Invasion of Virginia, 1781, Westholme Publishing, 2017. 

Duncan, Mike Hero of Two Worlds, PublicAffairs, 2021. 

Ferling, John Winning Independence: The Decisive Years of the Revolutionary War, 1778-1781, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021. 

Kranish, Michael Flight from Monticello: Thomas Jefferson at War, Oxford Univ. Press, 2010. https://www.amazon.com/dp/0195374622?&linkCode=ll1&tag=amrevpodcast-20&linkId=3b9ad090545a7776dbdace5678f2f7fe&language=en_US&ref_=as_li_ss_tl

Palmer, John M. General von Steuben, Yale Univ. Press, 1937 (borrow on archive.org).

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.

Sunday, September 17, 2023

ARP281 Ratifying the Articles of Confederation

It’s been a while since we’ve discussed the Continental Congress specifically.  Many of the more memorable delegates had moved on to other duties.  Benjamin Franklin and John Adams were in France.  Thomas Jefferson was serving as Governor of Virginia.  Former President Henry Laurens had left for a diplomatic assignment in the Netherlands, but had been captured by the British.  His successor, John Jay left to become the delegate to Spain.  John Hancock had become the Governor of Massachusetts.

Articles of Confederation (from Const. Amer.)

Samuel Huntington had become the President of Congress in 1779, after Jay left for Spain.  Huntington was a lawyer from Connecticut.  He had served in the colonial legislatures and the Governor’s council before the war and had arrived in Congress in 1776, in time to sign the Declaration of Independence.

As President, Huntington spent his time corresponding with General Washington, who was constantly asking for more men and supplies.  He also corresponded with all of the state governors, asking them to supply more men and supplies, and usually being turned down.

Executive Departments

Congress had always struggled with running a government.  The government lacked any sort of civilian bureaucracy or an executive branch to execute the laws that it passed.  Delegates found it impossible to run the government while also trying to legislate.  

On January 10, 1781, Congress voted to create a department of Foreign Affairs.  A month later on February 7, it voted to create Departments of Finance, War, and Marine.  Congress would appoint secretaries to run each department, and would provide each secretary with a staff. The actual appointments would not take place until many months later.  In fact, Congress never got around to making an appointment from someone to run the Marine Committee, which was supposed to be in charge of the Navy.  But then, they didn’t have much of a navy anyway.

Robert Morris

Congress would appoint Robert Livingston as Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Robert Morris as Secretary of Finance, and General Benjamin Lincoln as Secretary of War.  Livingston had left Congress in 1780 to serve as the chancellor of New York, a job he kept while still serving as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.  Morris had left Congress in 1778. He had been serving in the Pennsylvania Assembly as head of the Republican faction.  

General Benjamin Lincoln had been captured at the Siege of Charleston in the spring of 1780.  He had been paroled and returned to Philadelphia, but could not serve again until exchanged.  In November, 1780, he was exchanged for Major General William Phillips, who had been captured at Saratoga three years earlier.  So by 1781, he was able to serve as secretary.  Lincoln, however, was also still an active-duty officer who sometimes left on military campaigns.

None of these new departments were the first attempts to run the country.  The Foreign Affairs Department drew from the Secret Committee, which had been established to correspond with foreign powers and with commissioners serving abroad.  The committee changed its name to the Committee for Foreign Affairs in 1777.  It also turned over most of its powers to the new Executive Department in 1781.

The Board of War under Horatio Gates had been an effort to organize some better civilian control over the Army.  But with Gates’ reputation in disrepute after Camden, Congress finally decided to shut down the Board of War in February, 1781.

Finances had always been a mess in Congress. Morris had taken primary responsibility for financial affairs, but after Congress questioned where he was mixing his work too much with his private business, Morris departed from Congress in 1778 and left the job to others.  Congress reorganized its financial committees three times over the next three years, before finally creating the Department of Finance, and calling back Morris to run it.

For all of the new departments, there were no fixed terms.  Although Congress had the power to remove a secretary, the delegates never did. Each of the secretaries served until they resigned.

Articles of Confederation

One of the big accomplishments in 1781 was the final ratification of the Articles of Confederation.  Congress had sent the Articles to the states for approval back in 1777.  Within a few months, a majority of states had ratified them.  But the Articles could not take effect until all thirteen states had ratified them.

Keep in mind that the Continental Congress really had no governing document until the Articles were ratified.  The delegates only really had any authority to do anything because the states allowed it. Congress could not force the states to do anything.  Any rules that Congress had in place to run itself were established by the delegates themselves and could be changed at any time.  They were literally making it up as they went along.

By the end of 1778, all of the states but two had ratified the articles.  Delaware waited until February of 1779 to ratify.  

That left Maryland as the final hold-out.  Officials in Maryland did not have any specific objection to the articles themselves.  They wanted a decision on western land claims before they would approve the Articles.

Virginia Land Claims

Maryland did not have any western claims of its own.  Its concern was primarily its neighbor, Virginia.  At the time, Virginia claimed what is today West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and parts of Minnesota and even Canada.  There were other states that held conflicting claims to some of this land, but Virginia’s claims, if recognized, would probably have given it a larger land mass than all the other states combined.

Maryland felt threatened by this massive empire to its south and west.  It wanted Congress to take control of most of these western lands and ensure that they would be broken up into other states.  Congress could use these lands to raise funds, and make good on the land grant promises to veterans.  It would also prevent the states from going to war with one another to enforce their land claims.

Virginia, understandably, resisted giving up all of its claims to western lands.  Congress passed several resolutions calling on all states to give up their claims to western lands and turn them over to Congress. Finally, in January, 1781, Virginia agreed to cede most of its western land to Congress.  Among its conditions for doing so is that the lands be held by Congress, not claimed by any other existing state, and that the land eventually be developed into new independent states that would join the union.  Virginia shrunk its borders to what is today Virginia, West Virginia, and Kentucky. 

With that issue finally resolved, Maryland became the thirteenth state to ratify the Articles in February, 1781, finally allowing them to take effect after three and a half years.

Congress celebrated the adoption of the Articles on March 1.  Even as they celebrated, many delegates were already commenting that the Articles were inadequate to running an effective government.  

Much of the articles were also rather vague. For example, it did not specify what constituted a quorum.  Initially, the delegates set this at nine states, but later dropped it to seven for ordinary business.

There was also a question about terms of service. The Articles imposed term limits.  A president could only serve for one year.  Delegates could only serve for three of every six years. But it was unclear if that was retroactive.  President Huntington had already been in office for more than a year, and many delegates had been in Congress for over three years.  Congress decided that the clock on term limits only started on March 1, and would not apply retroactively to prior service.

Articles, printed (from Northwestern)

The Articles also required that each state have two delegates. Some states only had one delegate present, meaning they could not vote until their states sent a second delegate.

Debate on these issues often got heated. In March, French Minister Luzern reported to officials Minister Vergennes back in France that two delegates attacked each other on the floor of the state house with canes.  Samuel Adams became a leading opponent of giving any new powers to Congress.

Other members, however, continued to argue for new powers.  A new freshmen delegate from Virginia, James Madison, first came to Congress in 1780 at the age of 29.  He began fighting for increased powers for Congress, including the ability to coerce states into doing things involuntarily, and the ability of Congress to collect tariffs without the states in order to help fund the war effort.

Bank of North America

Finances, of course, were the largest problem.  In January, Congress received word that large segments of the Continental Army were in mutiny, in part over Congress’ failure to keep its promises of pay to the soldiers.  Inflation had reached crazy proportions.  Some reports of it taking 500 Continental dollars to exchange for one dollar of hard money.

Bank of North America
Congress began to back away from its requirement that everyone accept Continental dollars for payments of debts.  Debtors would be able to pay off hundreds of dollars in debts by purchasing Continental dollars for pennies, then using those to pay off their debts.

Given the financial crisis, Congress prioritized getting Robert Morris into his new position as Secretary of Finance, finalizing his appointment in March.  By May, Morris took office and within days presented his plan for a national bank.

It’s important to remember that there were no banks in America up until this time.  All financial transactions were performed by private merchants.  

Even Morris’ proposed Bank of North America would not be for private depositors. Britain had the Bank of England, which had become critical to the government’s ability to borrow and maintain credit.  America needed something similar.

It would take nearly a year to get the bank off the ground and running. At least plans were beginning to form that would put some institutional controls over the nation’s finances.  Even the bank’s organization did not take the place of actually having money.  Congress was still pinning all its  hopes on loans or grants from Europe.  At some point, Congress was going to have to pay back that debt. Creating a bank showed potential creditors that Congress was building some infrastructure to handle that problem.

Congress would charter the bank in 1781 based on Morris’ proposal.  That bank would not open until 1782.  Of course, a bank at this time needed to have specie, gold or silver, in order to get people to trust its bank notes.  To fund the bank, Morris redirected a silver shipment from France to Congress.  Morris then used that sliver to issue loans to Congress to back additional currency. Private investors were also offered shares in the bank, provided they could buy them with gold or silver.  

The basic idea of the bank is that it would offer a stable form of currency.  Unlike Congress, which just printed more money whenever it needed it, the bank would use standards of the day to issue a limited amount of bank notes based on the amount of gold and silver that it had in reserve.  As long as the public retained confidence in the bank’s practices, the currency should retain its value.

The proposal was controversial from the beginning.  James Madison led the opposition to the bank in Congress, arguing that Congress did not have authority under the Articles of Confederation to create such a bank.  In the end, Congress approved the bank with only seven states voting in favor of it. Several, including Morris’ home state of Pennsylvania, were divided and could not cast a vote either way.

Through the remainder of the war Morris and the bank would do their best to stabilize the currency and finance the war.  But the overwhelming debt and lack of any income from taxes, made this job more damage control than effective policy-making.

Silas Deane Defeatist Letters

Congress’ lack of money and inability to implement a stable financial system was nothing new. Conditions had only worsened steadily since the war began.  Congress’ inability to repay debts had some pretty drastic consequences.  The last few months of 1780 had seen the defection of General Arnold, based primarily on Congress’ refusal to pay him for the campaigns he had funded out of his own pocket.  The new year opened with a large portion of the Continental Army mutinying because Congress could not live up to its agreements to provide pay bounties to soldiers, or even to provide basic food, clothing and shelter.

The entire government seemed to be on the verge of collapse.  Congress could not agree on any effective solution to prevent it, other than continue to deny the reality of things and hope for the best.

One man who seemed to have lost hope was Silas Deane.  As an original delegate from Connecticut, Deane had been a committed patriot and knew well how Congress operated.  Congress had sent him to France very early in the war, long before Franklin and Adams made the trip.  Deane had managed to pull off some amazing loans and assistance in France, thanks to officials who were amenable to supporting the effort.

In doing so, Deane had spent a great deal of his own money to support himself and what amounted to the American diplomatic mission in Europe.  However, thanks to lies from Arthur Lee, Congress turned against Deane.  It ended up refusing to repay Deane for his debts and even recalled him to America to answer questions about whether he had profited from his financial transactions in France.

When Deane returned to America in 1778 to settle the matter with Congress, he found that Congress was unwilling to do anything but stretch out the hearings and bury Deane in unsupported innuendo.  Deane’s understandable frustration only got him into more trouble for bad-mouthing Congress.  

Silas Deane

Eventually, Deane got approval to return to Europe, at his own expense, in order to get more accurate records of his financial transactions. But since these transactions were with the French government, and French leaders did not want to release the records, they kept Deane on ice as well, unwilling to give him the information that he needed.  Congress had promised to send an auditor to France to look into his finances, but never got around to sending anyone.

On the verge of bankruptcy, heavily in debt, and no longer even having the promise of pay from Congress, Deane was forced to leave Paris, and take up residence in Ghent, where living was cheaper.

During this time, Deane continued his correspondence with friendly members of Congress, French officials, as well as friends and family in America.  Understandably, many of these letters were critical of Congress and its treatment of him.  He was also critical of France, which by this time seemed unwilling to help him and had ended much of its financial aid to the Continentals since it was fighting its own war by this time.

In May, Deane wrote to his friend and former Pennsylvania Delegate to Congress, James Wilson.  Deane vented his frustration, and was particularly critical of France, who he believed would throw American independence under the bus if it suited its interests.  He wrote to others, including General Samuel Parsons, that Britain seemed more powerful and united than ever, and that the British Navy was dominating France and Spain.

Over the course of the summer, Deane wrote a stream of candid and pessimistic letters to those back home.  To delegate William Duer, Deane wrote:

I know and confess the difficult situation of Congress ; and I know also (what I am sure that they will not confess) that they have brought themselves into it by their cabals, their ignorance, and their mismanagement.

He goes on to suggest that perhaps Congress should give up on the idea of independence:

let them weigh fairly the probable chances for their succeeding to establish independent sovereignty, and if they find the probability against it, let them honestly confess it, and put an end to the calamities of our country by a peace on honourable terms.

Deane wrote numerous letters the themes of which were that Congress was incompetent and corrupt. It had bankrupted the economy and put the country on the verge of anarchy.  Britain was winning the war militarily, and would continue to drive America into the ground.  France was going to ditch America as soon as it decided it was in its own best interests.  France had always been, and remained, a monarchy that does not respect the liberties of its people.  Britain might have its faults, but at least it had a history of respecting certain individual rights, unlike the rest of Europe.  Perhaps it was time to consider peace negotiations with Britain that would give up on independence if America could get certain other assurances.

It’s certainly understandable why Deane felt as he did. Congress had screwed him over multiple times.  He saw the incompetence, willful injustice, and factionalization of Congress first-hand.  He was not only being shut out of most courts of Europe, but saw that other active American diplomats were as well. He was reading British newspapers that reported on the capture of Charleston, the British victory at Camden, and announcements that a British victory was close at hand.

Sadly for Deane these letters fell into British hands and were soon published in newspapers.  Dean’s view that the American cause was lost and that it should give up on the dream of independence became public at the worst time, shortly after the victory at Yorktown in the fall of 1781.

The result was that Deane was seen as a defeatist and someone who was spouting the Tory line.  Some even accused him of becoming a British spy.  While there is no evidence that Deane had changed sides, or even had communications with British officials, his own words showed that he had given up on the cause of a free and independent America.  The result was that Deane’s reputation plummeted even further, and would never recover.

Congress, despite its reputation among a growing number of critics, continued to do whatever it could to further the war effort.  

Next week: The war continues in Virginia as General Lafayette leads an army against Benedict Arnold.

- - -

Next Episode 282 Lafayette in Virginia 

Previous Episode 280 Guilford Courthouse

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Further Reading

Websites

Articles of Confederation: https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/time/ar/91719.htm

Ratification of the Articles of Confederation: https://archive.csac.history.wisc.edu/706.htm

Young, Rowland L. “The Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union.” American Bar Association Journal, vol. 63, no. 11, 1977, pp. 1572–75. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20745080.

Bank of North America: https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/bank-of-north-america

James, F. Cyril. “The Bank of North America and the Financial History of Philadelphia.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 64, no. 1, 1940, pp. 56–87. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20087258

Rappaport, George David. “The First Description of the Bank of North America.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 33, no. 4, 1976, pp. 661–67. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1921720

Nuxoll, Elizabeth M. “The Bank of North America and Robert Morris’s Management of the Nation’s First Fiscal Crisis.” Business and Economic History, vol. 13, 1984, pp. 159–70. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23702711

Silas Deane’s intercepted letters: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=evans;idno=N13851.0001.001

Free eBooks
(from archive.org unless noted)

Journals of the Continental Congress, Vol. 19, Jan. 1 - April 23, 1781. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1912. 

Clark, George L. Silas Deane, New York: G. P. Putnam's sons, 1913. 

Deane, Silas The Deane Papers, Vol. 4 (1779-1781) New York Historical Society, 1887. 

Books Worth Buying
(links to Amazon.com unless otherwise noted)*

Burnett, Edmund Cody, The Continental Congress, Macmillan Co. 1941 

Feinberg, Barbara Silberdick The Articles of Confederation, Twenty-First Century Books, 2002. 

(borrow on archive.org)

Jensen, Merrill The Articles of Confederation: An Interpretation of the Social-Constitutional History of the American Revolution, 1774-1781, Univ. of Wisconsin, 1948. 

Montross, Lynn The Reluctant Rebels, Harper & Brothers, 1950 (borrow on Archive.org).

Rappleye, Charles Robert Morris: Financier of the American Revolution, Simon & Schuster, 2010. 

* As an Amazon Associate I earn from qualifying purchases.